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12/21/2011: "Those Who Seek Bloodshed Must Leave Nagaland: GPRN/NSCN (Khehoi) MIP, GPRN/NSCN"

Those Who Seek Bloodshed Must Leave Nagaland: GPRN/NSCN (Khehoi) MIP, GPRN/NSCN

Fighting among the Naga brothers began after the infamous Shillong Accord of 1975. Thus began the exhibition of immaturity and senselessness that cost precious innocent lives including many prominent Naga men and women.
For over twenty years the effort to create conducive atmosphere among the Nagas was met with many obstacles. It is important for all political groups to realise that fighting among the Nagas will not enrich Naga freedom struggle.
Due appreciation must be conveyed to Forum for Naga Reconciliation led by Rev. Dr. Wati Aier for organising the Reconciliation meet in Chiangmai where Isak Chishi Swu, Singnya and S.S Khaplang signed the Covenant in 2008, declaring cessation of hostilities among the Nagas. GPRN/NSCN committed itself to the Covenant but in the years following it, despite the great effort to reason with him, S.S Khaplang began to direct home authorities with contradictory orders on the question of Naga Reconciliation. He avoided the Highest Level Meeting on 18th Sept. 2010 but home authorities endorsed Gen. Secretary N. Kitovi Zhimomi to save the embarrassment for the GPRN/NSCN since S.S Khaplang was the Signatory.
Today after the exit of S.S Khaplang from GPRN/NSCN, Chairman Gen. (Retd) Khole Konyak and General Secretary N Kitovi Zhimomi have made their intention clear to the Naga people; that Reconciliation and Unity among the Nagas is pre-requisite to any political settlement with the GOI. Towards this end the Highest Level Meeting among Naga political parties have been convened in Sept. 2010 and August 2011 and GPRN/NSCN is a party to it. Do S.S Khaplang and his boys have moral authority to talk about Naga Reconciliation Process when they have repeatedly issued press statements discarding Naga Reconciliation process? As for Wangtin and Mulatonu, they do not understand the pros and cons about struggle for independence. Freedom movement began before they were born. Their immaturity should not cause further trouble in Nagaland.
Chairman Gen. (Retd) Khole Konyak has a military background but all through his exemplary service to the Naga Nation, he has been more of a peace broker, a mediator between the warring Naga brothers. Many top leaders of other political groups admit to this fact. The impeachment and expulsion of S.S Khaplang from GPRN/NSCN was in the interest of the Naga Nation because no one is above the nation. It is a fact that S.S Khaplang is alive today because Gen. Khole saved him when former Kilonser Hanong was about to kill him.
There are certain former NGO leaders, particularly in Konyak Region, who are actively propagating against Chairman Gen. Khole Konyak and GPRN/NSCN with preposterous claims. Character assassination of such a respected Naga leader is an affront to Naga nation. Konyak Nagas perfectly understands who Chairman Gen. (Retd) Khole is. The slight confusion in Konyak Region is entirely the work of certain elements such as Mr. Powang Konyak and Mr. Khoiwang Konyak who, in connivance with S.S Khaplang called Khango Konyak at Mon town in the month of May 2011 and organised a feast declaring Khango Konyak as Khaplang’s Vice President. They are also responsible for the attack on C-in-C’s Camp in the month of June 2011. The image of KU and ENPO has been tarnished and devalued by anti-Naga policies of these men. On the question of statehood for ENPO people, Chairman Gen. (Retd) Khole told Powang and co. that he did not object but simply pointed out that at the present juncture, Naga Unity was the most important issue facing all Nagas. What interpretation is Powang giving to the innocent Konyak people?
Public leaders must not indulge in destabilizing the nation. Those propagating lies to the Konyaks shall be answerable to the people. Those people who are not for peace will not find peace in Nagaland or anywhere. This statement is issued in response to the Wentyu Village Meeting in Konyak Region which was carried in the local dailies.

PRESS STATEMENT Naga
Dated Tahamzam, 18th December, 2011 United Naga Council

The United Naga Council(UNC) is issuing this public statement in response to the reported recommendation of the communal Government of Manipur (GoM) to the Government of India(GoI) for banning of the UNC.

Through use of brute dominant force and legitimately established sanctions engineered by the communal GoM over the years, it has become impossible for the Nagas to protect our right to life, land, identity, time honoured institutions, customary practices and values and to live with dignity and honour as a people.

The issue is about the sharp social divide on communal lines created by years and years of suppression, oppression and exploitation by the communal GoM. The only option is the peaceful parting of ways and good neighbourliness.

This democratic and legitimate peoples’ movement is being sought to be banned by the communal GoM. We reproduce below a few instances of blatant abuse of power, nexus with extremist groups, criminal conducts, communalism and utter failure in governance of the GoM and bring it to the public domain as to why the GoM should not be banned instead -

01. The Naga aspiration for Integration under one political roof is not anti-national or unconstitutional or illegal as was pronounced in 1972 during the merger of the AICC and the United Naga Integration Council. Yet the GoM has vehemently objected to it with fanatical fervor.
02. The criminals spearheaded by the AMUCO, who burnt the Indian National Flag, Constitution of India, the State Assembly Hall(the temple of Democracy), the official quarters of Naga MLAs and attempted to vandalise the Raj Bhavan in protest against the extension of the Indo-Naga ceasefire beyond territorial limit in 2001 have all been all set free by the GoM by setting up the C. Upendra Commission and legalizing the crime.
03. The GoM opposed the entry of the Naga leader Th. Muivah to his Native place on law and order grounds and created law and order situation at Mao Gate that resulted in the killing of 2 students and wounding of more than hundred peaceful protestors on the 6th May, 2010. The extremely excessive force used by the State forces was approved instead of initiating punitive measures.
04. After O. Ibobi welcomed the plebiscite proposal by the banned UNLF on Sovereignty of Manipur, massive sensitization campaign on the plebiscite was carried in the 4 Imphal valley district with the support of the GoM and under the aegis of the UCM and the Meira Paibis. The Manipur Legislative Assembly deliberated on the 16th March 2011 on how the proposal of a banned organisation can be welcomed by a Chief Minister elected under the Indian constitution.
05. The GoM has been deafeningly silent when valley based civil organisations incited the public to bloodshed and violence should the Manipur Land Reform and Land Revenue Act, 1960 and Manipur State Land Use Board, 1991 be not extended to the hill/tribal areas.
06. The President of Manipur Working Journalists Union, Mr. Mobi Singh was arrested for being a collaborator of the KCP but the said Union was not banned.
07. The United Committee Manipur(UCM) President Mr. Sapamcha Dilip was implicated with one valley underground group but the GoM has done nothing to ban the UCM.
08. Mr. Mangi Singh, Vice President of Manipur Peoples’ Party(MPP) was arrested under NSA for his connection with valley extremists, but GoM has not initiated any action to ban the MPP.
09. MEELAL, a strident communal organisation burned down the state library at Imphal demanding imposition of Meiteilon(Manipuri) language on the tribal students but was left scot free without being banned.
10. Illegal arms were seized from the official quarter at Babupara of sitting MLA, Mr. Bijoy Koijam but he was not arrested.
11. The case of Th. Shyam Kumar, MLA of the Manipur Peoples’ Party, the then Deputy Speaker, Manipur Legislative Assembly who was arrested and detained in Tihar Jail, Delhi for close association with the valley based extremist group reflects the degree of nexus between the Meitei politicians and the valley extremist groups. MPP was not banned.
12. Mr. Amu Meitei, who was an active member of a valley extremist group and masquerading as the PA to Y. Irabot, Minister Industries of GoM was arrested from the Minister’s residence. No legal action was taken against the Minister concern.
13. The case of donation of Rupees one crore fifty lakhs by O. Ibobi to the PLA, a valley based extremists Group, when Gen. JJ. Singh was the Chief of Army Staff is still fresh in the memory of the public and no action has been initiated in this regard.
14. The details of Ibobi’s close nexus with the valley extremist groups and his wild abuse of power had been furnished to the AICC High Command in detail by Gaikhangam, President MPCCI and Surchandra, MLA, Spokesperson of the then dissident group of the Manipur Congress Party when they were camping in Delhi. However Ibobi continues in office with the blessing of his party High Command.
15. Strong opposition of the GoM to the visit of Mr. Neiphiu Rio, a democratically elected Chief Minister for the launching of Manipur unit of the Naga Peoples’ Front and creating a war like situation which was resolved only by the intervention of the Ministry of Home Affairs, GoI, speaks volume of the communal politics of the GoM.
16. Ibobi’s communal government has the distinction of having K. Ranjit Singh, Minister, Works who shot the Advocate General of the State; and N. Biren Singh, Minister, FCS and Spokesperson of the SPF, GoM whose son used his licence gun and shot dead an innocent student.
17. While Ibobi is unable to check the extortion of 29% at Imphal from all development work funds of the hills under his very nose, he wants to suppress the democratic movement of the Naga people in pursuit of their rights.
It is therefore being posed before the world why Ibobi’s communal Government, which has earned notoriety for misgovernance, communalism and abuse of power is being allowed to use the State as his own private fiefdom. The Government of India has the fundamental responsibility of ensuring that the constitution of India prevails throughout the country and intervene with imposition of Presidential Rule in the totally failed state of Manipur.

The GoM is now mobilising a section of the legal fraternity to obtain court strictures against the Naga frontal organisations to suppress the people’s movement to secure the due rights of citizens under a democratic polity. We shall however confront all the wild and communal attempts in the most befitting manner. We call upon all Nagas to be on guard and to be vigilant against any repressive measure of the GoM till our aspirations are secured.

Publicity Wing United Naga Council

Overseas Naga Association: Some Pertinent Reflections
Written by: Susan Waten, HAWA, Dimapur. (susanwaten@gmail.com)
The first ever Overseas Naga Association (ONA) conference was held at Orchid Hotel, Kohima, from 6th to 8th December, coinciding with the Hornbill Festival. The small and scattered diaspora that we have all over the world, some 35 to 40 of them came specifically to attend this conference. The Government of Nagaland did provide an aid of rupees one lakh to tide over some of their expenses, though it was strongly felt that the interaction between Nagas living abroad and in the homeland should in fact be institutionalized and concretized from henceforth.
I was fortunate to have attended some of the key sessions and to have been plunged into a sea of meaningful dialogue with people holding diverse perspectives on life. As a friend of ONA, I too genuinely sought to find a connecting link between Nagas abroad and those living in Nagaland. No, it was not simply “intellectual talk” per say, but rather it was crucial interaction that addressed the very core of every Naga caught in the push-n-pull of tradition and modernity. On the one hand, we had Himato Zhimomi, (Indian Foreign Service, the present Commissioner & Secretary, Art & Culture, and Tourism, Nagaland Government) who spoke of progressive socio-political and economic change. And on the other hand, we had Easterine Kire (Writer & Publisher based in Norway) who resisted any “money talk” and spoke of going into the villages in order to put back value into our traditional art practices.
Machutmi Shishak (Economic Officer, US Embassy in Burma, First Secretary (Economic), US Department of State) put forth an “open ended question” as to how Nagas may come back with a wealth of experience and expertise from overseas and invest it back home. He spoke of productive investment, whether of a social or financial nature, to be poured back home. He took the example of his father, Tuisem Shishak, who lived 15 years abroad and established Patkai Christian College in Dimapur. He said, “Regardless of who you are, where you come from, you have a role to play. We have to see ourselves as people God has a purpose for.”
Himato Zhimomi brought to our notice the economic boom in China, where the Chinese living abroad invested heavily in their home country. He thus asked, “Can we be part of the investment that we require here in Nagaland? Is it possible to get some of the investment back in our society?” Sure enough, turning his back on a very senior position in Paris, he came to Nagaland to serve his people and initiate them towards betterment and positive change. Two retired medical practitioners living in the UK, Dr. Tssikhen Kithan and Dr. Longsho Lotha expressed the desire to spend half the year in Nagaland in order to promote health care through mobile medical road shows. They felt the need to educate our people on relevant health issues and to propagate a healthier mind-set and life-style of the people.
My good friend from school, Marina Murray Schilling, a traditional craft entrepreneur from Australia (handcraftedwithheart@gmal.com), showed keen interest in reviving the slowly vanishing traditional arts and handicrafts. Agreeing with Himato Zhimomi that we need global entrepreneurs to market our products, she added, “Our businesses should not be for profit only, or at the expense of innocent villagers. We should do everything with integrity.”
A concern shared by Temsuyanger, the London based artist centered on “tourism” in Nagaland. Looking ahead 20 years from now, he feared a “tsunami effect” that unbridled tourism may have, especially with regard to rural areas. He maintained, “Does Nagaland have any tourist-friendly infra-structure? No! But why do tourists still come here? It’s to see our culture, the way we live in our villages. Our tradition and culture is unique. Yet if we push tourism too rampantly into our villages, we will soon see the effects of social evils that will land us in dirty waters.” Thus speaking about “responsible tourism,” he said that we must not forget our past and where we come from; we need awareness and open intelligent dialogue as Nagas are leaping in terms of time.
Prior to the historic gathering of the ONA members for the conference, most of them were clueless as to where they actually stood in regard to Nagaland. This conference gave them an emotive direction toward concretizing the relationship between Nagas abroad and at home, and the specific areas that they felt competent to invest in. A need was also felt that they should engage with people in a more concrete manner through the government machinery. Credit goes to Dr. Visier Sanyu (ONA President & Refugee Coordinator, Act for Peace, Melbourne, Australia), Dr. Paul Pimomo (ONA General Secretary & Professor of English, Central Washington University, USA) and other significant ONA members who worked relentlessly to make this conference a reality, and a very enriching one at that.
My People: Tradition and resilience among the Naga Cultural Survival Tuisem Ngakang

My people, the Nagas, have a continuing high regard for the past, and throughout our life we are taught by example and observation that it is through the knowledge gained over time that our people have managed to survive.
We Naga are taught that all things stem from and continue to be tied to the past, and that it must continue to be respected and preserved. In our land, it is necessary to hand down from generation to generation the knowledge and the skills to ensure survival.
The customs, beliefs, values, and opinions of Naga society were handed down from their ancestors to posterity by word of mouth or by practice since the earliest times, until the advent of British colonization in northeast India and its stress on literacy and the written word 150 years ago changed the trend. Before this so-called “civilizing” contact, we Nagas had lived our lives and had maintained our traditions in our own way. We made things and had acquired property; believed, loved, hated, fought, wandered, and wondered; and we learned many things by our own experimental existence. Our dreams, fears, and hopes had existed since the most primitive days when our lives began.
From birth, children are taught through stories and legends about survival, endurance, and respect for nature and all mankind. Toys and playthings are fashioned for them, including tools and traditional dress, so that they may learn early about the roles they will assume. Girls are provided with packing parkas and carry their dolls on their back as they will carry their children in the future. They also are taught the traditional styles and methods for sewing and designing clothing. Boys are dealt with from an early age as budding warriors, and are introduced to traditional games, group play, and exercises to learn alertness, improvisation, and endurance.
Children in my culture quickly come to understand that time-honored skills and attitudes can never be relegated solely to the past, that they ensure a way of life and survival in the present and for the future. Children spend a great amount of time listening to the elders as they recount tales of their past, and sing individual songs called haolaa. These songs usually speak of events that occurred in the past and detail their reaction to them. Their ties to the past have essentially been passed down verbally through legends, anecdotes, and songs.
I am part of something that time has not erased. As a Naga, I have learned first-hand that the knowledge handed down by my people on survival in our land is not to be disregarded, and failure to practice and uphold this wisdom can only result in tragedy or disharmony for an individual or a group.
We Naga have a strong sense of self: of who we are, and why we are as we are. Through our legends we speak of our close ties with the spiritual world, and of our reverence for and understanding of wildlife. Stories handed down through time depict our interrelationship with the animal world, and tell of animals and humans exchanging roles, acquiring supernatural powers, and teaching and providing for one another. Our artwork also reflects these relationships, as do rituals that show respect for and acceptance of this oneness and harmony, which is displayed in our carvings and shawls.
All these, and more, are an eloquent testament to the way of life of a people. They represent the spirit, attitude, wisdom, and life-style which the Nagas have lived, have believed, and have passed on from generation to generation for many centuries. They are the product of our experience rooted at a particular time in the life of the society. This built-up wealth of Naga oral tradition has lived, is living, and will live in the folklore of the people. It is enshrined in the memories and hearts of the people. These tradition-bearers have kept alive the totality of our society, the unique system of our beliefs, the pristine virtues of our humanity, and the rich cultural heritage found in the folk tales, myths, legends, proverbs, superstitions, songs, and recitations of our ancestors, which have come down from the remote past of our history.
When the Westerners came to our land, they did not understand many of our Naga values and practices; their civilizations were different from our own. The tendency was to laugh at those things that looked surprising from the standpoint of those who made themselves judges. These were labeled “primitive” and “uncivilized,” because they did not conform to “civilized” standards.
Early missionaries, who considered our folklore primitive, without depth or sophistication, missed the point completely. Although there may be some common-sense beliefs and superstitions in the Indigenous communities, it must be noted that these have existed side by side with some humanity’s most profound philosophies, as well as some of its deepest truths.
Our elders tell us that we are the earliest inhabitants of this land. We are also aware of the tales and stories associated with the earliest contact with non-Nagas, in the form of wanderers, traders, missionaries, geographers, administrators. Our older people speak of their parents meeting the earliest visitors and sharing our food and shelter with them. There are many sites in our territory that tell of the heroic deeds of our forefathers and speak about our past, but these have limited historical interest to the Nagas, as they have simply accepted the sites’ existence as part of their lives. But our attitude should change, as outsiders are intruding. A new awareness of these sites should be seen as the key to preserving the past. As the population grows, our people should become increasingly concerned about the threat to the environment.
Archaeologists recently did some work on our land. It is good that we are digging out our past, but it is also necessary for the Nagas to share in that understanding and knowledge of the past. We will need to spend more time and attention to the strong concerns we have regarding removing artifacts to distant museums, where we question whether we shall ever get an opportunity to view them again and use them to educate our own children.
To know that we belong to us, we need to actively do our part to preserve our environment, wildlife, and historical sites while they are still relatively intact. We should learn how valuable they are and care for them for ourselves and our children. Spending our time in taking care of these invaluable resources is one way to look at our own way of life.
Standing here in my own land, with friendly birds and lovely animals, I am aware that their ancestors probably watched mine in the same manner in this same place hundreds of years ago. Here on this land, nothing has changed through time. I—Naga—and the land and the animals are still here. This is my past, and this has become a special place. Even though I am young, I, too, am the past as much as I am the future!
Tuisem Ngakang is a researcher who is currently working on recording the music of Tangkhul Nagas while waiting to defend his PhD thesis. He is particularly interested in music, dance, and conflict resolution among the Naga.
Ceasefires are not enough
The head of the Euro-Burma Office, Mr Harn Yawnghwe, on his role in last month’s negotiations on the Thai-Myanmar border, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s role in peacebuilding and the need to achieve a ‘political solution’ with ethnic groups
By Shwe Yinn Mar Oo
Volume 31, No. 605
December 12 - 18, 2011

Harn Yawnghwe (centre) and Minister for Railways U Aung Min (right) at ceasefire negotiations conducted on November 19-20.
Pic: Supplied
What role have you played in the peace negotiations that have taken place to date?
I was asked by Railways Minister U Aung Min to help set up meetings for him with the Shan State Army-South, Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front and Kachin Independence Organisation on the Thai-Myanmar border. I did and I participated in all the meetings on November 19 as a facilitator. That was the extent of my involvement. I am not involved in any of the subsequent meetings or negotiations taking place between the government and the KIO or the SSA-S.
We’ve heard that subsequent negotiations have started between the government and KIO in Shweli. What can we expect from the negotiations, which are led by high-ranking Union Solidarity and Development Party members?
I was not involved in the meeting between the KIO and the government in Shweli. But such a meeting should have taken place long ago. It is not right that the conflict should have been allowed to escalate to the extent it has, causing the population to suffer. Government troops are trying to secure a road in an area that both sides acknowledge is KIO territory.
What advantages are there to conducting the talks on Chinese territory?
If the talks take place in government-held territory, the KIO could technically be at a disadvantage. The same is true for the government if they take place in KIO territory. Taking place in China – a neutral venue – gives both sides the same advantage. It is a matter of building trust and confidence in the preliminary stages of negotiations.
If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi becomes a member of parliament or even a member of the government, what effect will this have on the peace process?
It will depend on how the government wants to handle the peace process. If, as some people suspect, it only wants ceasefires, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s presence in the parliament or government will make no difference. But if the government really wants permanent peace her presence could speed up the process.
She has already said that she is ready to assist in whatever role she can. How do you think she can help?
One of the reasons the government’s peace offer is not being welcomed by the various ethnic groups is the fact that they do not believe the government really wants to resolve the problem through political dialogue. For example, the KIO agreed to a ceasefire in 1994 because the military government said that they can have a political dialogue when there is a new elected government. Therefore, the KIO participated in the National Convention and supported the holding of elections in 2010. As a member of parliament or the government, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi might be able to question why this is happening. If she can ensure that the government handles the peace process properly, confidence in the process can be restored. The negotiations can then move ahead.
Are you optimistic that she can help build trust between the government and ethnic groups?
The ethnic nationalities trust her because she is the daughter of General Aung San. He related to the ethnic leaders as equals. He listened to what they wanted and sincerely tried to find a political solution that everybody could be happy with. The concept of the nation they agreed to was a Union of Burma where the Bamar, Shan, Kachin, Chin and other ethnic nationalities would, as co-founders, equally share the burden of nation-building. Unfortunately, General Aung San’s successors did not share his vision. The Bamar instead replaced the British and took on the role of big brother, diminishing the role of the ethnic nationalities. It later became worse with the military believing that they were the only ones who should be responsible for the welfare of the nation. She definitely can help rebuild trust but to have a permanent peace in the country, we need nationwide discussions on what we want the Union of Myanmar to look like in the future. Today, the ethnic states do not want to separate from the union. But if there is no justice and no way to resolve disagreements in peacefully through political discussions, then the conflicts will continue.
Critics say the government has made progress in political reform but little improvement in the way it deals with ethnic armed organisations. What’s your opinion?
The ethnic armed organisations exist because there was no way for ethnic nationalities to peacefully express their disagreement. Asking the armed groups to just stop fighting and engage in making money will not solve the problem. They are not fighting because they want to make money. They feel that the role of the ethnic nationalities in the history of Myanmar has not been recognised.
‘Dimasa’s rich culture needed to be preserved’ Nagaland post





A two-day biennial general meeting of Dimasa Lairidim Mel (DLM) 2011 was held on December 19-20 under the chairmanship of its president, Najendra Nunisa.

The function was graced by Alemtemshi Jamir, IAS, additional chief secretary and development commissioner Nagaland and Kalijoy Sengyung, education EM, Dima Hasao district, Assam, as the chief guest and the guest of honour respectively. Speaking at the function, the chief guest stated that Dimasas have rich history and culture which needed to be preserved and promoted. He also informed the members that there were over 300 linguistic groups in N.E India, the highest in Asia, and one of the reason why there were so many communal problems. He also stressed the need for human resource development in education, health care and livelihood, and further informed that the number of Chinese people learning English language was 5 times more than the population of England. To this he said it was important that DLM have link with English launguage.

Speaking as the guest of honour, Kalijoy Sengyung stressed on the need to preserve and promote Dimasa literature.
He was optimistic that Dimasa language would certainly develop one day, and requested all the DLM district committees to strengthen DLM central executive committee in achieving its target.

The chief guest also donated `1, 00, 000 towards the fund of the organizers, `10, 000 each to the two cultural troops and `5, 000 to the reception party.

Other dignitaries who spoke at the occasion were president, Karbi Sahitya Sabha, Karbi Anglong. Dr. Motilal Nunisa ex- president DLM and director health and family welfare, government of Assam, S.K Khemprai, president, Kachari Tribal Council Nagaland.

Earlier on his presidential address, Najendra Nunisa highlighted the future plan of DLM for the development of Dimasa language and culture. The general secretary DLM central executive committee presented the report and also read out the resolution adopted at the meeting.

India’s North East Region in 2011 – Declining Violence & Distant Peace Assam Times
2012 is far near. Former Deputy Director in the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray writes his analytic piece about North East India in the period of 2011.

By- Bibhu Prasad Routray | Date- December 21, 2011
2011 was the year of consolidation of the absence of violence-phenomenon that has dawned in India’s Northeast for the past few years. Most parts of this rebellious region have reported declining trends in armed violence. Many of the mature insurgency movements, which appeared to be intractable for a long time, have run out of steam. Cooperation from neighbouring Bangladesh has managed to achieve what the decades-long military, development and political initiatives by the Indian government could not. And yet, the goal of establishing durable peace in the region, looks some distance away. This year end assessment is an attempt to survey the ongoing peace processes in the region in terms of their proximity to final solutions.
The Success that was
On the basis of the available figures on militancy/insurgency related incidents and fatalities, Northeast looks a much different region from what it was in 2008 and 2009. The significant improvements registered in 2010 have been further consolidated. Violent incidents have declined, so are the fatalities among the civilians. Fatalities among the security forces increased, mostly due few of the major ambushes such as the 14 March 2011 ambush in Assam’s Kokrajhar district that killed eight Border Security Force (BSF) personnel, the 15 April ambush by the Naga rebels in Manipur that killed six police personnel and the 31 October ambush by the Garo rebels in Meghalaya that killed four policemen.
Security Situation in the Northeast
Year No of Incidents No. of Security Forces Killed No. of Civilians Killed
2008 1561 46 466
2009 1297 42 264
2010 773 20 94
2011 (upto 31 October) 512 32 61
Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India
However, if declining fatalities tell a story of promise, the existing abilities among the insurgents foretell a narrative of continuing challenges. Moreover, it is also problematic to consider peace processes as an end in themselves. Without a final agreement, peace processes resemble only stop gap arrangements. And a cursory look at the continuing peace processes in the Northeast are indicative of the failure in this regard.
The Success that wasn’t
Peace process with ULFA: The MHA’s Annual Report 2010-11 speaks of Suspension of Operations (SoO) Agreements with a number of outfits in the Northeast. The year 2011 added one more outfit to the list. The pro-talk faction of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA)- consisting of top leaders of the outfit who were arrested in Dhaka and subsequently handed over to India and some of the ULFA commanders who had come overground previously- submitted its charter of demands to New Delhi in August. The first round talks took place in October, marking the beginning of what is suspected to be an extended process to solve the insurgency.
In spite of the hullabaloo the development generated, there are serious doubts about the efficacy of the process. To begin with, it is a process of negotiation with a group of mostly arrested ULFA cadres, for whom engagement in peace process is the only way of staying out of the prison. Secondly, the government has very little to offer to the ULFA’s pro-talk faction in terms of independence or autonomy to Assam. Unless the pro-talk ULFA faction gives up the sovereignty demand and settles for some watered down provisions for the protection of cultural and economic rights of the indigenous people of Assam, the negotiation process would be an exercise in futility.
Peace processes do provide the insurgents an opportunity to remain in the limelight and garner several benefits. For the Government, negotiations are tactics of engaging and wearing out the insurgents. However, at the same time, without proper implementation of the ground rules, over-grounding of the insurgents can have serious security implications. Nagaland has been an example of this trend, where overground insurgents continue to run parallel government. Similarly, the revelations made by the Police during the 19-20 December 2011 Conference of the Directors General (DGP) and Inspectors General of Police (IGP) in Guwahati also foretell a similar problem for Assam, in terms of accentuating the Maoist extremist threat to the Northeast.
Where as the region has been on the radar of the Communist Party of India (CPI-Maoist) for quite sometime and the outfit is known to have established linkages with outfits of Manipur, the ULFA in recent times has emerged as a potential collaborator for the Maoists. Assam Police now claims that some of the overground ULFA cadres are now doubling up as Maoist cadres in the state. Police departments in the region have little exposure to the Maoist activities. This loophole, unless plugged, can provide ample opportunity for the Maoists to fill the vacuum created by the neutralisation of the outfits.
The other challenge to the recent peace in Assam comes from ULFA’s military commander Paresh Baruah, who remains opposed to the peace process. With the beginning of the peace process between the Government and the ULFA’s pro-talk faction, Baruah stands isolated. However, to dismiss him as redundant would be a mistake. History has taught us that an outfit with handful cadres and arms can create havoc in the region. Baruah has both. In addition, he has the experience of building an armed movement from the scratch and more importantly, the good wishes of those who aren’t particularly thrilled with the peace process in Assam.
Naga Peace Process: Progress appears to have been achieved in the Naga peace talks. First indication of the convergence of views between New Delhi and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) was provided in July 2011 when both parties made a joint announcement stating that they have narrowed down differences and are trying to come to a settlement in the shortest possible time. Six months later, on 18 December the NSCN-IM General Secretary said, “We have almost come to a meeting point.” However, fact remains that the solution of the Naga issue on NSCN-IM’s terms can be a harbinger of serious problems in neighbouring states especially in Manipur and New Delhi avoid risking such a scenario.
Media reports in recent times have harped on New Delhi creating a Supra State offering maximum autonomy to Nagaland under provisions of the Indian Constitution. The actual points of agreement remain pure guess work for the moment. On 14 December the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) replied in negative in response to a question in the upper house of the Indian Parliament, “Whether Government has any proposal in any form that would enable people to enjoy certain special powers relating to the traditional and social customs of the Nagas in the State of Northeast Region in the context of the solution of NSCN-IM demands?.” Similarly, on 3 December Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh had declared in Imphal “the Central government is committed to the territorial integrity of Manipur”. The NSCN-IM criticised the statement as unfortunate and a u-turn to the commitment of seeking the Indo-Naga solution outside the box. Understandably, the Naga rebel leadership isn’t in a position to accept an arrangement that does not recognise the right of the Naga people to live under a single administrative unit.
By all means, the Naga conflict is not any closer to solution.
Peace in Manipur: A lot of hope had been pinned on long-term peace in Manipur following the 2010 arrest of R K Meghen, Chief of the United National Liberation Front (UNLF). Meghen’s arrest was a setback to armed militancy in Manipur. However, on the other level, the expectations that Meghen can be made agreeable to start a process of dialogue with the government have not fructified. Meghen, who equates peace processes with surrender, hasn’t shown any signs of following the example set by ULFA Chairman Mr. Rajkhowa and company. His obstinacy, in the long run, may prove to be an encouragement not just for the surviving UNLF leaders and cadres, but also to the rest of the extremists whose belief in the revolution is not yet shaken. Violence has drastically declined in Manipur. However, as the 30 November explosion in Imphal demonstrated, outfits do retain nuisance capacities.
Prognosis
The future of peace in the Northeast would remain linked to New Delhi’s intelligent use of the tools of negotiation as well as force in 2012. The overall reduction in insurgent violence provides it the opportunity to take some bold and generous initiatives. The key question is whether a pro-active approach would replace the policy of procrastination?
About the Author: Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray, a former Deputy Director in the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS), Government of India is currently a Visiting Research Fellow with the South Asia programme of the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. He can be contacted at bibhuroutray@gmail.com and on Twitter @BibhuRoutray.
Apply same yardstick for backward tribes: ZSUN morungexpress
Kohima, (MexN): The Zeliang Students’ Union Nagaland (ZSUN) has drawn attention to the recent advertisement of the School Education Department published on 10 December.
While appreciating the magnanimity of the central and the state government for creating thousands of posts for primary and graduate teachers in Nagaland, in a representation, the ZSUN stated, it is observed from the 1st paragraph of the advertisement that the remaining requisite educational qualification for primary teacher is given 10+2/PU passed with 45% marks and above from any recognized university, however, it said, the para 7 of the advertisement had given the relaxation on educational qualification to the candidate belonging to the Districts of Mon, Tuensang, Kiphire and Longleng, 10+2/PU with 40 % and above are qualified to apply for the post of under graduate teacher.
Appended by ZSUN President Iteichu and Finance Secretary Diragong Cerai they expressed their opinion that the step must have been taken by the government due to the backwardness of the tribes in the stated districts, yet it is unfortunate that the same yardstick and consideration was not accorded to the Zeliang (backward tribe) candidate from Peren district who is equally backward.
The representation note said that the government should frame uniform policy for the whole of the state with the same yardstick for the people in the same category of cases and in this particular case, the educational qualification of 10+2/PU with 40% and above as qualified to apply for the post of under graduate teacher for all backward tribes in Nagaland. “This shortsightedness on the part of the department is regretted and is considered as injustice”, it added. As such, the department is earnestly requested to correct its uniformly for the state of Nagaland and in the interest of justice by consideration relaxation to the Zeliang candidate to qualify for application to the post of primary teacher with educational qualification of 10+2/PU with 40% and above.
Furthermore, it said the ZSUN will appreciate if the number of post for the primary as well as the graduate teachers for Peren districts can be specified.