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04/28/2011: "Jamir alters political tune The telegraph"

Jamir alters political tune OUR CORRESPONDENT


S.C. Jamir
Kohima, April 25: Former chief minister of Nagaland S.C. Jamir has changed his tune to match that of the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) by calling for recognition of the “uniqueness” of the Naga political situation in the run-up to the byelection in the Aonglenden Assembly constituency in Mokokchung district.
Jamir, who is contesting the byelection and needs to win, apparently changed his tune after being severely criticised by the NSCN (I-M). He has now promised to place the Naga political issue before the Centre, as he is a permanent invitee of the Congress Working Committee (CWC), the highest policy-making body of the Congress.
The Naga rebel outfit has been appealing to the Union government to recognise the “uniqueness” of Nagaland’s history and its political movement since it entered a truce with the Centre in July 1997.
Jamir has been an advocate of statehood and he even made his stand public in 2001 through a booklet — Bedrock of Naga Society, which created a hue and cry all over the state, leading to his party’s debacle in the 2003 Assembly elections.
But the Naga People’s Front (NPF) has raked up the issue again, despite Jamir’s insistence that the booklet was a closed chapter as it had served its purpose.
NPF’s Toshipokba Ao is pitted against the veteran leader in the byelection. While sources said Jamir was leading in his village Ungma and two other villages, the NPF claimed that Jamir’s political career was coming to an end, as people had rejected his stand on the Naga political issue.
Stating that he was contesting the election this time to unite different Naga political groups under one umbrella, Jamir said there were numerous issues that needed to be addressed for betterment of the Naga people, as the Nagas were standing on a shadowy borderland, unable to decide and choose between status quo and an enlightened and progressive stance.
“We have several new issues to discuss,” he told The Telegraph. Jamir said his mission this time was above party politics, as he had attained prestigious positions and status under the Constitution in his decades of service to the people and had no other ambition.
Jamir seeks to end political hibernation Newmai News
DIMAPUR, April 24 – As expected, the return of SC Jamir to Nagaland politics is starting to create ripples.
The former Nagaland Chief Minister is currently campaigning for the May 7 Aonglenden Assembly constituency by-poll which he is contesting.
In every public meeting, Jamir has been advocating to shun the gun culture in Nagaland. He has also been saying that decades of conflicts among the Nagas have resulted in creating more divisions and miseries in the Naga society. He predicted that if this trend continues, the future of Nagaland is bleak.
The NSCN-IM has accused Jamir and his younger brother Sungit Jamir, who is the president of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee of attemptinng to tarnish the Naga outfit. On Thursday, the NSCN-IM refuted reports that the outfit was planning to assasinate Jamir.
The NSCN-IM further stated that it questions the intentions of New Delhi “for engaging with us to finalise the Indo-Naga political issue while conniving with the likes of SC Jamir who had spent his entire life bargaining the rights of the Naga people and its nation for his position. We strongly demand that the Union Home Ministry clear its position too”.
The Isak-Muivah group of the NSCN has often accused the Congress stalwart of trying to sabotage the Naga peace process. Jamir, who was the first Lok Sabha MP from Nagaland in 1961, became the Chief Minister of the State for the first time in 1980. He became the Chief Minister for the fifth term in 1998.
In the dramatic change of political scenario of Nagaland in the 2003 Assembly election, his ‘Man Friday’ in Neiphiu Rio who was the ‘No. 2’ in Jamir’s Ministry dethroned him. Since then Jamir had gone for ‘political hibernation’.
The decision of Jamir to contest the by-poll next month is seen as a preparation for the next Nagaland Assembly election due in two year’s time. At present, the Neiphiu Rio-led Naga People’s Front is running the government with its alliance after christening it as Democratic Alliance of Nagaland for the consecutive second term.
MHA's allegation is false: NSCN(IM) Source: Hueiyen News Service
Tamenglong, April 24 2011: The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) took a strong exception to the 'false' allegation levelled against the NSCN by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs of purportedly planning to assassinate SC Jamir and alleged that the resultant directive issued to the Nagaland Government by New Delhi to provide sufficient security to the former Chief Minister of Nagaland was on account of a self-created manoeuvre to draw petty sympathy vote.

A joint council meeting of the steering committee members and the council of kilonsers (ministers) held on April 21 at its council headquarters while taking strong exception to the allegation of New Delhi alleged that the directive of Delhi exposes total failure of its intelligence agencies who file reports to the home ministry at the whims of some crooked and wicked persons having no conscience and welfare for the people.

The NSCN has no such intention to harm SC Jamir.

However inputs received from so-called "reliable sources" reported otherwise.

These reports are derived from Jamir himself and his brother Sungit Jamir who is the president of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee.

The objective is clearly to initiate pre-emptive steps for another upcoming stage-managed-self-ambush judging by his past track record, the ministry of Kilo Affairs of the outfit said in a statement dispatched today.

The statement recalled that to start the 2008 election campaign he had stage managed an 'ambush' on November 24, 2007 at Changki area so as to draw the sympathy of the people as his popularity had touched the ground.

Again in 1999 when Jamir was caught in the middle of a ' 30,000 crore lottery scam, he had diverted the attention of the people by staging a similar 'ambush' on his own convoy between Dimapur and Kohima on November 29, 1999 .

Significantly, at both the incidents, no one even suffered a scratch, leave alone casualties.

He had also blamed the NSCN for both the incidents, the statement said.

"NSCN will no longer tolerate its name to be tarnished for self motivated interests.

And therefore, SC Jamir and Sungit Jamir must come out with a confessional statement and make their position clear to the NSCN and the Naga people at the earliest for their latest gimmick," it said.

Further, the statement questions the intentions of the GoI on the one hand for engaging them to finalize the Indo-Naga political issue while conniving with the likes of Jamir who have spent his entire life bargaining the rights of the Naga people and its nation for his position and demanded a clarification from MHA.
Jamir returns to Nagaland, joins bypoll race Indian Express
Former Nagaland chief minister and veteran Congress leader S C Jamir has returned to state politics.
He is contesting the by-election to the Aonglenden constituency to make a re-entry to the state Assembly. The election is slated for May 7.
Having remained out of Nagaland as governor of Goa and Maharashtra for several years, Jamir’s return has not only rejuvenated the state Congress, but has also posed a major challenge to the ruling Nagaland People’s Front, which has won two consecutive Assembly elections.
Jamir, in fact, launched his campaign for the Aonglenden constituency last weekend by saying that decades of armed conflict had not only brought untold misery and hardship to the Nagas, but had also divided the tribal society.
“We cannot blame others for this and we cannot deny that Naga society lies mortally wounded because of its own follies,” he had said.
The veteran Congress leader who had become chief minister five times in a span of 40 years, also said a deep fear psychosis created by gun culture had gripped the Naga society, in the process destroying the Naga qualities of honesty, and courage.
Meanwhile, a reported Home Ministry directive to the state government to provide extra security to Jamir in view of intelligence inputs of a possible attempt on his life, has irked the NSCN(IM).
A statement issued by the NSCN(IM) on Monday said it had no intention to cause any harm to Jamir.
Perspectives on ‘Journey of common hope’ Ashikho Pfuzhe Morung
As the ‘Journey of common Hope’ looks forward to the proposed ‘highest level meeting’ of the Naga political parties for its consummation, the mood in the interim swings between hope and despair and between expectancy and resignation. The wait has also given a breather to reflect on the journey undertaken so far, the impediments to reconciliation and the task ahead.
In separate interviews, noted Naga social worker and trustee, Centre for Northeast Studies & Policy Research and Initiatives of Change, Niketu Iralu, and executive director, Boston Theological Institute, Rodney L Petersen, shared their views on the ongoing Naga reconciliation process initiated by Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR). Petersen was one of the resource persons at a 3-day seminar on “The role of religion in peacemaking constructive engagement of conflict: Churches in dialogue with civil society,’ held at Horeb Guest House, Dimapur, in March last.
Below are the two responses - Naga perspective and ‘outside’ perspective.

1. Why is reconciliation among Nagas so difficult though everyone professes to be Christians?
Niketu Iralu: Because we Christians just like other human beings see and criticize only where others are wrong, have failed or made mistakes while we deny, justify or rationalize our own wrongs, failures and mistakes. The result is others distrust us and resent our dishonesty and irresponsibility. We want reconciliation, unity, peace, mutual good will and co-operation, development and prosperity. But reconciliation and the other good things will come through all of us understanding what is right and best for all Nagas and deciding to achieve that together by sacrificing what we want for ourselves only. The price-tag for reconciliation is transparency and readiness to sacrifice our selfishness for the common good.
Podney Petersen: I believe that reconciliation among Nagas is difficult, though every Naga professes to be Christian, in part from the deep tribal identity which is not necessarily a problem, but is a problem when there are few "border-crossing" organizations, i.e., organizations that try to draw all together in common efforts. The sociology of ‘particularity’ becomes more important than sociology of ‘cooperation.’

2. Are you hopeful of a breakthrough in the ongoing Naga Reconciliation Process?
N Iralu: I am hopeful of a breakthrough because the responses by all the groups that have come forward to the Roadmap the FNR has provided show that Nagas have started to realize the realities confronting us. All have also realized Nagas should consolidate before it is too late what the struggle has indeed achieved and pass on to the coming generations an honourable settlement they can be proud of and on which they can build their future together according to their best judgment. I do sense that all the factions will fight hard to secure their own group and tribe advantages. This is understandable. But one desperately hopes no group will push their agendas further at the cost of what will be right for all Nagas.
R Petersen: I believe a breakthrough in the ongoing the Naga Reconciliation process can occur, but it needs to happen not only at an "elite" level but at mid-range and grassroots levels as well. Enhancing the latter two divisions is the value of what we did together in March (at the seminar Petersen spoke on ‘the way to Just Peace’ and ‘Religion and multi-track diplomacy’).

3. Any suggestion to strengthen the Naga Reconciliation Process?
N Iralu: I don’t know enough of what is going on to suggest anything that will be helpful at this stage. Perhaps the only thing I can suggest is FNR putting this question to the Naga public to keep the process transparent and inclusive always.
R Petersen: My suggestion would be twofold: a) develop course in peace-building in the seminaries and schools and also b) develop more conferences of the kind we did for grassroots and mid-range groups of people.
Petersen, who visited Nagaland for the first time, admitted that “These are very important questions and take more of a reply than I can offer at this moment. I will try to say a few things from my perspective.” Senior FNR member, Rev. VK Nuh, who also served as head chaplain in the rank of brigadier in Naga Safeguard, the first ‘Naga Army’ formed in 1956, believes that God’s “purpose for the Nagas” can be fulfilled through reconciliation.
“I deeply believe that God has a special purpose for the Nagas, in the way the Israelites were created. How the Israelites walked and struggled for 40 years and how they failed God and how they asked for forgiveness, how the most stubborn people died. But since God had a purpose for them, they were delivered in the end,” Nuh said.
“What I have seen in the last 50 years is that the more we (Nagas) struggle, the more we realize the purpose of God,” Nuh said and added that in reconciliation lies Naga salvation.
A Naga intellectual, Father Abraham Lotha said the ‘‘Journey of common hope’ is a good initiative and that the parties involved should capitalize on the “goodwill” of the people to the reconciliation process and be united. “It is better to have peace that to kill each other,” he said.
He also said that “any political movement is a journey, irrespective of whatever society….But more important is how people understand the journey and how they give direction to their aspirations. Only when we are reconciled and united, then the true strength of the Nagas can be seen.”
“What if the Reconciliation Process fails?” is a foreboding question many Nagas would prefer not to ponder over.
“If it fails it will be ultimately because the national workers are not prepared to boldly discuss the issue of what Nagas should do with regard to sovereignty and find a common position for negotiation with India. This is the toughest question for our freedom fighters to be honest about with one another because it was for this that the Naga struggle was launched in the first place,” Iralu said.
He also said that if the present reconciliation process fails because of this, then “we (Nagas) will condemn ourselves to return to more of the mess we have lived through. It is hard to imagine what the failure will do to our inter-tribe relationships on which the strength of our society depends.”

(The report is part of media fellowship for the 2010-2011 cycle of Panos South Asia's plural media and peace building in Northeast India)
Calling Time on the most unsafe state in India – kanglaonline
CAUSES OF ETHNIC CONFLICT IN MANIPUR & SUGESTED REMEDIES
By: Dr Irengbam Mohendra Singh
Ethnic conflicts in Manipur are not phenomenal only for Manipur. They are world-wide. I can understand why the Nagas of Manipur want to secede and join Nagaland. It is naught to do with political economy but ethnicity ie to join fellow Nagas and live for ever “without perceived discrimination”.
Many political scientists have studied ethnic strife and its remedies. There are differing schools of thought.
Defining the causes of ethnic strife in Manipur is easy as they do elsewhere, by just cataloguing a cocktail of poverty, misunderstanding, resentment, cultural intolerance and perceived injustices. But finding remedies is very difficult
Ethnic conflict is caused by ethnicity, which mobilises, structures and manages ethnic organisations. Further their leaders use ethnic divisive strategies to mobilise political support.
The potential for ethnic conflict is almost universal because there are very few states with only one ethnic group.
Democracy alone cannot ensure ethnic harmony. Instead it allows freer expression of ethnic antagonisms.
In theory, in Manipur leaders of the dominant Meitei group gain office and then use state institutions to distribute economic and political benefits preferentially to the Meiteis and thus discriminate against other minority tribes. That is, the state is ineffective in addressing the concerns of their constituencies.
The minority ethnic groups having endured alleged discrimination for over sixty years felt that their shared deprivation has been long enough and thus mobilised political support on ethnic lines.
In reality, the cause of ethnic conflict is primordial. That is, ethnic conflict exists because there are traditions of belief and actions towards primordial objects such as biological features and especially territorial location and the concept of kinship between members of ethnic groups such as Kabuis, Tangkhuls and Nagas. This kinship makes it possible for ethnic groups to think in terms of family resemblances.
The leaders of the minority ethnic groups in the state want accommodation in terms of jobs, economy, security, development, health care and so on. When they are not forth coming from or judged “politically infeasible” by the dominant groups, the leaders take recourse to violent protests. The more radicalised leaders became militant (Donald L Horowitz). Underground groups came into existence. This usually causes the birth of ethnonationationalism.
The territorial integrity of Manipur is now vigorously challenged by the diversity of 36 ethnic groups living in the state. The insurgents of these ethnic Nagas, kacha nagas (Zemi nagas now) and smaller units like Hmar, paite. Gangte etc all demand regional autonomy or independence. Meiteis want an independent Kangleipak while Kukis dream of Zalengam. Nagas prefer to form Nagalim.
However, in Manipuri ethnic conflict preceded such a current scenario. Before the Manipur state came into existence in 1947, Athiko Daiho from Mao and a few other prominent leaders from other tribal groups formed the National Naga League in September 1946 for separate Naga inhabited areas. I have full sympathy for these organisations of ethnic groups; because that was what they thought was the best for them – a state for all the tribal groups outside of the majority Hindu Meiteis.
The cause of ethnic conflict in Manipur is thus political ethnicity and not economic disparity.
The later is only a vehicle to fight the ethnic war. This makes it very hard to find a tangible remedy short of secession.
Time has changed since. The tribal people became educated and the Meiteis became liberalised and were more and more willing to accommodate them.
The problem is endless. It is not unlike the demands of Mongoloid Nagaland and Manipur to secede form Mayang India. Anyone in northeast India must not be deluded that India will part with Nagaland or Manipur. Three wars with Pakistan and dedicated Kashmiri militants failed to dislodge Kashmir from India. However, this is not the point of my article.
My article is about suggestions as to how the different ethnic groups in Manipur could reconcile themselves.
There are three possible types of ethnic conflict outcomes in Manipur: (1) peaceful reconciliation as advocated by the Meiteis; (2) peaceful separation as demanded by the Nagas; and (3) endless ethnic conflicts.
Looking at the three options, which have been in existence for a number of years and from the security-centric Indian Government, a peaceful ethnic reconciliation is the best option.
The majority Meiteis and minority ethnic groups need to put their heads together and devise new mini constitutional arrangements to address specific concerns of grievances especially more local autonomy and minority rights guarantees such as quota reservations for universities, jobs, and the continuation of the application of Schedule V within a new federal structure with more political, economic, cultural or administrative autonomy within existing institutional arrangements.
These arrangements will provide security and promote economic prosperity for the ethnic minorities.
According to UN Report on Ethnicity and Development in 2004, accommodating people’s growing demands for their inclusion in society, for respect of their ethnicity, religion, and
culture are the mainstay of remedying ethnic conflicts.
The 2004 Report builds on that analysis, by carefully examining and rejecting claims that cultural differences necessarily lead to social, economic and political conflict or that inherent cultural rights should supersede political and economic ones.
The UN Report makes a case for respecting diversity and building more inclusive societies by adopting policies that explicitly recognize cultural differences – multicultural policies:
(1) Cultural liberty is a vital part of human development because being able to choose one’s identity is important in leading a full life;
(2) Cultural liberty allows people to live the lives they value without being excluded from other choices important to them such as education, health or job opportunities;
(3) Several emerging models of multicultural democracy provide effective mechanisms for power sharing between culturally diverse groups;
(4) Power sharing arrangements have broadly proven to be critical in resolving tensions; and
(5) Multicultural policies that recognize differences between groups are needed to address injustices historically rooted and socially entrenched.
These are good theories but practical application is quite another kettle of fish. Because of hierarchal form of unitary government Manipur needs a body of policy makers representing all the tribal groups that can influence the state government policy-making power.
The writer is based in the UK
Email: imsingh AT onetel.com
Website: www.drimsingh.co.uk
Naga History: We Missed Our Flight Thrice Mazie Nakhro Morung
To be able to take the right path in our journey forward, it is also important to find out where we have gone wrong in the past. So this is what this article is about –examining our missed chances to collective greatness:

1. Falling Too Short: During World War I, some Nagas were recruited by the Allied Forces in the early 1900s to work as laborers in France. As they became aware of the birth of many independent nations around this time, they began to think about protecting their common interest as a people. Upon their return to Nagaland in 1918, they formed a Naga Club with a view to initiate a movement of self-determination of some sort. However, this Naga Club was still just a mere political club, probably with lot of talks and permission-seeking. What they should have done was to go straight ahead with mobilizing all the Naga tribes to come together to function like a sovereign state. This would have provided evidences to the world that the Nagas were on their way to becoming a nation. Although the British had established their presence in certain parts of Nagaland since 1832, they doubtless came as temporary occupants for military purposes. Or even if the few British were to fight against the Nagas, they could hardly have been successful (see Point #2 below). And prior to 1947, India would have only supported the Nagas’ fight for independence as both Subhas Chandra Bose and Mahatma Gandhi clearly showed such sympathetic understanding of the Nagas’ aspiration. And our flight to independence could have taking off the ground. But unfortunately, we missed our flight.

2. Choosing the Wrong Side: A.Z. Phizo was one who wanted the Nagas to take the side of the Japanese in his initial efforts for Naga independence. If the Nagas were to have followed in his footsteps, possibly the Allied Forces would find it hard to occupy the hilly areas of the Nagas. For instance, Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu launched revolutionary movements against the British for interfering into their tribal affairs in the early 1900s. Even Khonoma Village fiercely resisted the invading British Forces for 47 intermittent years (1832-1879). Similarly, every Naga village could have done the same just as many had proven themselves later in their resistance against the Indian Army. If the Nagas were to have supported the Japanese who had already swept through Malaysia, capturing Singapore, and advancing through Burma into India, the war scenario in the entire North East region could have been a very different story altogether. Possibly the Allied Forces would suffer defeat in the Naga hills and the Japanese could have gotten at least up to Assam and gained a stronghold there. In that case, even the political landscape of India might be very different, that is, North East India might have never become a part of India. But when the British came as an occupying force, the Nagas gladly took them in. Though they did divide our land to rule over us, we gladly extended our help in the forms of carrying their loads, gathering intelligence, providing guides, bringing wounded British soldiers under heavy fire, and capturing the Japanese…doing all these without pay. And what did they give us in return on their way out? Nothing. Instead, they handed us over to India much like a gift. And as everyone would expect, greedy India came up and claimed it. What a tragic turn of events!

3. Taking Out the Right Man: After the Naga case became entangled with India, T. Sakhrie emerged as a key figure in the new political scenario. He advocated for cooperation and non-violence in dealing with Independent India. He saw reason for some development prior to taking up arms. He was undoubtedly a statesman who was certainly up to the job. But his unsurpassed wisdom among peers was not grasped; his moderate view in the context of the new ground realities was not tolerated. Eventually they only cost his life. But in losing him, we lost too. Otherwise, the story of the Nagas could have been very different: We could have gotten an honorable settlement with India and avoided much bloodshed. So this was another missed chance to collective greatness.
Soul Survirors: Saving dying tribes of northeast with art News One
New Delhi, April 24 (IANS) The rich heritage of the primitive tribes of Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Tibet, many of which are waging a war to survive the march of time, has found a place in the capital’s cultural and artistic mainstream with a unique documentation project titled ‘Soul Survivors’, an exposition of photographs, installations, video films and ethnic merchandise.
The project explores the lifestyles of the Apa Tani tribals of Arunachal Pradesh, the head-hunting Konyak tribe of Nagaland and the nomads of Tibet.
The showcase was inaugurated here Saturday by Arunachal Pradesh Governor J.J. Singh, the former chief of army staff, his wife Anupama and union Minister Salman Khurshid.
Part of a serial documentary ‘Tribal Wisdom’ by acclaimed documentary filmmaker Anu Malhotra, the project tries to make their cultural heritage sustainable with an array of tribal merchandise for sale.
The money raised will be given to Donyi Polo Mission in the Papum Pare district of Arunachal Pradesh, a non-profit organisation which works for the physically-challenged.
The merchandise include mugs with ethnic motifs, post-cards, hand-woven shawls, scarves, cushion, shirts, T-shirts, saris and printed fabrics with indigenous prints.
‘I have documented seven tribes from north-eastern India as part of my documentary series for the Discovery channel. The visuals – the still photographs and video footages shot since 2002 – have been sourced from my documentaries ‘The Konyak of Nagaland’ and ‘The Apatani of Arunachal Pradesh’. I collected the artefacts in course of my visits to the northeast and a three-week journey through Tibet,’ Malhotra told IANS.
The idea behind the merchandise was to ‘promote the arts and crafts of the northeast in the urban market,’ she said.
‘I plan to get the products made in Arunchal Pradesh and Nagaland by people who belong to the traditions, if they find a market in the metros,’ Malhotra said.
The photographs – both coloured and in black-and-white – are striking in their details.
Mostly portraits and community compositions with multiple figures, they capture the beauty of the Apa Tani women, supposed to be the prettiest among the northeastern tribes, their rituals, daily chores, community events and cottage economies like processing meat.
The video footages of Apa Tani and Naga festivals are clips from her documentaries.
Tibet comes across as a series of visuals of the remote valleys dotting its physical border with China, the nomads inhabiting the remote stretches, Buddhist prayer memorobilia and shots of an icy Mount Kailash.
‘The Apa Tani women were so beautiful that large nose plugs, called yappin-hoollo, were implanted on the bridge of their noses to disfigure their faces so that they did not fall prey to men from other tribes,’ she said.
The tribal councils, however, banned the practice in 1970s.
Malhotra captures the last generation of women with ‘yappin hoollos’ in her photographs.
A large section of installations like masks, wooden artefacts, footages and photographs was devoted to the head-hunting mores of the Konyak tribals of Nagaland, who still less than a century ago culled human heads ‘as a mark of prestige, valour and good omen.’
According to anthropolohist J.H. Hutton’s explanatory notes used by Malhotra to explain the significance of head-hunting, ‘the real basis of head-hunting among the Naga groups is the belief that the head is the seat par excellence – the essence of which forms human beings. The life essence is brought to the villages in hunted heads.’
Community kinship and networking is documented by the concept of ‘buning’.
Ekha, a tribal boy says in Malhotra’s video: ‘Buning is a network of friends spread across villages. I have eight bunings who live in different villages.’ The buning of groups help each other in times of need.
Governor J.J. Singh and his wife, who were dressed in the traditional hand-woven attire of Arunachal Pradesh, said: ‘One of the reasons why we make it a point to wear the traditional costume of the state is to let people know about it.’
‘We feel proud about their culture. We want them to stay connected to their cultural roots, faith and indigenous life. We don’t want to make them 21st century people overnight. We want to modernise them at a pace where they can gradually absorb,’ Singh told IANS.
The exhibition, now at the Stainless Gallery in Okhla, will move to the National Museum May 7.