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12/22/2011: "NSCN (K) Only Organization for Final Solution Northeast Today"



NSCN (K) Only Organization for Final Solution Northeast Today

NSCN (K) has claimed it was the “only institution” which could bring about “a final solution” to the “Indo-Naga-Burma political issue” under the “visionary leadership” of its chairman S.S.Khaplang.
In an emailed statement received here Wednesday, the NSCN (K) spokesperson P.Tikhak said “persons like Kitovi and Khole must look at their feet,” saying they must realize “the fact that they are yet to fit in the shoes” of Khaplang. According to Tikhak, they (Kitovi and Khole) must know that Khaplang was their “mentor” and people know them only because of Khaplang.
“In other words, both of them do not have any identity without Khaplang,” the NSCN (K) spokesperson said.
While maintaining that he was not “surprised” to see at the “immature and communal” statement coming from the “Kehoi group,” Tikhak said it was “evidently clear” that their write-ups were not directed against Khaplang but it was “more on appeasing their Indian masters by dividing the Nagas” on the lines of the “forced international boundary.”
GPRN/NSCN has strongly emphasized that those who were not for peace “would not find peace” in Nagaland and asserted that public leaders must not indulge in “destabilizing the nation”. Commenting on the process of Naga reconciliation, a statement from GPRN/NSCN MIP gave details of how “fighting among Naga brothers” post-Shillong Accord, 1975 began the exhibition of “immaturity and senselessness” that cost precious lives of many including “prominent Naga men and women”.
GPRN/NSCN has asserted that the importance of political groups to realize that “fighting among the Nagas will not enrich Naga freedom struggle”. It said that due appreciation must be conveyed to Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) led by Rev. Wati Aier for organizing the reconciliation meet in Chiangmai where Isak Chishi Swu, Singnya and S.S Khaplang signed a covenant in 2008 declaring “cessation of hostilities”.
The MIP stated that GPRN/NSCN was committed to the covenant but S.S Khaplang began to direct “home authorities with contradictory orders on the question of Naga Reconciliation”. He avoided the highest level meeting on September 18, 2010 but “home authorities” endorsed gen. secretary N. Kitovi Zhimomi “to save the embarrassment” for GPRN/NSCN since S.S Khaplang was the signatory, reminded the statement.
Stating that chairman ‘gen. (retd)’ Khole Konyak and general secretary N Kitovi Zhimomi made their intentions clear to the Naga people after the exit of S.S Khaplang from GPRN/NSCN, the MIP emphasized that “Reconciliation and Unity” among the Nagas was “pre-requisite” to any political settlement with the Government of India.
The statement further said that to proceed forward, the highest level meeting among Naga political parties was convened in September 2010 and August 2011 and GPRN/NSCN was a party to it.
GPRN/NSCN has now asked if S.S Khaplang and “his boys have moral authority” to talk about Naga reconciliation process when they had “repeatedly issued press statements discarding” the process. GPRN/SNCN said that Wangtin and Mulatonu did not understand “the pros and cons about struggle for independence” and asserted that their “immaturity” should not cause further trouble.
The MIP said that chairman ‘gen. (retd)’ Khole Konyak had “a military background” but all through “his exemplary service”, he has been more of “a peace broker” between “warring Naga brothers”.
The impeachment and expulsion of S.S Khaplang from GPRN/NSCN was in the interest of the “Naga Nation” because “no one is above the nation”, declared the MIP.
It also reminded that S.S Khaplang was alive today because ‘gen.’ Khole saved him “when former ‘kilonser’ Hanong was about to kill him”.
GPRN/SNCN stated that there were former NGO leaders in Konyak region who are “actively propagating” against
Khole Konyak and GPRN/NSCN with “preposterous claims”. “Character assassination of such a respected Naga leader is an affront to Naga nation”, declared the MIP.
According to the MIP statement, the “slight confusion” in Konyak Region was “entirely the work of certain elements” such as Powang Konyak and Khoiwang Konyak who “in connivance” with S.S Khaplang called Khango Konyak at Mon town in the month of May 2011 and declared him as Khaplang’s ‘vice president’.
It has alleged that they were “responsible” for the attack on “C-in-C’s Camp” in June 2011 and said that “image of KU and ENPO” has been tarnished by “anti-Naga policies of these men”.
On the question of statehood for ENPO, Khole told Powang that he did not object but simply pointed out that at the moment “Naga Unity” was the most important issue. The MIP added that this statement was issued in response to the Wentyu village meeting in Konyak region which found space in the local dailies.
As per the decision of “National Security Council”, GPRN/NSCN has ordered “civil and military establishments” to direct their “staff” to reach Khehoi designated camp on or before December 22, 2011. GPRN/NSCN through MIP said those “on duty” are directed to promptly inform the ‘chief secretary’ on the nature of duty. Failure to report to the Camp within “stipulated day” shall invite stringent disciplinary measure, said MIP.
Naga Students Fetration asksgovernmentt to act on Chanpang oil spill Nagaland Post

KOHIMA, Restating its principled stand that matters pertaining to exploration of oil and natural gas in Naga inhabited areas be “acceptable, beneficial and honourable”, NSF apprised the state convenor Cabinet Sub-Committee on Land & Natural Resources (CSCL & NR) on the oil spillage from abandoned oil rigs at Changpang and demanded that its concerns be redressed immediately.

A statement issued by NSF president Kelhouneizo and general secretary N. Ejanthung Ngullie pointed out that villagers at Changpang were faced with numerous hardships and miseries due to massive oil spillages from oil wells abandoned since 1994 by the ONGC.

The signatories accused the state government of violation of human rights as per the constitution of India and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, 1948) as it knew the impact caused by the massive oil spillages.

NSF said the incessant spillage from the improperly abandoned oil rigs caused not only serious environmental hazards but also endangered the very livelihood of the local people since the oil cause soil and water pollution and thereby adversely affecting agriculture.
The signatories pointed out that a delegation of the NSF visited the affected communities on September 16, 2011 and learnt that the authority failed to take any steps to mitigate the people’s misery despite several appeals and representations made in this regard.

Stating that the NSF was convinced that the genuine sufferings of the people deserved to be immediately redressed, the signatories while extending support and cooperation with the government said it was constrained to point out the following grievances to be redressed on priority. These included: (1)immediate containment of oil spillage and implementation of safety measures,(2)provision of accessible and motorable road.(3)supply of electricity,(4)provision of drinking water facility,(5)creation of Primary Health Centre (PHC) and (6) rehabilitation measures.

NSF demanded that the convenor CSCL & NR provide a “time-bound written assurance” on its above demands failing which it would be compelled to take its own course of action to ensure that grievances of the affected communities were effectively addressed.
It also seriously viewed with alleged “delay tactics” of the CSCL&NR and cautioned the latter that in the event of any disaster erupting from the abandoned oil rigs leading to loss of life and property and destruction of natural resources, the state government would be held solely responsible.
A response to I am not proud to be Naga Hitoho Sumi Morungexpress
Another pleasant-short-lived-winter-day robbed from me due to disturbance, not from the politico-territorial-strategic move by NSCN (K) that has caused much hullabaloo, but from an article titled I am not proud to be Naga (Dated 20-12-2011) The main purpose of the article is nothing but to draw attention and get the one’s name on the paper (or even electronically-blog) as is quite apparent from the introduction and the conclusion. A mediocre self obsessed blabbering on various issues which the writer himself has not studied extensively and misunderstood precariously.
Dear so-named Puanthanh Ganmei I did not curse you verbally as I read your article instead I laughed so hard my brothers taught I was reading some hilarious joke, and it is, as a matter of fact a joke, in a bizarre way though. I am trying my best to empathize yet your passionless anger has baffled me. First thing first, you know you do not have to tell the world a “millionth time” that you are not proud to be a Naga. You do not even have to identify yourself as a Naga. Having said that there are few clarifications in the form of comment I would like you to clarify.
I wonder if you are a PhD in psychology or for that even psychoanalysis, if so time to change your profession/discipline. Do not get me wrong but your conviction of Nagas “indiscipline” nature and subsequent analysis and analogy is quite amusing. Your examination on the idea of “hypocritical” (here let me ignore the larger point of your oblivious generalization) is very narrow and shows your misplaced sense of righteousness. I do not know what your issue is with people migrating to “West” but again your cause-effect analysis, just like your “Naga psyche to not-wearing-helmet” is mindboggling.
When you state that Nagalim is “an increasingly intolerant nation” with very little concern for “other” is it because you were/are not given a special treatment? Is your conclusion based on your interaction with naïve people and their uncritical discussions that usually end in blaming Indians for Nagas problems? And who are you to assume and assert that the identity as a Naga comes second or first or last? What does it matter to you? Have you done any research on its impact on the larger socio-political issues that concerns Nagas?
I am tempted but let me not comment on your enlightenment on poverty and ecological issues. I cannot believe I am even mentioning this. You know you should also brush up your knowledge (at least basics) on education, economics, growth, and development before you claim “fact(s)” as solution for Nagas or for that matter any nation or society. Oh and by the way I would like to know if any individual or organization is forcing you to chant and tell the world a millionth times “I am proud to be Naga”.
In conclusion I take the liberty to give you a piece of advice. Please do not change your attitude by simply believing random “wisdom and reasons” and “sing along” (have some self respect and confidence), instead try to be more critical with an in depth understanding of issues such as identity, development, politics, economics, and culture. This way you will get more attention and contribute towards a progressive deliberation when you state that you are “not proud to be Naga”.
Manipur: The Myth of the Blockade Sreenivasan Jain, NDTV
Before we set off from Delhi to report Manipur's 100 day long economic blockade, we thought we would be telling the story of a massive crisis: a shortage of essentials, soaring prices, a government - state and Centre - that is paralysed. But as we discovered the ground realties are far more complex, with rising levels of scepticism - even direct accusations: how deep is the shortage? Is it genuine or manufactured? Are security concerns tying the hands of the state or are there political gains from the blockade? Are their monetary gains, to put it bluntly, corruption? Over the next 30 minutes - the anatomy of a bewildering siege, which has called into question the role of all players - Centre, state and the ethnic groups that have laid partial siege to the state.
Imphal: First a primer of Manipur's regions, tribes, highways and blockades.
The current blockade is a dispute over Manipur's Senapati district. The northern part of it is dominated by the Nagas.
The southern part known as the Sadar Hills is dominated by the Kuki tribe.

In August the Kukis' blocked Manipur's 2 arterial routes - National Highway 39 which connects Imphal to Nagaland and NH 53 which connects Imphal to Assam. This was over a long pending demand that the Sadar Hills be given formal status as a revenue district.

In protest, the Nagas who inhabit the northern part of Senapati district began their blockade further up on Highway 39. They say that historically Sadar Hills was a Naga area, from which they have been forced out years ago and any decision on its status needs their go ahead. After almost 3 months, the government partially agreed to the Kuki demand and the Kukis withdrew their blockade on both highways.

This has made the Nagas only more determined in their blockade of NH 39 which is the main supply line into the Imphal valley, the most densely populated region of Manipur.
The long queues outside petrol pumps today is the most acute impact of that siege. Some have been waiting since the night before while others since early morning. With the opening up of highway 53 the supplies and the prices of almost everything else - rice, sugar, vegetables - even medical supplies has stabilised.
Rice: Rs. 15 per kg
Sugar: Rs. 40 per kg
Potato: Rs. 30 per kg
In fact the roads are choked, hotels are full. At the Classic Hotel in Imphal, the manager says, "At the moment the hotel is full. We've been running full for the past several days."

And Manipur's cultural calendar has kicked off with packed crowds at a dance festival.

If there is a genuine shortage, it is of diesel - down by almost 50%. But most passenger traffic in Imphal valley runs on petrol. Diesel run vehicles, like buses, trucks and taxis cross the state boundaries, where they are able to refill their tanks. But it is petrol shortage which remains the strongest and most confusing experience of the blockade.
After a cold, long night in the petrol queue, the slips are handed out at daybreak. The line inches forward excruciatingly slowly.

At the pump, fuel is severely rationed - only Rs. 500 of fuel per car and Rs. 200 for scooters and bikes.

Wait for 10 hours and get 10 maybe 20 litres of petrol. One angry resident says, "The Government of Manipur is responsible as well as the people of the Hill areas."

Another says, "The Government is very bad. I don't have any words."

By afternoon the pump, and others like it, will shut down because they have been given only a fourth of their capacity.

MT Singh, an employee at the pump tells us that the total capacity of the pump is 24 kl while they were only giving out 8kl, which was what the State government was releasing to the pumps. And it won't open for another 3 days.

Ask the minister in charge of civil supplies and he, like everyone in the government will tell you they have no choice but to ration. Minister for IFCD, Youth Affairs and Sports, Biren Singh, says, "Atleast 150kl, has to be in the store for emergency purposes. So after reserving that, how many days it can work, we are calculating."

But when it comes to petrol, at the depot of the Indian Oil Corporation which supplies almost 80% of Manipur's fuel needs, there is a different version.

In normal times IOC supplies about 2200 kilolitres of petrol (1 kilolitre = 1000 litres)That figure has remarkably remained steady right through the worst months of the blockade, even spiking upwards briefly in the middle. IOC Petrol supply figures -

August: 2217 KL

September: 2400 KL

October: 2039 KL

Priobhash Dey, General Manager of NE Integrated State Office, Indian Oil, says that technically there is no shortage of petrol, "Despite many odds we have managed. I must say our people are working over-time. They have no holidays, every Sunday they are working for us, even at night."

The government seemed unable to explain this anomaly. Biren Singh says, "That's the point. There was no petrol shortage but we also get confused seeing the queues."

The Chief Minister, Ibobi Singh too is unable to give a satisfactory reply when asked about the need for rationing petrol when there is no shortage. Blaming the IOC he says, "They are only calculating the monthly supply, not daily. These are wrong figures."

When pushed, officials say two other oil companies that supply petrol to Manipur - NRL and BPCL have virtually stopped their supplies in the blockade, but they were supplying only about 20% of the state's needs even in normal times.

When pushed even further the government says they are simply being overcautious given the unpredictable nature of blockades - but at the same time, the severe rationing is aggravating two phenomena. One, the psychological sense of a blockade and two, Manipur's booming black market in fuel.

A woman in the petrol queue tells us, "I have been buying in black at around Rs. 200 per litre." Most people in the line admitted to having bought petrol in the black market at triple the market rate.
The government agrees that there is a black market but claims it's a minor phenomenon.

Biren Singh says, "You can't see the black market on the road like earlier times because the government is keeping everything under control."

This is easily belied in any number of ways, the most obvious - massive traffic snarls in Imphal, not possible in times of severe rationing without large scale black marketing.

At the lower end, it begins with women on the streets, selling bottles of petrol for more than double the price, though they are unclear about their suppliers. One such woman says, "A truck comes with barrels of petrol and 3-4 of us get together to buy so it becomes a little cheaper."

Larger orders - means at first, getting a friend to make a call to a black marketer posing as a buyer. (Over telephone)

Q:"I heard I can get petrol from you."

Black marketer: "Do you want diesel or petrol? Diesel is not there, you can get petrol. I am selling petrol for Rs. 150. If you want lots I can give it to you for Rs. 130."

The landmark given by the black marketer to us is ironical - a checkpost in an Imphal neighborhood where he says he is well known.

Q: "Where should we come?"

Black marketer: "You can come near the toll tax and ask for James."

We follow the directions to the checkpost. From there James leads us to his store nearby, that ostensibly sells lubricant. He shows off the petrol like a winemaker, to prove it is better than the quality at the petrol pumps.

Q: "It looks like fruit juice. Is it of different quality? Do you mix chemicals?"
James: "No they are of different quality. We just mix them and we get this colour. It is okay to use and quality is good."

He says the petrol comes from the neighbouring state of Mizoram, from black marketers who drive across the border, fill up jerry cans and drums and drive back.
Ten minutes later, we walk out with ten litres of overpriced, black market petrol.

Despite claims of official crackdown, getting to a black marketer took no great leap of investigative journalism. In Manipur, the illegal sale of fuel is so widespread and so easy to access that it is almost not a black market.

Does the illegal fuel in fact come from Mizoram? Or are their other, sources of illegal fuel? One resident in the petrol queue says, "We have heard that the petrol pump owners and the government are involved."

There is no conclusive proof of official involvement but enough to provoke intense public suspicion.

In the time of the blockade, the oil agencies no longer decide distribution. Instead it is taken over by the state government. The OSD who decides 'who gets how much' explained to us that a sizeable chunk is set aside for government departments; the largest being railways and the police.

RK Binoy, the OSD incharge of the fuel rationing says, "For the railway service they said that there is a daily requirement of 24kl something, but we cannot give them that daily so they are given 12 kl."

During an earlier bandh last year, a fire that began in the housing quarters of the battalion complex of the Manipur Rifles, the Manipur police's elite commando force, raged for hours. The state civil supplies minister accused the force of illegally hoarding fuel in their residential quarters. If any proof was needed of the scale of fuel stored, 30 houses inside the police complex were gutted in the blaze.

GK Pillai, former Home Secretary says, "Artificial scarcity is being built up because you have the stocks."

But the allegations are no longer restricted to street perception. GK Pillai, whose as had a long association with the North East lends weight to his voice, even in retirement, virtually accused the state government of corruption.

He says, "So just outside the petrol pump it is available and at other places which means it's not a problem of quantity. It's just a fact that you create an artificial scarcity. I think that because the blackmarketing is very rampant, otherwise you would not have supplies outside. I don't think they have conducted a single raid to unearth people who are stocking the essential commodities. And the very fact that, that hasn't been done means that there is connivance at the very top."

The Chief Minister predictably denies these charges, "That is completely wrong and baseless. If there are any cases like that we will take action, we will definitely take action."

On one hand, charges of artificial scarcity, but on the other, the inability to act against the bandh has led to as we shall see, a deeper charge of political opportunism. To investigate this means understanding the complex clash and play of Manipur's ethnic groups, and that means leaving Imphal for a northward journey on the troubled Highway 39.

Less than an hour outside Imphal and we are in the Sadar Hills, the territory of the Kuki tribe. Burnt trucks along the way, a reminder of when their blockade for district status was being violently enforced.

A demand now partly granted, in this MoU, of October, which says that the Sadar Hills will become a separate district and the town of Kangpokpi, the district capital. So this stretch of the highway is for the moment, clear.

Ngamkhohao Haokip, President of the Sadarhills Districthood Demand Committee says, "Our demand is not land, our demand is administration and development as citizens of Manipur and citizens of India."

But in an hour after that we are in Naga territory and just short of the town of Senapati, we come across the reality of the siege that has cut off Manipur's main supply line. A blockade enforced by 4 women and 3 boys. As per their self made rules only passengers with personal belongings are allowed A bag of petrol smuggled under clothes, is caught as a prize catch. Also offloaded are blankets, jerrycans of lubricants and potatoes.

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Their smaller number or gender or reluctance to talk to us, doesn't take away from their determination. Women have always been at the forefront of struggles in the North East and this one is no different.
They point us to the town of Senapati to talk to the leaders behind the movement. The signs for Nagalim or a greater Naga homeland, mocks the authority of the Indian state.
In a small office, we meet the leadership of the United Naga Council (UNC), the umbrella body of Manipur's Naga tribes.
S.Milan, Information and Publicity Secretary of the UNC says, "According to earlier MoUs, in short for any upgradation in respect of Sadarhills, the Naga people would be consulted. So without consulting the Naga people, our stand is nothing doing. These were signed in 1981, 1992, 1996 and 1998."

Paul Leo, former President, UNC says, "Our stand is very clear, we have nothing to do with the state of Manipur because Nagas in Manipur last year on 1st of July by convening a public convention have taken a formal decision to severe ties with the government of Manipur and demand for alternative arrangement outside Manipur."

Chief Secretary of Manipur, DS Poonia says, "It is only UNC that chooses not to come to Imphal for attending meetings with the organisational committee. We had the 6th sitting today, all kinds of people are coming in and giving us whatever they want to say but they refuse to come."
Just outside Senapati town is a petrol pump, where we saw petrol and diesel being sold without any rationing; a striking example of life on the other side of the blockade.

So while those who live in Imphal are cut off from many goods and services to which they are used to. We saw and met people at a petrol pump where people had been queuing for 12 hours to get just 10 litres of petrol while in Senapati those restrictions do not exist. Now that is what gets people upset, not against the government but those responsible for the blockade, becoming a clash of communities. It becomes Meitis versus Nagas, Nagas versus Kukis.

Kumo Sha, the President of All Nagas Students' Association, Manipur says, "As it is here also. We also feel the pain of the common people suffering. I also suffer. Just like he mentioned it is the government's doing."

As a mark of their seriousness, they tell us about a still burning truck that tried to take a side road into the Valley. If any further evidence of how far the writ of the Indian state has receded is needed, experience Senapati's main marketplace at noon. Three boys, barely in their teens enforce what the UNC calls a public curfew for one hour. A daily ritual that has been in action at least a month before the blockade.


There is a police checkpost nearby and the Army's Assam Rifles are not far away from this area which comes under Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA).
None of that seemed to matter on the ground. Hepuni, Inspector and OC of Senapati Police says, "We are doing our duty but if you force them there might be clashes and misunderstandings."
If these hardline positions make a political solution remote, shouldn't the government be more assertive?

Pradip Phanjoubam, Editor of Imphal Free Press says, "Atleast without taking sides, it should have opened up the highway, used all its force to open up the highway because it is illegal to disrupt the movement on the highways which is what the Supreme Court has said so that could have been used."

After all, convoys are coming in through NH 53, a journey 3 times longer with full protection. The Chief Minister yet again seemed helpless. Excerpts from the interview:

Ibobi Singh: We have already opened the National Highway 53, now it is called National Highway 37.

Sreenivasan Jain: I am talking of NH 39.

Ibobi Singh: There is no problem on NH 53 on the Imphal-Jiribaum road.

Sreenivasan Jain: But what is the problem on NH 39?

Ibobi Singh: On 53 there is no problem at all.

Sreenivasan Jain: Then what is the problem with NH 39, why is it so difficult?

Ibobi Singh: There is some weak bridge. Before repairing that weak bridge it was completely normal.

Sreenivasan Jain: I am asking about the NH 39 though. The one which is coming from Nagaland, why not put the security forces and open that up?

Ibobi Singh: We will review it. Tomorrow we will have our state government meeting, we will review this situation."

Central forces that protect the NH 53 convoys say they are ready to play the same role on NH 39 but need the political go ahead. DIGP(Manipur Range), CRPF, MS Raghava says, "We have been doing it, escorting these trucks for quite sometime now. There has never been any incident in our presence."

If those behind the blockade have taken such intractable positions, why is the State still unable to act? Is it because as some allege, there is political opportunism or is it as the State claims, this is now a dispute beyond its borders?

Assembly elections in Manipur are just a few months away and government sources openly admit that it would be naïve to assume that it is not weighing the political dimensions of the blockade, of the ethnically dominant community here in the Imphal valley experiencing a sense of siege by the tribal communities of the Hills.

Morning prayers at the Govindaji Krishna temple in Imphal which is the most sacred shrine for the Meitei Hindu's of the Imphal Valley.

The Meitei's are almost entirely concentrated in the Imphal Valley. While the hill districts are made up of the Nagas, Kukis and other tribes, the valley despite being small in size (only 8% of the state's land area) is heavily populated. Meitei's influence 40 out of 60 assembly seats. The street sentiment in Imphal is so far guarded, but even in a bandh weary state the mood could turn communal.

One angry young man on the street says, "We are tired. This will surely become anger and when that reaches its peak, when patience will become uncontrollable then there might be serious repercussions for the tribes. Because the tribes are doing the blockade and the main reason for this queue is the blockade."

Some allege that the chief minister, who is a Meitei, is prolonging the siege to fuel the insecurity of the Meitei's.

Pillai says, "I think the state government, to put it very bluntly, is not interested in ensuring that the blockade is lifted and the situation becomes normal. It is difficult to say what the benefit of it is for them but I would hazard a guess that the elections in Manipur coming in February next year, the feeling that the Meitis' are victimized, being harassed by other communities perhaps would pay a political dividend to the government."

The Chief Minister counters this, "No no, it is totally wrong. We are in Manipur and everyone lives here happily. There are no communal differences and misunderstandings. What is our benefit in this election? We do not like such things."

In fact the state government has a grouse with the Centre, which is holding talks with the NSCN - the leading Naga militant group for their demand for a separate homeland.

That envisages carving a territory out of at least 3 north eastern states including Manipur.
While the Centre has rejected that demand, some wonder whether that's one reason why New Delhi has not intervened in the current blockade.

Biren Singh says, "The central forces should be used. CRPF, Army BSF. Let us forget about the Army as it is for defence but atleast the para millitary forces."
And while the politics of blockades may yield political gains for each of the players, is it creating lasting polarisations between Manipur's ethnic groups For visiting journalists looking for that concluding moment of public unity, there could be no better place than at a tribute concert for the rock legend Neil Young which was held in a hotel in blockade weary Imphal.
A young woman says, "We love each other. I think it is only a figment of imagination and some political manifestations are there. That's it. We Manipuris are one actually."

An event like this doesn't take the political leadership off the hook nor does it solve the many intractable problems of Manipur.
But yes, however, clichéd or banal, it is that moment of redemption worth ending on.

Read more at: http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/manipur-the-myth-of-the-blockade-159749&cp
Kukis Losing Lands to India, Burma, B’desh and Manipur. Northeast Today
Kuki Liberation Organisation (KLO) along with its armed wing Kuki Liberation Army (KLA) celebrated the 12th ‘Reformation Day’ on December 17 at its Gamnom Camp with RGOK/KRA chairman M David Hangsing and KLO-KLA president L Jacob Kuki gracing the occasion as the chief guest and president respectively.
The celebration was also joined by representatives of Kuki Inpi, KSO and various other NGOs. Addressing the gathering, KLO/KLA general secretary L Timothy Kuki said lack of unity and committed leaders had been the main factor for the downfall of the Kukis.
Recounting that along with the fall of the british empire several nations regained independence but such sovereign status eluded the Kuki people due to absence of sincere leaders and unity, said the secretary and cited lack of unity as the main factor for the erstwhile sovereign Kukis consequently losing their lands to India, Burma, Bangladesh and Manipur.
After India gained independence gifting away of Kabow Valley to Burma by the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru in 1952 reduced the Kukis to a minority in their own land, maintained Timothy adding that despite efforts of some visionary Kuki leaders to protect their own lands by forming Kuki Liberation Organisation at a convention held in 1988 at Taphou village, aspiration of the Kuki people is yet to materialise.
He further stated that in the aftermath of the violent clash between the Kukis and Nagas in the early 1990s, a meeting hosted by the village chief of Molnom on November 20, 1994 resulted in the revival of the KLO along with forming its armed wing KLA, which had 150 cadres in the formative period under the command of TL Kuki.
However, the Organisation disintegrated consequently leading to reformation of KLO in 1999, conveyed Timothy.
clarifying that KLO/KLA has no intention to form a new nation of the Kukis or grab the land of others, he affirmed that aim and objectives of KLO/KLA is to protect land and properties of the Kuki people along with promoting peace in the region. Timothy also appealed to like-minded organisations for a concerted campaign to restore emotional and territorial unity of the Kukis.
Govt. Should Bring out White Paper on Supra State Body: UCM, AMUCO
December 22, 2011 admin No comments
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The United Committee Manipur and the AMUCO, in a joint statement issued today, said the state government should bring out a white paper on the matter of Supra state body.
Stating the people of Manipur are being kept in the dark on the issue, the UCM and AMUCO demanded that the ongoing winter session of the Manipur Legislative Assembly should reaffirm the decision that territorial integrity of Manipur will be kept intact and there cannot be formation of a Supra state body.
The joint statement also said that an official document regarding the matter should be forwarded to the central government and a white paper is needed to be brought out soon.
It also said the central government has been trying to disintegrate Manipur by plying the politics of hatred amongst the different communities residing in the state ever since Manipur merged to the Indian union in 1949.
Kind hearts or a dead giveaway? Tim Costello
Every little bit helps in a needy world, but surely we could do better.
IN THE mountainous state of Nagaland, in far north-eastern India, they have a unique tradition. It is called the Feast of Merit. To host a Feast of Merit, one must invite the whole village to a feast and that feast continues until all your assets have been liquidated, your livestock, your grains, everything.
Then you start again with nothing. In Nagaland, those who host the Feast of Merit are given a beautiful gold coat and hold the highest position of honour in the village. When I visited Nagaland in 2004, I was asked if Australia also had a similar tradition. I replied: ''I am pretty sure we don't.''
This rare story of giving may seem a world away from our lives in Australia, and it does leave me wondering: could we do more?
That very question was posed to the billionaire philanthropist Bill Gates this week, during his stay in Australia. The answer was a resounding yes.
The Microsoft founder called on the federal government to delay next year's return to surplus and increase its overseas aid budget instead.
His comments no doubt raised some eyebrows, but it's worth considering.
Australia plans to increase aid from 0.35 per cent of gross national income to 0.5 per cent by 2015-16. It is a wonderful step in the right direction, but still modest when compared with other Western nations. Britain, for example, plans to hit 0.7 per cent of GNI by 2013, despite struggling through a recession and vulnerabity to the current euro crisis. Mr Gates also spoke about philanthropy on an individual scale, particularly in relation to the world's wealthiest citizens.
He believes a trend is emerging outside of the US, including in Australia, where billionaires are showing a stronger interest in philanthropy. I dearly hope Mr Gates is right, but unfortunately the stats are yet to support his theory.
Australia does have a proud tradition of philanthropy. Yet for such a wealthy nation, we could do better. Our incomes are rising. In 2010 Australia ranked 7th in the world for GDP per capita. OECD figures show that the incomes of the richest 10 per cent of Australian households grew faster than their global counterparts. Western Australia, in particular, is at an unprecedented point in history, sitting at the centre of a resources boom, perfectly placed in the Asian region during the Asian century.
But despite this increasing wealth, among the top 5 per cent of income earners in Australia, 40 per cent do not claim any tax deductions for charitable giving at all.
Among those earning between $100,000 and $500,000, the average donation is 45¢ for every $100 of income - not all that much higher than the average of 33¢ for the whole population.
Those earning over $1 million a year give a more significant 2 per cent of their income, but how does that figure compare with the richest citizens of other countries? Last year, Bill Gates and his fellow billionaire Warren Buffett called on the world's richest people to donate half their wealth to charity.
Since then, more than 60 individuals and families have made a pledge.
Buffett himself has pledged to donate 99 per cent of his wealth to philanthropic foundations in his lifetime or at his death.
When I think about how the culture of giving in Australia compares with the US, one glaring difference jumps out at me.
I think most Australians see philanthropy as a private declaration, something that we do quietly and don't wish to brag about. This is an honourable position, but I wonder how far it really gets us? My hope is to see philanthropy publicly celebrated in the way Bill Gates and Warren Buffett have done to such effect. Not only do they donate, they also champion their cause, which in turn draws much-needed attention to the issue and inspires others.
We should remember that philanthropy is not just a matter of sacrificing income.
Generous philanthropy, well considered and well managed, not only creates opportunity for others, but lays the foundation for a culture and ethos of responsibility and strong community.
Right now, more Australians are better placed to practice philanthropy than ever before. Who will show the leadership that's needed to make it happen?
Read more: http://www.smh.com.au/business/kind-hearts-or-a-dead-giveaway-20111222-1p74y.html#ixzz1hHdkfzza

GPRN/NSCN will not allow Khaplang’s office in Dimapur MIP, GPRN/NSCN
A sensible Naga leader will think twice before sending armed men into Dimapur or into any Naga area on the eve of Christmas and New Year. Agreed, S.S Khaplang, after impeachment and expulsion from the party and government, through his many spokespersons, has withdrawn from Naga Reconciliation process yet, fully aware that the joyous festive season was at its harmonious best, who ordered 30-40 fully armed men had to be rushed to Naharbari? Singing carols and distributing Christmas gifts is obviously not their policy. Reintroducing violence during the festive season is a primary example of a leaderless gang.
GPRN/NSCN, under the leadership of President Gen. (Retd) Khole Konyak and Ato Kilonser N Kitovi Zhimomi, reminds the Ministry of Home Affairs, GOI that Naga people have phased out S.S Khaplang and therefore few ambitious individuals shouting Khaplang’s name in Nagaland have no affinity with the common objective of the Naga people. Whether MHA grants permission or not, GPRN/NSCN shall not allow the impeached and expelled former president’s remnant boys to open a sub office in Dimapur. They have every right to go to Burmese occupied Naga territory and assist their leader Khaplang in any activity he is involved in. In Nagaland the people have rejected S.S Khaplang and therefore any sub-office in the name of Khaplang is illegal. GPRN/NSCN is aware that those in Nagaland have little or no communication with Khaplang. Whether GOI bows down to expelled leader’s few callous boys and expose citizens of Dimapur to uncontrolled crime and danger or send them off to where they belong will be clear in the coming days. The 30th June 2011 bomb blast at Ambuja cement store at 3rd mile is still fresh in the mind of the people and K gang is responsible for it.
GPRN/NSCN informs all GBs, Chairmen and colony councils in and around Dimapur to reject GOI’s permission for Khaplang group’s sub-office. The land belongs to the people and the people have the final say. No authority on earth can force the Naga people to go against their will.
Let the Naga people be reminded that S.S Khaplang was impeached and expelled unopposed by the GPRN/NSCN Tatar Hoho on 7th June 2011 and he has wisely confined his activities in Burmese occupied Naga territory. The prime reasons being his anti-constitutional actions, ordering home authorities not to attend Highest Level talk on 18th Sept. 2010, his nexus with Anti-Naga forces, his involvement in Burmese election and finally his withdrawal from Naga Reconciliation Process. Those who signed Khaplang’s impeachment includes Kughalu Mulatonu, Niki Sumi, Hokato Vusshe, who along with Wangtin Naga and some few misguided elements are, presently, attempting to spill blood in Nagaland in the name of Khaplang.
Instead of carols and ringing bells, it was the gunfire that surprised the inhabitants of Naharbari on the morning and evening of 19th Dec. 2011. GPRN/NSCN regrets the inconvenience caused to the general public for the sporadic firing. Naga Army was forced to confront and evict armed criminals from Naharbari for the safety and security of the general public. GPRN/NSCN appeals for co-operation from all sections of people as it prepares to defend the will and desire of the Naga people against brute elements attempting to enforce violence in Nagaland. It seeks physical, moral and spiritual support from all peace loving Nagas.

MIP, GPRN/NSCN



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