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Saturday, April 30th

Zoramthanga calls for economic stability Chizokho Vero Morungexpress



Zoramthanga calls for economic stability Chizokho Vero Morungexpress

Chief Guest with NSF president at the NSF general conference at Pfutsero on April 28. (Morung Photo)
24th NSF General Conference 2011
Pfutsero : Former chief minister of Mizoram Pu Zoramthanga today asserted that a time has come to maintain economic stability rather than military and political power in the wake of the change of political scenario in this modern world. Speaking at the 24th general conference of the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) here this morning, he maintained that economic stability is deciding factor for any nation today.
“Now, it is economy world,” he said and termed it as very important aspect. He went on to state that unless there is economic stability in case of Mizoram and Nagaland “we are nowhere” as compared to other mighty economic power. Zoramthanga also declared that his first task would be on economic stability if he returns to power in his state, so that the people would find place to support themselves and stand firm from any adversary.
Admitting the bright prospect of bamboo for boosting economy of the north eastern states, he encouraged the people to focus on lati foras species which would bring handsome income. Spreading his economic gospel for the whole north eastern states, Zoramthanga said the region could become a gold mine if the people make the best use of the abundant bamboo resources available in the region.
He agreed that Nagas are economically stable but comparing with the world it is not stable even in case of Mizoram. He said that Nagaland has potential to make a good headway in economy front taking the advantage of receiving good rainfall, energetic people and land resources unlike Delhi which has more population but lack of rainfall and shortfall of land. Nagas, he said, has more privilege to become economically stable if they can put together all such assets into practice in proper manner. In this, he called for the best utilization of land, which is the greatest asset from God.
He was appreciative of the NSF for choosing “Reaching Out” as its 24th conference theme, which he said was its attempt to reach out to the neighbouring states and abroad as well to make better Naga people.
He opined that in order to make a successful politician or leader in any organization, one should have a sense of “reaching out” and should not be selfish, adding that one has to develop patience. He described the theme “reaching out” as Christian thing and humanitarian approach. He called upon the NSF to continue such approach and stretch their hand to north east as it is good for others too.

Earlier, NSF president Mutsikhoyo Yhobu in his presidential address said founders of NSF have clearly articulated for a Unified Lim and Glory of the Nagas. While paying highest tributes to the founding fathers and the worthy successors, he said “we thought it best that, we need to reiterate the clarion call given by our predecessors and accordingly the conference theme has been befitting chosen as Reaching Out Within and Outside.”

The artificial and notional boundary created both by India and Myanmar will not come our way in the quest for living together as a nation. Our leaders have unambiguously articulated this stance and so will we continue to strive for this rightful position stated by our leaders. NSF ever since its formation has been steadfast, unwavering towards the peaceful coexistence of our people. However, it is lamentable today that there are divisions, misunderstanding within us. Intrinsic external forces are always at work to divide us for which I would like to call upon all to be on guards of such divisive plans. Having said that, I would like to state that, within and outside, we have people who are selflessly working for the common good of our people,” Yhobu said.
He reminded that when the present team of NSF assumed office in 2009, ethnic conflict broke out between Dimasas and Zeme Nagas in Halflong district of Assam in June 2009 threatening the coexistence of the two communities. To reduce misunderstanding and hatred between the two communities, it undertook a goodwill mission comprising all the NSF Federating Units to the conflict area for three days.
On reaching the spot and hearings the voices of the people, we saw the need to bring both the conflicting groups to a dialogue. Accordingly, we arranged a meeting with both the key leaders of both the communities and a platform was created for dialogue and shared understanding and communal harmony. Thus, with our intervention, communication between the two communities has been restored and the situation has been normalised. A happy augury of the outcome of this visit has been reduction of misunderstanding and hatred between the two communities and restoration of normalcy in the area.
He said, for long, NSF has been pained with the various anomalies prevalent in the Nagaland Public Service Commission. Understanding and appreciating that if corrective measures are not undertaken to address the anomalies in the highest recruiting board of the state, the future of the younger generation was at stake.
“Thus, NSF carried out demonstration and protest rally to pressurize the Government. The Government of the day has taken cognizance of our grievances and has accordingly taken action on the guilty especially in the tainted swapping of answer scripts. NSF would continue to remain alive to indifferent attitude of institutions that perpetrates injustice to the younger generation,” he said.
Stating that employment in state beyond Government sector is limited in the near absence of Industries and private players, he said “ While looking forward to more private players coming to the state for more investment and generation of gainful employment of our people, we perhaps look at the Government for fair and just distribution of employment to the younger generation. Thus, we urged the Government to rationalize the length of service of Government employees as many employees have manipulated their superannuation age. Accordingly Government has fixed the length of service to that of 35 years and enhancing the superannuation age to that of 60 years.”
Following the implementation of Nagaland Retirement from Public Employment Act 2009, he said, various departments have reported of backdoor employment giving opportunity to people who matter and who have the connection negating fair and equitable distribution of employment.
In this regard, he said the NSF had put up stiff resistance to such malpractices and have held several parleys with the Executives and the Political Leadership and assured that the NSF would continue to resist such practices and would remain vigilant in the days to come.
Recalling “the gory incident of 6th May 2010 at Mao Gate wherein two innocent students Lt. Chakho and Lt. Loshu were killed and as many as 70 people manhandled by the Manipur Commandos”, Yhobu said “. Prior to this incident, the Government of Manipur forcefully imposed the amended Autonomous District Council to the Naga area in Manipur against the wishes and desire of the Nagas. Various Memorandums and representation submitted to the Manipur government to revoke its decision went unheeded and resultantly ANSAM imposed economic Blockade to Manipur. Besides, the Government of Manipur restricted our entry to Oinam Village in Senapati district of Manipur to hold our Federal Assembly. NSF staged protest rally and asked the Manipur Government to withdraw the Manipur Commandos in all the Naga Inhabited areas which went unheeded. Since resorting to peaceful demonstration have fallen on deaf ears and our entry to Naga Inhabited areas being blocked by the Government of Manipur NSF also organized counter-bandh on vehicles bearing Manipur registration to Naga inhabited areas. On organizing this counter bandh, Manipur Government with its resources, infrastructure and manpower went on a malicious campaign against us and the Nagas.”
Thus to set the record straight, he said, a goodwill team visited all the North Eastern states of India to tell our rightful position. Besides, it became imperative to tell the Indian leadership and also the national print and electronic media with the correct perspective and a team of NSF Delhi.
“The Prime Minister, Home Minister, and others gave audience to us where we were able to narrate our rightful position. On getting the assurance from the Prime Minister, that the Indo Naga problem would be resolved at the earliest and at his behest, we lifted the counter bandh. Further, during our visit, we held interviews with the leading print and electronic media in the National Capital,” he said.
He also stated that in an attempt to forge better understanding and goodwill among the Naga students in all the Naga inhabited areas, NSF participated in the Eastern Naga Students Association Conference held in Myanmar in 2010. In the said Conference, NSF reiterated that Nagas are one in the past and will continue to live as one in the future.
“Artificial boundaries created by nation states will not deter our aspiration to live as a people. The same sentiment has been shared by them and we are grateful to them that they have also come all the way to participate in this conference,” he said.
He also expressed happiness over the successful observance of the 25th Anniversary of the NSF Martyrs Day on March 20 this year, adding that the function was organized with a view to reinforce and inculcate in the younger generation to be alive to the issues of our people.
Stating that rich tributes were paid to the martyrs by all the participants, he said “The sense and purpose of the event was captured by the audience and that it is not ritualistic in nature. Thus, realization dawn on everyone that the young students have laid their lives for the common good of our people.”
Earlier, FNR convenor Rev. Dr. Wati Aier and Ganesh Kachari, executive member Bodoland Territorial Council delivered short speech. The inaugural function was chaired by NSF tribunal general Imchatoba Imchen while Achumbemo Kikon delivered welcome address.
The programme was followed by debating hour, federal assembly and classical & quartet ensemble.
Meanwhile, minister for road and bridges G. Kaito Aye will be the chief guest at the cultural regale on April 29 starting from 9:30 AM while Dr. Samujjal Bhattacharjee, chairman NESO will be the special guest. Election hour will take place at 2:30 PM while minister for health and family welfare Kuzholuzo Nienu will be the chief guest at the valedictory function at 5:30 PM.
Insurgency situation under control, but ULFA may regroup: AR PTI
Shillong, Apr 29 (PTI) Claiming that the situation in the northeast was under control now, Assam Rifles DG Lt Gen Rameshwar Roy today cautioned that the outlawed ULFA might, however, "build up" over a period of time."The ULFA is a simmering fire, but it has a potential to become bigger. At present its strength is not much but time will tell what potential it is left with... these are local dynamics," Roy told reporters on the sidelines of the Assam Rifles commanders' conference. He cautioned that though the group's capability was degrading, the group could "slowly get oxygen" and "build up over a period of time". "There is no guarantee that they will not come back," he said. Few days ago, the anti-talk faction of banned ULFA, which suffered serious setbacks as majority of its leaders and cadre entered the peace process, announced reorganising its armed wing under the 'mobile military headquarter', to be directly commanded by its elusive 'c-in-c' Paresh Barua.But the situation in the region as of now is "by and large peaceful and under control", the DG said."The operational situation is no longer active as far as violence is concerned. There are extortions and other unlawful activities which is, of course, under the control of the state governments," he said. In Nagaland also, he said the factional clashes had reduced. "What ever incidents happen, they are individual killings and cannot be classified as factional clashes between the two NSCN groups. It is difficult to control those killings, unless real time intelligence is received," he said. The commanders' conference, held twice every year, reviewed the operational preparedness of the force and the situation in the states where it is operating.
Solution to Naga conflict within Constitution: Aswani Kumar PTI | IBN
Kohima, (PTI) Senior Congress leader and union minister of state for planning Ashwani Kumar said Naga political conflict will be solved within the framework of Indian Constitution and claimed that the UPA government at the Centre remains fully committed towards resolving the vexed Naga problem.He said since the Constitution has enough scope to accommodate the demands of the Naga people, the settlement could be found within its framework.Kumar was at Mokokchung to campaign for former chief minister S C Jamir who is seeking reentry to Nagaland politics after nearly a decade-long gap through the bye-election of Aonglengden assembly seat in the district which goes to poll on April 7.He told newsmen yesterday that the centre was committed to find an honorable and mutually acceptable solution to the Naga political conflict within the framework of Indian constitution by holding wide ranging talks with the Naga people.Earlier addressing a poll meeting, Kumar said he was sent by UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and prime minister Manmohan Singh to convey the message that Centre was fully committed to resolve the Naga issue through political negotiations with the Naga underground factions.He said, "We want all Nagas to come on one platform and we tried so hard for this to happen." Jamir, the longest serving chief minister in the state, was out of active politics since 2003 while serving gubernatorial duty in Goa and Maharashtra. He is now seeking to return to state politics through the bye-election to Aonglenden seat, which has been his home constituency.Bye-election was necessitated following the death of Congress MLA Nungshizenba Longkumer last year.Jamir is facing a direct contest against ruling NPF candidate Toshipokba Longkumer. Both ruling NPF and opposition Congress launched no-hold-bar campaigns to capture the seat.PTI AP AMD
GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM
Ministry of Information and Publicity

Press Statement against Indian Union Minister of State for Planning
Mr. Ashwani Kumar

29th April, 2011
This press statement is in response to the controversial press reportage of the Indian Union Minister of State for Planning Mr. Ashwani Kumar that appeared in the Nagaland local dailies, dated 28 April, 2011 during the election campaign for Mr. S.C Jamir. We seriously question Mr. Ashwani Kumar statement that, “ Government of India is prepared for wide ranging talks with the Naga people on finding an honourable and mutually acceptable solution (to the Naga issue) within the framework of the Indian constitution”.
The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) is therefore constrained to issue this statement lest the public are misinformed by such unfounded statement that is not based on any official commitment or agreement between the Government of India (GoI) and NSCN.
In the first place, let it be known that there is no such an agreement that the Indo-Naga Political issue will be solved “within the framework of Indian Constitution”. From the historical point of view the imposition of Indian Consitution upon the Nagas was the beginning of the Indo-Naga conflict and for the Nagas that can never be the solution.
Realising the futility of seeking solution to the Indo-Naga political conflict through brute force, the GoI proposed a political dialogue that was later accepted by the NSCN as the more realistic approach. Thereafter, peaceful political dialogue was initiated on the basis of three mutually agreed terms: at the highest level, without any conditions and in a third country. Subsequently, the GoI accepted that the negotiation was between two entities and on July, 11, 2002 recognised the unique history and situation of the Nagas. The Prime Ministers of India agreed that the Indo-Naga issue must be solved through political negotiation and Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh also officially assured that the GoI will seek solution outside the box.
The NSCN seriously views such an irresponsible statement when both the entities are seriously trying to find an honourable and peaceful political solution. Therefore, the statement made by Mr. Ashwani is a blatant breach of trust. It must, therefore, be clarified if his statement reflects the opinions of the Government of India.
Mr. Ashwani also violated the official understanding and commitment between the Government of India and the NSCN that all official statements on Indo-Naga Political Talks will be made only from the Prime Minister’s Office, Home Minister and India’s Interlocutor for the Indo-Naga peace talks, Mr.R.S Pandey.
The NSCN have done their best they could in the past and are prepared to continue in the same spirit until an honourable political settlement is arrived at. But today we are forced to go back to the people and discuss it in a very serious manner to make the point clear that it will not accept Indian constitution under any circumstances.
Issued by
MIP/GPRN

Ceasefire agreement with NSCN (K) in Nagaland extended by one year NetIndian News Network
New Delhi, The Government has decided to extend the ceasefire agreement with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khapland) (NSCN/K) for a further period of one year with effect from April 29, 2011.
The ceasefire is in operation since 28 April, 2001 and the validity of the last extension expired on April 28 this year.
On the 21st Death Anniversary of A Z Phizo NNC
Today 2011 by the grace of God we could gather together again to pay our solemn tribute to former NNC President A.Z. Phizo on this 21st death anniversary here at Phizo Hill, Kohima, Nagaland. This is important moment to remember him as the father of Naga nation.
Indeed, the devoted pioneer NNC leaders led by A.Z. Phizo founded NNC on solid root of Naga race. Fairly well known that Naga race is quite different from that of the aggressor Indian race. That the needful in brief to say is that the Naga forefathers were in Nagaland right from the beginning as provided by the Almighty God.
In Urra Uvie expresses the light of freedom and sovereign Nagaland. And we Nagas are happy and proud to stay in Naga Country with God’s creation of free Nagas and a sovereign nation. Remarkably, Nagaland sovereignty is as old as any other nation’s sovereignty of the world. By nature, Nagas are clearly a sovereign people in our own country, Nagaland.
And so let us all hold ourselves together as to what we are and who we are as created us by the Almighty God. We are His creation and He loves us. Be it known that if any one of us goes by enemy’s wrong notion that will lead him or her to more than foolishness. And therefore, let us be true to ourselves as created. We should go by God’s creation and His sustenance and love.
Land Ownership of Nagaland.
Nagas’ ownership of Nagaland and its natural resources is a great blessing of the Almighty God has bestowed on Naga race from the very outset. Nagas never attempt to give it up. Truly, there is a belief that is taboo (curse) to think of giving it away. NNC and its Naga people have been looking after it under the shepherd of A.Z. Phizo, and NNC and its free Naga people will do its best to safeguard it. The land owner system evolved by our forefathers is very stable and admirable in land possession where there is no landless Naga in entire Nagaland. By the grace of God in Nagaland there is no beggar nor no starvation death. And that we should be on our guard that foreign/alien culture, caste system etc. do not destroy it.
Some important achievements of Naga nation headed by former NNC President, A.Z. Phizo Naga National Council (NNC), Nagaland.
I. With fair and far-sightedness of NNC leadership and together with the will, the leaders of the day brought the Naga families of all the Nagas together into one big family as a nation.
II. Adhering to the policy of non-violence, A.Z. Phizo led several Goodwill Missions of Naga delegations to India , and met the Indian leaders of the day (1947-1952)
III. At the initiative of A.Z. Phizo Nagas’ historic declaration of Nagaland independence on 14th August, 1947 and this historic declaration message sent to British India Government, India and UNO.
IV. With necessary preparation NNC headed by A.Z. Phizo solemnly conducted historic Naga Voluntary Plebiscite to steadfastly uphold Nagaland independence where 99% honoured Nagaland stand.
V. On 22nd March, 1956, the Naga National Council (NNC) under the leadership of A.Z. Phizo formed the Republic of the Federal Government of Nagaland.
VI. A.Z. Phizo shouldered the responsibility of informing the outside world of the Naga national right, the severe suffering and aggression on Nagaland by India . The United Nations Organisations (UNO) was also informed on Naga nation and Nagaland in 1960.
VII. Above all, the case of Nagaland is of war is placed by A.Z. Phizo on the table of Prime Minister, the Republic of India since two decades ago, and the war is yet to come to an honourable end.
While looking back to former NNC President A.Z. Phizo’s important steps taken and achievements made in the teeth of aggression against Nagaland by India showed his greatness as the ever true leader of the Naga people and Nagaland. He knew thoroughly well what he had been doing for the best interest of the Nagas, so that the future generations can live happily in dignity.
Urra Uvie.
L. KAISO, SECRETARY, NNC

“Each time is a seed, man to act.”
His Excellency, the Kedahge and Kedallo, Kilonsers, dignitaries of the Federal Government of Nagaland and all sorts of my friends, Ladies and Gentlemen; success goes big due to your presence on this sorrowful day, the 21st death anniversary of our father Dr. A.Z. Phizo.
That, I rejoice in your faithfulness and undertakings. I pray let peace be with you all the time. Today we are mourning and refuse to be comforted, because of our national father is no more with us, yet his presence among us is sure and plain truth that comforts us. For what we have and are is Phizo.
That, he was born to us with a branded vision of “Sovereign Nagaland” taking the highest responsibilities in making worth of us, a country, a nation, man among men and nation among nations, “happy be.” If there be any who knows not of him be “alas!”
That, therefore I call on you, be bold and have courage to do Nagaland as one as that of Wailing Wall of Jerusalem in this crucial generation, standing on the promises of Christ’s glory that which cannot be vulnerised the Nagaland for Christ by any outside political influence spreading today.
Thanking you.

Eno I. Toshi Sangnen Longkumer,
Joint Secretary, NNC


Frans on 04.30.11 @ 11:21 PM CST [link]


Thursday, April 28th

Jamir alters political tune The telegraph



Jamir alters political tune OUR CORRESPONDENT


S.C. Jamir
Kohima, April 25: Former chief minister of Nagaland S.C. Jamir has changed his tune to match that of the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) by calling for recognition of the “uniqueness” of the Naga political situation in the run-up to the byelection in the Aonglenden Assembly constituency in Mokokchung district.
Jamir, who is contesting the byelection and needs to win, apparently changed his tune after being severely criticised by the NSCN (I-M). He has now promised to place the Naga political issue before the Centre, as he is a permanent invitee of the Congress Working Committee (CWC), the highest policy-making body of the Congress.
The Naga rebel outfit has been appealing to the Union government to recognise the “uniqueness” of Nagaland’s history and its political movement since it entered a truce with the Centre in July 1997.
Jamir has been an advocate of statehood and he even made his stand public in 2001 through a booklet — Bedrock of Naga Society, which created a hue and cry all over the state, leading to his party’s debacle in the 2003 Assembly elections.
But the Naga People’s Front (NPF) has raked up the issue again, despite Jamir’s insistence that the booklet was a closed chapter as it had served its purpose.
NPF’s Toshipokba Ao is pitted against the veteran leader in the byelection. While sources said Jamir was leading in his village Ungma and two other villages, the NPF claimed that Jamir’s political career was coming to an end, as people had rejected his stand on the Naga political issue.
Stating that he was contesting the election this time to unite different Naga political groups under one umbrella, Jamir said there were numerous issues that needed to be addressed for betterment of the Naga people, as the Nagas were standing on a shadowy borderland, unable to decide and choose between status quo and an enlightened and progressive stance.
“We have several new issues to discuss,” he told The Telegraph. Jamir said his mission this time was above party politics, as he had attained prestigious positions and status under the Constitution in his decades of service to the people and had no other ambition.
Jamir seeks to end political hibernation Newmai News
DIMAPUR, April 24 – As expected, the return of SC Jamir to Nagaland politics is starting to create ripples.
The former Nagaland Chief Minister is currently campaigning for the May 7 Aonglenden Assembly constituency by-poll which he is contesting.
In every public meeting, Jamir has been advocating to shun the gun culture in Nagaland. He has also been saying that decades of conflicts among the Nagas have resulted in creating more divisions and miseries in the Naga society. He predicted that if this trend continues, the future of Nagaland is bleak.
The NSCN-IM has accused Jamir and his younger brother Sungit Jamir, who is the president of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee of attemptinng to tarnish the Naga outfit. On Thursday, the NSCN-IM refuted reports that the outfit was planning to assasinate Jamir.
The NSCN-IM further stated that it questions the intentions of New Delhi “for engaging with us to finalise the Indo-Naga political issue while conniving with the likes of SC Jamir who had spent his entire life bargaining the rights of the Naga people and its nation for his position. We strongly demand that the Union Home Ministry clear its position too”.
The Isak-Muivah group of the NSCN has often accused the Congress stalwart of trying to sabotage the Naga peace process. Jamir, who was the first Lok Sabha MP from Nagaland in 1961, became the Chief Minister of the State for the first time in 1980. He became the Chief Minister for the fifth term in 1998.
In the dramatic change of political scenario of Nagaland in the 2003 Assembly election, his ‘Man Friday’ in Neiphiu Rio who was the ‘No. 2’ in Jamir’s Ministry dethroned him. Since then Jamir had gone for ‘political hibernation’.
The decision of Jamir to contest the by-poll next month is seen as a preparation for the next Nagaland Assembly election due in two year’s time. At present, the Neiphiu Rio-led Naga People’s Front is running the government with its alliance after christening it as Democratic Alliance of Nagaland for the consecutive second term.
MHA's allegation is false: NSCN(IM) Source: Hueiyen News Service
Tamenglong, April 24 2011: The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) took a strong exception to the 'false' allegation levelled against the NSCN by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs of purportedly planning to assassinate SC Jamir and alleged that the resultant directive issued to the Nagaland Government by New Delhi to provide sufficient security to the former Chief Minister of Nagaland was on account of a self-created manoeuvre to draw petty sympathy vote.

A joint council meeting of the steering committee members and the council of kilonsers (ministers) held on April 21 at its council headquarters while taking strong exception to the allegation of New Delhi alleged that the directive of Delhi exposes total failure of its intelligence agencies who file reports to the home ministry at the whims of some crooked and wicked persons having no conscience and welfare for the people.

The NSCN has no such intention to harm SC Jamir.

However inputs received from so-called "reliable sources" reported otherwise.

These reports are derived from Jamir himself and his brother Sungit Jamir who is the president of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee.

The objective is clearly to initiate pre-emptive steps for another upcoming stage-managed-self-ambush judging by his past track record, the ministry of Kilo Affairs of the outfit said in a statement dispatched today.

The statement recalled that to start the 2008 election campaign he had stage managed an 'ambush' on November 24, 2007 at Changki area so as to draw the sympathy of the people as his popularity had touched the ground.

Again in 1999 when Jamir was caught in the middle of a ' 30,000 crore lottery scam, he had diverted the attention of the people by staging a similar 'ambush' on his own convoy between Dimapur and Kohima on November 29, 1999 .

Significantly, at both the incidents, no one even suffered a scratch, leave alone casualties.

He had also blamed the NSCN for both the incidents, the statement said.

"NSCN will no longer tolerate its name to be tarnished for self motivated interests.

And therefore, SC Jamir and Sungit Jamir must come out with a confessional statement and make their position clear to the NSCN and the Naga people at the earliest for their latest gimmick," it said.

Further, the statement questions the intentions of the GoI on the one hand for engaging them to finalize the Indo-Naga political issue while conniving with the likes of Jamir who have spent his entire life bargaining the rights of the Naga people and its nation for his position and demanded a clarification from MHA.
Jamir returns to Nagaland, joins bypoll race Indian Express
Former Nagaland chief minister and veteran Congress leader S C Jamir has returned to state politics.
He is contesting the by-election to the Aonglenden constituency to make a re-entry to the state Assembly. The election is slated for May 7.
Having remained out of Nagaland as governor of Goa and Maharashtra for several years, Jamir’s return has not only rejuvenated the state Congress, but has also posed a major challenge to the ruling Nagaland People’s Front, which has won two consecutive Assembly elections.
Jamir, in fact, launched his campaign for the Aonglenden constituency last weekend by saying that decades of armed conflict had not only brought untold misery and hardship to the Nagas, but had also divided the tribal society.
“We cannot blame others for this and we cannot deny that Naga society lies mortally wounded because of its own follies,” he had said.
The veteran Congress leader who had become chief minister five times in a span of 40 years, also said a deep fear psychosis created by gun culture had gripped the Naga society, in the process destroying the Naga qualities of honesty, and courage.
Meanwhile, a reported Home Ministry directive to the state government to provide extra security to Jamir in view of intelligence inputs of a possible attempt on his life, has irked the NSCN(IM).
A statement issued by the NSCN(IM) on Monday said it had no intention to cause any harm to Jamir.
Perspectives on ‘Journey of common hope’ Ashikho Pfuzhe Morung
As the ‘Journey of common Hope’ looks forward to the proposed ‘highest level meeting’ of the Naga political parties for its consummation, the mood in the interim swings between hope and despair and between expectancy and resignation. The wait has also given a breather to reflect on the journey undertaken so far, the impediments to reconciliation and the task ahead.
In separate interviews, noted Naga social worker and trustee, Centre for Northeast Studies & Policy Research and Initiatives of Change, Niketu Iralu, and executive director, Boston Theological Institute, Rodney L Petersen, shared their views on the ongoing Naga reconciliation process initiated by Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR). Petersen was one of the resource persons at a 3-day seminar on “The role of religion in peacemaking constructive engagement of conflict: Churches in dialogue with civil society,’ held at Horeb Guest House, Dimapur, in March last.
Below are the two responses - Naga perspective and ‘outside’ perspective.

1. Why is reconciliation among Nagas so difficult though everyone professes to be Christians?
Niketu Iralu: Because we Christians just like other human beings see and criticize only where others are wrong, have failed or made mistakes while we deny, justify or rationalize our own wrongs, failures and mistakes. The result is others distrust us and resent our dishonesty and irresponsibility. We want reconciliation, unity, peace, mutual good will and co-operation, development and prosperity. But reconciliation and the other good things will come through all of us understanding what is right and best for all Nagas and deciding to achieve that together by sacrificing what we want for ourselves only. The price-tag for reconciliation is transparency and readiness to sacrifice our selfishness for the common good.
Podney Petersen: I believe that reconciliation among Nagas is difficult, though every Naga professes to be Christian, in part from the deep tribal identity which is not necessarily a problem, but is a problem when there are few "border-crossing" organizations, i.e., organizations that try to draw all together in common efforts. The sociology of ‘particularity’ becomes more important than sociology of ‘cooperation.’

2. Are you hopeful of a breakthrough in the ongoing Naga Reconciliation Process?
N Iralu: I am hopeful of a breakthrough because the responses by all the groups that have come forward to the Roadmap the FNR has provided show that Nagas have started to realize the realities confronting us. All have also realized Nagas should consolidate before it is too late what the struggle has indeed achieved and pass on to the coming generations an honourable settlement they can be proud of and on which they can build their future together according to their best judgment. I do sense that all the factions will fight hard to secure their own group and tribe advantages. This is understandable. But one desperately hopes no group will push their agendas further at the cost of what will be right for all Nagas.
R Petersen: I believe a breakthrough in the ongoing the Naga Reconciliation process can occur, but it needs to happen not only at an "elite" level but at mid-range and grassroots levels as well. Enhancing the latter two divisions is the value of what we did together in March (at the seminar Petersen spoke on ‘the way to Just Peace’ and ‘Religion and multi-track diplomacy’).

3. Any suggestion to strengthen the Naga Reconciliation Process?
N Iralu: I don’t know enough of what is going on to suggest anything that will be helpful at this stage. Perhaps the only thing I can suggest is FNR putting this question to the Naga public to keep the process transparent and inclusive always.
R Petersen: My suggestion would be twofold: a) develop course in peace-building in the seminaries and schools and also b) develop more conferences of the kind we did for grassroots and mid-range groups of people.
Petersen, who visited Nagaland for the first time, admitted that “These are very important questions and take more of a reply than I can offer at this moment. I will try to say a few things from my perspective.” Senior FNR member, Rev. VK Nuh, who also served as head chaplain in the rank of brigadier in Naga Safeguard, the first ‘Naga Army’ formed in 1956, believes that God’s “purpose for the Nagas” can be fulfilled through reconciliation.
“I deeply believe that God has a special purpose for the Nagas, in the way the Israelites were created. How the Israelites walked and struggled for 40 years and how they failed God and how they asked for forgiveness, how the most stubborn people died. But since God had a purpose for them, they were delivered in the end,” Nuh said.
“What I have seen in the last 50 years is that the more we (Nagas) struggle, the more we realize the purpose of God,” Nuh said and added that in reconciliation lies Naga salvation.
A Naga intellectual, Father Abraham Lotha said the ‘‘Journey of common hope’ is a good initiative and that the parties involved should capitalize on the “goodwill” of the people to the reconciliation process and be united. “It is better to have peace that to kill each other,” he said.
He also said that “any political movement is a journey, irrespective of whatever society….But more important is how people understand the journey and how they give direction to their aspirations. Only when we are reconciled and united, then the true strength of the Nagas can be seen.”
“What if the Reconciliation Process fails?” is a foreboding question many Nagas would prefer not to ponder over.
“If it fails it will be ultimately because the national workers are not prepared to boldly discuss the issue of what Nagas should do with regard to sovereignty and find a common position for negotiation with India. This is the toughest question for our freedom fighters to be honest about with one another because it was for this that the Naga struggle was launched in the first place,” Iralu said.
He also said that if the present reconciliation process fails because of this, then “we (Nagas) will condemn ourselves to return to more of the mess we have lived through. It is hard to imagine what the failure will do to our inter-tribe relationships on which the strength of our society depends.”

(The report is part of media fellowship for the 2010-2011 cycle of Panos South Asia's plural media and peace building in Northeast India)
Calling Time on the most unsafe state in India – kanglaonline
CAUSES OF ETHNIC CONFLICT IN MANIPUR & SUGESTED REMEDIES
By: Dr Irengbam Mohendra Singh
Ethnic conflicts in Manipur are not phenomenal only for Manipur. They are world-wide. I can understand why the Nagas of Manipur want to secede and join Nagaland. It is naught to do with political economy but ethnicity ie to join fellow Nagas and live for ever “without perceived discrimination”.
Many political scientists have studied ethnic strife and its remedies. There are differing schools of thought.
Defining the causes of ethnic strife in Manipur is easy as they do elsewhere, by just cataloguing a cocktail of poverty, misunderstanding, resentment, cultural intolerance and perceived injustices. But finding remedies is very difficult
Ethnic conflict is caused by ethnicity, which mobilises, structures and manages ethnic organisations. Further their leaders use ethnic divisive strategies to mobilise political support.
The potential for ethnic conflict is almost universal because there are very few states with only one ethnic group.
Democracy alone cannot ensure ethnic harmony. Instead it allows freer expression of ethnic antagonisms.
In theory, in Manipur leaders of the dominant Meitei group gain office and then use state institutions to distribute economic and political benefits preferentially to the Meiteis and thus discriminate against other minority tribes. That is, the state is ineffective in addressing the concerns of their constituencies.
The minority ethnic groups having endured alleged discrimination for over sixty years felt that their shared deprivation has been long enough and thus mobilised political support on ethnic lines.
In reality, the cause of ethnic conflict is primordial. That is, ethnic conflict exists because there are traditions of belief and actions towards primordial objects such as biological features and especially territorial location and the concept of kinship between members of ethnic groups such as Kabuis, Tangkhuls and Nagas. This kinship makes it possible for ethnic groups to think in terms of family resemblances.
The leaders of the minority ethnic groups in the state want accommodation in terms of jobs, economy, security, development, health care and so on. When they are not forth coming from or judged “politically infeasible” by the dominant groups, the leaders take recourse to violent protests. The more radicalised leaders became militant (Donald L Horowitz). Underground groups came into existence. This usually causes the birth of ethnonationationalism.
The territorial integrity of Manipur is now vigorously challenged by the diversity of 36 ethnic groups living in the state. The insurgents of these ethnic Nagas, kacha nagas (Zemi nagas now) and smaller units like Hmar, paite. Gangte etc all demand regional autonomy or independence. Meiteis want an independent Kangleipak while Kukis dream of Zalengam. Nagas prefer to form Nagalim.
However, in Manipuri ethnic conflict preceded such a current scenario. Before the Manipur state came into existence in 1947, Athiko Daiho from Mao and a few other prominent leaders from other tribal groups formed the National Naga League in September 1946 for separate Naga inhabited areas. I have full sympathy for these organisations of ethnic groups; because that was what they thought was the best for them – a state for all the tribal groups outside of the majority Hindu Meiteis.
The cause of ethnic conflict in Manipur is thus political ethnicity and not economic disparity.
The later is only a vehicle to fight the ethnic war. This makes it very hard to find a tangible remedy short of secession.
Time has changed since. The tribal people became educated and the Meiteis became liberalised and were more and more willing to accommodate them.
The problem is endless. It is not unlike the demands of Mongoloid Nagaland and Manipur to secede form Mayang India. Anyone in northeast India must not be deluded that India will part with Nagaland or Manipur. Three wars with Pakistan and dedicated Kashmiri militants failed to dislodge Kashmir from India. However, this is not the point of my article.
My article is about suggestions as to how the different ethnic groups in Manipur could reconcile themselves.
There are three possible types of ethnic conflict outcomes in Manipur: (1) peaceful reconciliation as advocated by the Meiteis; (2) peaceful separation as demanded by the Nagas; and (3) endless ethnic conflicts.
Looking at the three options, which have been in existence for a number of years and from the security-centric Indian Government, a peaceful ethnic reconciliation is the best option.
The majority Meiteis and minority ethnic groups need to put their heads together and devise new mini constitutional arrangements to address specific concerns of grievances especially more local autonomy and minority rights guarantees such as quota reservations for universities, jobs, and the continuation of the application of Schedule V within a new federal structure with more political, economic, cultural or administrative autonomy within existing institutional arrangements.
These arrangements will provide security and promote economic prosperity for the ethnic minorities.
According to UN Report on Ethnicity and Development in 2004, accommodating people’s growing demands for their inclusion in society, for respect of their ethnicity, religion, and
culture are the mainstay of remedying ethnic conflicts.
The 2004 Report builds on that analysis, by carefully examining and rejecting claims that cultural differences necessarily lead to social, economic and political conflict or that inherent cultural rights should supersede political and economic ones.
The UN Report makes a case for respecting diversity and building more inclusive societies by adopting policies that explicitly recognize cultural differences – multicultural policies:
(1) Cultural liberty is a vital part of human development because being able to choose one’s identity is important in leading a full life;
(2) Cultural liberty allows people to live the lives they value without being excluded from other choices important to them such as education, health or job opportunities;
(3) Several emerging models of multicultural democracy provide effective mechanisms for power sharing between culturally diverse groups;
(4) Power sharing arrangements have broadly proven to be critical in resolving tensions; and
(5) Multicultural policies that recognize differences between groups are needed to address injustices historically rooted and socially entrenched.
These are good theories but practical application is quite another kettle of fish. Because of hierarchal form of unitary government Manipur needs a body of policy makers representing all the tribal groups that can influence the state government policy-making power.
The writer is based in the UK
Email: imsingh AT onetel.com
Website: www.drimsingh.co.uk
Naga History: We Missed Our Flight Thrice Mazie Nakhro Morung
To be able to take the right path in our journey forward, it is also important to find out where we have gone wrong in the past. So this is what this article is about –examining our missed chances to collective greatness:

1. Falling Too Short: During World War I, some Nagas were recruited by the Allied Forces in the early 1900s to work as laborers in France. As they became aware of the birth of many independent nations around this time, they began to think about protecting their common interest as a people. Upon their return to Nagaland in 1918, they formed a Naga Club with a view to initiate a movement of self-determination of some sort. However, this Naga Club was still just a mere political club, probably with lot of talks and permission-seeking. What they should have done was to go straight ahead with mobilizing all the Naga tribes to come together to function like a sovereign state. This would have provided evidences to the world that the Nagas were on their way to becoming a nation. Although the British had established their presence in certain parts of Nagaland since 1832, they doubtless came as temporary occupants for military purposes. Or even if the few British were to fight against the Nagas, they could hardly have been successful (see Point #2 below). And prior to 1947, India would have only supported the Nagas’ fight for independence as both Subhas Chandra Bose and Mahatma Gandhi clearly showed such sympathetic understanding of the Nagas’ aspiration. And our flight to independence could have taking off the ground. But unfortunately, we missed our flight.

2. Choosing the Wrong Side: A.Z. Phizo was one who wanted the Nagas to take the side of the Japanese in his initial efforts for Naga independence. If the Nagas were to have followed in his footsteps, possibly the Allied Forces would find it hard to occupy the hilly areas of the Nagas. For instance, Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu launched revolutionary movements against the British for interfering into their tribal affairs in the early 1900s. Even Khonoma Village fiercely resisted the invading British Forces for 47 intermittent years (1832-1879). Similarly, every Naga village could have done the same just as many had proven themselves later in their resistance against the Indian Army. If the Nagas were to have supported the Japanese who had already swept through Malaysia, capturing Singapore, and advancing through Burma into India, the war scenario in the entire North East region could have been a very different story altogether. Possibly the Allied Forces would suffer defeat in the Naga hills and the Japanese could have gotten at least up to Assam and gained a stronghold there. In that case, even the political landscape of India might be very different, that is, North East India might have never become a part of India. But when the British came as an occupying force, the Nagas gladly took them in. Though they did divide our land to rule over us, we gladly extended our help in the forms of carrying their loads, gathering intelligence, providing guides, bringing wounded British soldiers under heavy fire, and capturing the Japanese…doing all these without pay. And what did they give us in return on their way out? Nothing. Instead, they handed us over to India much like a gift. And as everyone would expect, greedy India came up and claimed it. What a tragic turn of events!

3. Taking Out the Right Man: After the Naga case became entangled with India, T. Sakhrie emerged as a key figure in the new political scenario. He advocated for cooperation and non-violence in dealing with Independent India. He saw reason for some development prior to taking up arms. He was undoubtedly a statesman who was certainly up to the job. But his unsurpassed wisdom among peers was not grasped; his moderate view in the context of the new ground realities was not tolerated. Eventually they only cost his life. But in losing him, we lost too. Otherwise, the story of the Nagas could have been very different: We could have gotten an honorable settlement with India and avoided much bloodshed. So this was another missed chance to collective greatness.
Soul Survirors: Saving dying tribes of northeast with art News One
New Delhi, April 24 (IANS) The rich heritage of the primitive tribes of Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Tibet, many of which are waging a war to survive the march of time, has found a place in the capital’s cultural and artistic mainstream with a unique documentation project titled ‘Soul Survivors’, an exposition of photographs, installations, video films and ethnic merchandise.
The project explores the lifestyles of the Apa Tani tribals of Arunachal Pradesh, the head-hunting Konyak tribe of Nagaland and the nomads of Tibet.
The showcase was inaugurated here Saturday by Arunachal Pradesh Governor J.J. Singh, the former chief of army staff, his wife Anupama and union Minister Salman Khurshid.
Part of a serial documentary ‘Tribal Wisdom’ by acclaimed documentary filmmaker Anu Malhotra, the project tries to make their cultural heritage sustainable with an array of tribal merchandise for sale.
The money raised will be given to Donyi Polo Mission in the Papum Pare district of Arunachal Pradesh, a non-profit organisation which works for the physically-challenged.
The merchandise include mugs with ethnic motifs, post-cards, hand-woven shawls, scarves, cushion, shirts, T-shirts, saris and printed fabrics with indigenous prints.
‘I have documented seven tribes from north-eastern India as part of my documentary series for the Discovery channel. The visuals – the still photographs and video footages shot since 2002 – have been sourced from my documentaries ‘The Konyak of Nagaland’ and ‘The Apatani of Arunachal Pradesh’. I collected the artefacts in course of my visits to the northeast and a three-week journey through Tibet,’ Malhotra told IANS.
The idea behind the merchandise was to ‘promote the arts and crafts of the northeast in the urban market,’ she said.
‘I plan to get the products made in Arunchal Pradesh and Nagaland by people who belong to the traditions, if they find a market in the metros,’ Malhotra said.
The photographs – both coloured and in black-and-white – are striking in their details.
Mostly portraits and community compositions with multiple figures, they capture the beauty of the Apa Tani women, supposed to be the prettiest among the northeastern tribes, their rituals, daily chores, community events and cottage economies like processing meat.
The video footages of Apa Tani and Naga festivals are clips from her documentaries.
Tibet comes across as a series of visuals of the remote valleys dotting its physical border with China, the nomads inhabiting the remote stretches, Buddhist prayer memorobilia and shots of an icy Mount Kailash.
‘The Apa Tani women were so beautiful that large nose plugs, called yappin-hoollo, were implanted on the bridge of their noses to disfigure their faces so that they did not fall prey to men from other tribes,’ she said.
The tribal councils, however, banned the practice in 1970s.
Malhotra captures the last generation of women with ‘yappin hoollos’ in her photographs.
A large section of installations like masks, wooden artefacts, footages and photographs was devoted to the head-hunting mores of the Konyak tribals of Nagaland, who still less than a century ago culled human heads ‘as a mark of prestige, valour and good omen.’
According to anthropolohist J.H. Hutton’s explanatory notes used by Malhotra to explain the significance of head-hunting, ‘the real basis of head-hunting among the Naga groups is the belief that the head is the seat par excellence – the essence of which forms human beings. The life essence is brought to the villages in hunted heads.’
Community kinship and networking is documented by the concept of ‘buning’.
Ekha, a tribal boy says in Malhotra’s video: ‘Buning is a network of friends spread across villages. I have eight bunings who live in different villages.’ The buning of groups help each other in times of need.
Governor J.J. Singh and his wife, who were dressed in the traditional hand-woven attire of Arunachal Pradesh, said: ‘One of the reasons why we make it a point to wear the traditional costume of the state is to let people know about it.’
‘We feel proud about their culture. We want them to stay connected to their cultural roots, faith and indigenous life. We don’t want to make them 21st century people overnight. We want to modernise them at a pace where they can gradually absorb,’ Singh told IANS.
The exhibition, now at the Stainless Gallery in Okhla, will move to the National Museum May 7.


Frans on 04.28.11 @ 12:33 AM CST [link]


Friday, April 22nd

NSCN/GPRN rubbishes Home Ministry allegation morungexpress



NSCN/GPRN rubbishes Home Ministry allegation morungexpress

DIMAPUR (MExN): The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) in its Joint Council Meeting of the Steering Committee Members and the Council of Kilonsers dated 21st April 2011 at its Council Headquarters took a strong exception to what it termed as “the false allegation levelled against the NSCN by the Ministry of Home Affairs: New Delhi of purportedly planning to assassinate S. C. Jamir”. “The resultant directive issued to the Nagaland State Government by New Delhi to provide sufficient security to S. C. Jamir on account of self-created manoeuvre is to draw petty sympathy vote”, stated a press note issued by the MIP.
According to the NSCN/GPRN this directive of Delhi exposed the “total failure of its intelligence agencies who file reports to the Home Ministry at the whims of some crooked and wicked persons having no conscience and welfare for the people”. It clarified that the “NSCN has no such intention to harm S.C. Jamir”. The MIP note also mentioned that the “inputs” were “reportedly received from so-called reliable sources derived from S.C. Jamir himself and his brother Sungit Jamir who is the President of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee”.
‘No such intention to harm SC Jamir’
The NSCN/GPRN stated that the “objective” was “clearly to initiate pre-emptive steps for another upcoming stage-managed-self-ambush judging by his past track record”. The MIP note claimed that to kick start the 2008 election campaign with a “big bang”, Jamir had “stage managed self-ambush on 24th November 2007 at Changki area to draw sympathy of the people as his popularity had touched the ground”.
Likewise, the NSCN/GPRN pointed out that in 1999 when S.C. Jamir was caught in the middle of Rs. 30,000 (thirty thousand) crores Lottery scam, he diverted the attention of the people by a similar ambush on his own convoy between Dimapur and Kohima on 29th November 1999. “Significantly, at both the incidents, there were not even scratch to anyone, leave alone casualties”, the MIP note stated adding that Jamir had blamed the NSCN/GPRN at both the incidents.
The NSCN/GPRN stated that it will no longer tolerate its name to be tarnished for “self motivated interest” and therefore asked “S.C. Jamir and Sungit Jamir” to “come out with a confessional statement and make their position clear to the NSCN and the Naga people at the earliest for their latest gimmick”.
“Further, we highly question the intentions of the GoI on the one hand for engaging with us to finalize the Indo-Naga political issue while conniving with the likes of S.C. Jamir who have spent his entire life bargaining the rights of the Naga people and its nation for his position”, stated the MIP note while also making a strong demand that the Home Ministry of India clear its position too.
Pandey cautious with words on Center-IM peace process KANGLA ON Line

Photo Cap: RS Pandey, Center’s Interlocutor for Talks. Picture by Oken Jeet Sandham
DELHI, Apr 17 (NEPS): The Center’s interlocutor to political talks with the NSCN (IM) RS Pandey, IAS, was happy with the progress of the talks and with the sincerity from both sides. He, however, refused to say any time frame for the final solution to the protracted Naga political issue, but expressed hope that solution would be sooner than later.
In an exclusive interview with Oken Jeet Sandham, Editor of NEPS, here at his Delhi residence today, the Center’s Interlocutor made a very cautious response when asked about any time frame on the issue. He said, “Time will come when I will talk (about time bound).” “Let us do the work first.”
When he was asked about the statements issued from both sides (Government of India and the NSCN-IM) that talks were progressing and were positive and both sides were sincere and as such why was it that he was not saying anything concrete on the issue, Pandey said, “Look, it is true that both sides are sincere. We want solution and we have made progress but nothing is final till everything is final.”
“Let us hope for the best,” he stated.
Pressed further to elaborate, the former Nagaland Chief Secretary of 1972 IAS Batch of Nagaland Cadre, cited an example in Nagamese in a logical manner, “Moikhan kinika peace process te jai ase, moi laga opinion kobo. Itu Dimapur para Kohima jabole aha nisina ase. Moikhan sub gari loikene, bhat khai kene Kohima jabole ready hoise. Kintu rasta te ki hobo na jane, kile mane monsoon season bhi ase. Landslide kono ba kono ba jagah te thaki bo pare. Hoilebi, chhoto moto landslip to safa korikene jai jabo kintu Kaunba dangor landslide para roadblock hoile, bypass banai kene Kohima punchibole try koribo. Kintu kitiya Kohima Punchibo Kobole tan ase to.” (I shall share my opinion with you as to what is the position of the progress in this regard. It is like a journey from Dimapur to Kohima. We all are ready to leave from Dimapur. We however do not know what would happen on the way to Kohima because it is monsoon season. There may be landslides. But we shall try to reach Kohima by clearing those small roadblocks. If we can’t due to heavy roadblocks, we shall try to make bypasses to reach Kohima. Yet it is difficult to say precisely when we shall reach Kohima.” )
Pandey however said, “All concerned should hope and pray that we reach a settlement sooner than later.”
It may be mentioned that the former Nagaland Chief Secretary was appointed as Center’s Interlocutor for talks with NSCN (IM). His status is that of the Cabinet Secretary to the Government of India. The Center has full confidence in him that solution to the longstanding Naga issue would be found as early as possible.
Attack on MLA for betraying Naga tribals: NSCN (IM) Iboyaima Laithangbam The Hindu Accuses Keishing of colluding with Chief Minister
The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) has claimed that the ambush of independent MLA Wungnaoshang Keishing on April 15 was for ‘betraying' the Naga tribals.
The statement issued by the NSCN (IM) on Tuesday night at Dimapur in Nagaland accused Mr. Keishing of colluding with Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh to stand against the interest of Naga tribals. It also warned that Mr. Keishing must be prepared to face people's punishment.
However, the statement does not specifically say that the militant outfit had carried out the ambuscade.
Six Manipur Rifles troopers and two civilians were killed besides six wounded in the attack.
The outfit, however, regretted the killing of innocent persons.
Mr. Keishing was one of the Naga MLAs who had announced resignation from the Assembly in 2007 at the behest of the United Naga Council, which said the Nagas had severed ties with the Manipur government.
For the second time, the Naga MLAs submitted resignation to the Speaker. However, the matter has been pending as the Speaker is examining it.
The demand for upgrading the Phungyar Assembly constituency to a full-fledged district was another ploy to allow the non-tribals to settle in the tribal areas.
This “contradicts the issue of the Naga integration,” the NSCN(I-M) statement said.
However, Mr. Keishing told The Hindu that the upgrading of the Phungyar constituency did not hinder the process of Naga integration.
On Monday night, two hand grenades were hurled into the Imphal house of Kashim Ruivah, another Naga MLA. There was no casualty. There is no claim by any militant outfit. Security has been stepped up for the MLA.
Promoting responsible tourism in Nagaland morungexpress


Daylong “Talk for Change”- Making Tourism Sustainable, Equitable and Just State Consultation on Responsible Tourism for the State of Nagaland” was held in collaboration with Community Educational Centre Society at Bookmarc Conference Room, Bank Colony, Dimapur on Tuesday with Additional Deputy Commissioner, Dimapur Sedevikho Khro as the chief guest for the opening session. (Photo Pradeep Pareek)

Dimapur, April 19 (MExN): With tourism gaining momentum in Nagaland, the need to promote a sustainable, equitable, just and responsible tourism is being felt alongside. And the timely initiative has come not from the State government but a group of non-government organisations spearheaded by Impulse Network, Shillong. In partnership with Community Education Centre Society, Bethesda Youth Welfare Society and Nagaland Post, Impulse Network has initiated a consultative meeting on “talk for change on responsible tourism in Nagaland”. The meeting was held in Dimapur today and attended by stakeholders in the tourism and hospitality sector, including the law enforcement agency and the media.
The consultative meet laid emphasis on the Code of Conduct for safe and honourable tourism adopted by the Government of India in 2010 as part of its ‘Incredible India’ campaign. The document which aims to strengthen the critical pillar of “safety” and ensure that Indian tourism follows international standards of safe tourism practices, applicable for both tourists and local residents who may be impacted by tourism in some ways.
Its central objective is to ensure that tourism activities are undertaken, integrating the need to protect the dignity, safety and the right to freedom from exploitation of all tourists and local residents involved in or impacted by tourism. Nagaland is the second state in the north east after Sikkim to hold the consultative meeting where a ten point resolution was adopted.
NGOs push for implementation of Code of Conduct
The discussion took a close look at the Look East Policy, lifting of the Restricted Area Permit (RAP) and its impact on tourism in Nagaland. Impulse Network Team Leader, Hasina Kharbhih said that with more government development programmes and initiatives, the focus on tourism in the region is growing. But along with the growth of tourism a number of problems like prostitution, sex tourism, safety of women, children and drug trafficking is also rising. She said that in order to prevent any form of exploitation of both tourists and local residents, effective responsible tourism policies must be put in place. Sadly, the State Tourism Policy 2001 speaks nothing of responsible tourism.
With the tourism and hospitality industry identified by the World Labour Organisation as the fourth highest sector for exploitation, the need to adopt the Code of Conduct assumes more significance. The document lays down comprehensive guidelines for the tourism industry that relate to ethical business practices and marketing; regulated use of premises and official equipment, and messages for awareness building and dissemination. Kharbhih said that if the Code of Conduct can be adopted and incorporated with the Tourism Policy, it will send a very strong message and also enhance tourism in the state. The document is, however, not binding.
The meeting also laid emphasis on the need to conserve and document the Intellectual Property Rights in Nagaland. There is no mechanism in place so far. It may be noted that many original priceless Naga artifacts have either gone missing or being sold off and can be seen hanging in art galleries in foreign countries.
Private agencies in the hospitality sector also hit out at the Tourism department. They were of the opinion that the State government has failed to include and assist the hospitality sector. They put forth suggestions to improve the tourism sector by involving private players as it is done in popular tourist destination like Sikkim and Darjeeling. Also with the State having very little support system for tourists, they proposed for setting up tourist helpline and help desk which has also been included in the proposal.
The state tourism department official representative, Akhole Vizo, also shared her views. She said that Nagaland tourism is still at its nascent stage but the government is working out modalities to provide better hospitality services to tourists’. She added that the department has also initiated trainings for hotel personnel and taxi drivers. The government is also in the process of consultation with other states to start package tours, she added.

Resolution adopted on responsible tourism

1. Proposal for formation of NTC [Nagaland Tourism Council] by the stake holders to be put up to the Government. (Representative from Law Enforcement, Arts and Culture department, Social Welfare Department, Labour Department, Bus Association, Taxi Association , Auto Rickshaw Association, NGOs, and Media.
2. Training and Capacity building on safe tourism should be initiated by the Tourism Department of Nagaland in partnership with NGO.
3. Activation and creation of information centers at all tourist entry and exit points.
4. Helpline for tourists to be initiated.
5. Responsible marketing of Nagaland tourism to be undertaken by the Tourism Department in consultation with NTC [Nagaland Tourism Council].
6. Record and document the cultural heritage and historical artifacts of Nagaland.
7. Tourism policy of Nagaland should be made available to the public on the website of the Tourism Department for easy access.
8. Transactions and communications of all financial undertakings for PPP and Government projects should be made transparent.
9. State specific promotion of the cultural heritage should be taken forward.
10. No sexual exploitation of women and children in hotels and checking into hotels rooms accompanied by minors and with the intention of sexual exploitation of minors will not be accepted or tolerated by the Hotel Association of Nagaland.
11. Safety measures for Hospitality Industry staffs to be ensured.
12. Legislation of strict laws governing commerce and transport of indigenous artifacts.
13.Official adoption by the government on the Code of Conduct on Safe and Honorable Tourism
Nagaland Asian Centre for human rights

I. Highlight: Naga armed groups to stop extortions
In October 2010, the three Naga armed opposition groups - the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah), National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang) and Federal Government of Nagaland (Singnya) under the initiative of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation, decided to jointly carry out operations against anti-social activities following increase in abductions and extortion in the state. In the joint commitment, the three AOGs acknowledged that kidnappings and extortions have become unbearable concern for all and agreed to vigilantly check through a collective mechanism. The three groups also made a commitment that the activities and movements of its cadres should remain confined to their own respective jurisdictions and territories.
Yet, abduction continued to be reported in the state. Between October and November 2010, eight businessmen were abducted by suspected militants from Dimapur alone. They were released on payment of ransom. On 27 November 2010, businessmen, supported by several Naga organisations of Dimapur, began an indefinite closure of the trade hub in protest against the spree of abduction of businessmen and unabated extortions by the armed groups. The bandh was called following the kidnapping of Hariram Gupta, a prominent businessman and proprietor of Hariram Balram Hardwares from the Walford area in Dimapur.
II. Violations of civil and political rights

During October-December 2010, the Asian Centre for Human Rights documented the following cases of human rights violations by the law enforcement personnel.
On 5 November 2010, 13 persons were subjected to torture by the 3rd Nagaland Armed Police (NAP) personnel at Waphure village for bursting fire cracker. The NAP personnel allegedly forced the victims including the driver and handyman of the vehicle to bend down and beat them with the sticks for bursting fire crackers. The driver suffered tooth fracture and a swollen eye after being punched on his face. The use of fire crackers was common in Nagaland especially in Kiphire when somebody dies. In yet another incident in two days earlier (3 November 2010 night), a woman (name not known), a resident of Senchum village, was tortured by a woman police officer at the West Police Station. The victim was taken to the police station after a FIR was lodged against her for kidnapping a girl.
III. Violations of the rights of the child

The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000 had little effect in the state. The law enforcing agencies are themselves responsible for the violation of the Act despite being sensitized on the subject.
On 22-24 October 2010, three minor boys, aged 11, 12 and 13, were illegally detained and tortured by the police and owner of a restaurant at the Circular Road in Dimapur. The three minors, rag-pickers and students of National Child Labour Project, a school supported by Government of India, were accused of stealing a dog of the restaurant owner on 22 October. The restaurant owner called the police who tortured the minors during questioning to obtain a confession. The torture allegedly included stabbing with ball pen, burning with cigarettes and one of them was trampled on the toe with boots. Not satisfied, the owner later handed the minors to East Police station where they were again beaten up before being transferred to Women Cell on the same night where they were further tortured and kept without food. On 23 October 2010 evening, the Women Cell handed over the minors to the owner of the restaurant where they were again tortured. A dog was also allegedly let loose on a minor.
IV. Violations of ESCRs

i. Right to education

Nagaland failed to meet the norms required under the Right to Education Act. The schools, especially rural areas in the state lacked facilities including infrastructure.
According to the Assessment Survey Evaluation Report (ASER) 2010 conducted by Pratham, a NGO working to provide quality education to the underprivileged children of the country, only 43.3 per cent schools in rural Nagaland, had boundary walls. There was alarming absence of school libraries with 86.7 per cent schools having no libraries. The findings further revealed that there was no drinking water facility in 56.9 per cent schools. There was no toilet facility in 13.8 per cent of schools surveyed. While an alarming 47.8 per cent schools had no separate provision for girl’s toilet.[8]
ii. Rights of the disabled
In October 2010, the Nagaland Parents Association for the Disabled (NAPAD) urged the state government to appoint a separate Commissioner & Secretary for the Disabled. There are several centrally sponsored schemes and policies for the welfare of the People with Disabilities (PWD) throughout the country but these are not available in the State. The state government also failed to fully implement the 3% job reservation policy for disabled persons in government departments.[9]
[1]. Naga groups to stop extortion, kidnapping, The Sangai Express, 10 October 2010
[2]. Traders protest abduction, The Telegraph, 28 November 2010
[3]. Traders protest abduction, The Telegraph, 28 November 2010
[4]. TSU demands action over 3rd NAP assault case, The Nagaland Post, 8 November 2010
[5]. Disciplinary action on woman police officer demanded, Eastern Mirror, 12 November 2010
[6]. Police probe in minors’ torture completed, Eastern Mirror, 28 October 2010
[7]. Breach of Juvenile law; 3 minors assaulted, Nagaland Post, 24 October 2010
[8]. The Assessment Survey Evaluation Report (ASER) 2010, Pratham, available at:
http://images2.asercentre.org/aserreports/NAGALAND_2010.pdf

GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM
Ministry of Kilo Affairs

P R E S S S T A T E M E N T
21st April 2011

The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) in its Joint Council Meeting of the Steering Committee Members and the Council of Kilonsers dated 21st April 2011 at its Council Headquarters took a strong exception to the false allegation levelled against the NSCN by the Ministry of Home Affairs: New Delhi of purportedly planning to assassinate S. C. Jamir. The resultant Directive issued to the Nagaland State Government by New Delhi to provide sufficient security to S. C. Jamir on account of self-created manoeuvre is to draw petty sympathy vote. This directive of Delhi exposes total failure of its intelligence agencies who file reports to the Home Ministry at the whims of some crooked and wicked persons having no conscience and welfare for the people.
The NSCN has no such intention to harm S.C. Jamir. However the inputs reportedly received from so-called “reliable sources” derived from S.C. Jamir himself and his brother Sungit Jamir who is the President of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee. The objective is clearly to initiate pre-emptive steps for another upcoming stage-managed-self-ambush judging by his past track record.
It may be recalled that to kick start 2008 election campaign with a big bang he stage managed self-ambush on 24th November 2007 at Changki area to draw sympathy of the people as his popularity had touched the ground. Secondly in 1999 when S.C. Jamir was caught in the middle of Rs. 30,000 (thirty thousand) crores Lottery scam, he diverted the attention of the people by a similar ambush on his own convoy between Dimapur and Kohima on 29th November 1999. Significantly, at both the incidents, there were not even scratch to anyone, leave alone casualties. He also blamed the NSCN at both the incidents.
The NSCN will no longer tolerate its name to be tarnished for self motivated interest. And therefore, S.C. Jamir and Sungit Jamir must come out with a confessional statement and make their position clear to the NSCN and the Naga people at the earliest for their latest gimmick.
Further, we highly question the intentions of the GoI on the one hand for engaging with us to finalize the Indo-Naga political issue while conniving with the likes of S.C. Jamir who have spent his entire life bargaining the rights of the Naga people and its nation for his position. We strongly demand that the Home Ministry of India clear its position too.

The NSCN feels impelled to remind the Government of India about how the peace process between the GoI and the NSCN was initiated. If the GoI has forgotten in what spirit the peace process was initiated, it may derail.
At the instance of P.V Narasimha Rao, the then Prime Minister of India, the Chairman Isak Chishi Swu and General Secretary Th. Muivah met with him in Paris on June 12,1995. During the meeting the P M of India proposed a political dialogue to resolve the political conflict. In response, our Collective Leadership said: “Okay, Mr. Prime Minister, why don’t you talk with Khaplang Group and NNC? We will not stand in the way, but we will not be a party to it.” The P.M replied: “Why should I talk with them? The issue is not with them. The issue is with you. The people are with you, and so if we talk with you, we believe solution can be worked out. I will not talk with others. I know who they are. They are in my hands.” Then our Collective Leadership said to him: “It seems there are two Prime Ministers in India.” He replied: “I know who is who; I will not allow anyone to stand in the way. I will deal with the issue by myself.” Consequently, ceasefire was declared and negotiation started.
In the formal meeting between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, the Home Minister of India said that R.S Pandey has been appointed with confidence to be the interlocutor. It was also said that no one should issue any statement except the P.M, Home Minister and R.S Pandey regarding the peace process between GoI and NSCN.
Unexpectedly, Mr. G.K Pillai has started standing in the way with strange statement: “After a little bit of progress with the NSCN (IM) from the present stage, we shall start talks with NSCN (K) including State Government fully in picture.”
It will be wise on the part of any authority not to exert beyond his authority and the GoI is expected to check such undue exercise of power before the peace process is endangered.
UNLF derides Muivah's communal policy The Sangai Express
Imphal, April 21 2011: NSCN-IM leader Th Muivah is still unable to shed his communal politics even after he had tasted defeat on several occasions because of the same exclusive policy, alleged the proscribed UNLF.

On account of his parochial outlook, the Naga groups have split several times in the course of the liberation movement for Naga people who are yet to attain the status of a consolidated Nation.

Many patriotic Nagas have lost their lives in the internecine killings, the UNLF noted in a press release issued by its senior publicity officer Ksh Yoiheiba.

Because of Muivah's policies and actions which are exclusively Tangkhul-centric, many innocent Tangkhuls have also lost their lives in the hands of other kindred Naga groups.

This is the fruit of acting in the interest of his own community alone, the UNLF asserted.

He was also instrumental in launching an ethnic cleansing pogrom in Manipur during which around 1000 Kukis were slaughtered.

The memory of those dreadful days is still fresh in the minds of the Manipuri people.

Although there were ups and downs in the 63 years of Naga liberation movement, the Naga people never forgot that the Government of India was their enemy.

The Naga Army have fought numerous battles with the Indian security forces, and in many cases, security forces burnt down villages, tortured people and raped women, not to mention about the many cases of involuntary disappearances after the victims were picked up by security forces.

All these encounters and suffering would go down in history as a clear case of Naga people's collective struggle for liberation.

All these battles and encounters were an inspiration to other communities of the region.

However, NSCN-IM deliberately started overlooking all the sacrifices made by Naga people from 1997 .

Since the day NSCN-IM and Government of India signed a cease fire pact and started 'peace talks', the NSCN-IM's perception of India as the enemy was suddenly reversed.

Leaving out the questions of sovereignty and independence, NSCN-IM befriended India and started a campaign for creation of Nagalim by integrating all Naga inhabited areas within India.

It was a deliberate attempt to create an atmosphere of animosity with the people of neighbouring States of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh and then to capitalise on the same situation of distrust.

Such situation of distrust, conflict and clashes among the people of the region is exactly what the Government of India wants.

This is very wrong step of Muivah, UNLF asserted.

NSCN-IM's recent attack against State forces and the subsequent explanation where Meiteis were dragged in only exposed Muivah's narrow ethno-centric politics.

Such politics is of little concern for even the Naga people who can think rationally and see the real picture of the land have rejected such communal politics.

There are many people among the Tangkhul community who do not accept Muivah's politics.

This is a sign of change towards the right path of nation building.

All the disturbances to the relations between Naga groups and between Naga people and other communities are the results of Muivah's politics.

It is the Government of India who benefits the most from such politics.

Nevertheless, despite constant instigation by Muivah, Nagas of Manipur are living together with other communities of Manipur under a very cordial atmosphere.

This cordiality is one thing which is tormenting Muivah the most.

That was why, he tried to assassinate Phungyar MLA Wungnaoshang by levelling some charges and dragging in the name of Meitei community.

Earlier, NSCN-IM had murdered many innocent Tangkhul people in similar cases posthumous accusation.

In Nagaland too, many Nagas have lost their lives all because of Muivah's misplaced policy.

In words Muivah was talking Naga reconciliation while in action he was master-minding systematic killing of people belonging to other Naga groups leading to mutual distrust among the Naga people on the path to another round bloody internecine killings.

Disappointed with Muivah's wrong policy guided by communal politics, the Zeliangrongs, Maos, Tangkhuls and Marings have split from NSCN-IM and formed their own groups for development of their own areas.

"This is the harbinger of a collective struggle", the UNLF remarked.
UNLF accuses Muivah of perpetrating communal violence and Naga disunity Kanglaonline
IMPHAL April 2 : United National Liberation Front (UNLF) charged NSCN (IM ) supremo Th Muivah of carrying out petty communal politics which have led to his undoing and exposed his hidden agenda to the public.
Muivah’s communal thinking has lead to bloodshed among the Naga brethren, he is being scorned by other communities for his narrow minded approach and has brought nothing but sowed ill feelings among the residents of the state, a press release by Ksh Yoiheba, senior publicity office of the UNLF stated.
Though the different approaches executed by Muivah to sow disharmony among the different communities including the Kuki and the Meetei have failed and this frustrates the NSCN (IM) leader the most, it stated.
A recent example is the ambush on MLA Wungnaosang Keishing, though Muivah emphasizes the issue of Naga reconciliation, but carries out executions under his command. In this manner, many Naga leaders have been killed mercilessly just to appease his communal feelings. His immoral actions have caused disharmony among the Naga population itself which is unfortunate.
Many ethnic groups including the Zeliangrong, Mao,Tangkhul and Maring have organized armed outfits after breaking away from the NSCN (IM) so that development comes to their areas, this is a new chapter in the Naga insurgent movement and headed towards the right direction, it said.
The 63 year old Naga revolutionary movement had been an inspiration to other outfits of the North East, it may be remembered that during the struggle for independence, countless Naga cadres have been martyred in the battlefield against the IOF, and history recounts the number of villages burnt, women violated and numerous cases of involuntary disappearances (habeas corpus) in the retaliatory effects perpetrated by the IOF.
It can be said that the Naga community have sacrificed much in the fight for independence and must be proud of the fact that the populace have endured the reprisals with a brave face.
But, unfortunately after 1997, the momentum has ceased and the NSCN (IM) has forgotten the sacrifices made by the public and has been in cahoots with the Indian government since then and forgotten their primary objective. The so called cease fire and peace talks in the contrary has resulted in the formation of “Nagalim” instead of addressing the issue of sovereignty. The aim of Muivah is to create discontent among the neighboring states of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam which is also the hidden objective of the Indian government.
The malevolence of Muivah has wrought nothing but communal tension and disunity among the Naga populace and the results are self evident and further shows the lack of far sightedness of the so called NSCN (IM) leader,the release said.
IM's stand on SC Jamir Hueiyen News Service / Newmai News Network
Dimapur, April 21 2011: The Isak-Muivah group of the NSCN has expressed unhappiness over the ongoing peace talks between New Delhi and the outfit.

In its statement today the NSCN-IM also refuted allegations that the outfit was trying to assassinate SC Jamir, former CM of Nagaland.

Regarding the peace talks, the NSCN-IM said, "The NSCN feels impelled to remind the Government of India about how the peace process between the GoI and the NSCN was initiated.

If the GoI has forgotten in what spirit the peace process was initiated, it may derail" .

It said at the instance of PV Narasimha Rao, the then Prime Minister of India, the outfit's chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Th Muivah met him in Paris on June 12,1995.During the meeting PV Narasimha Rao had proposed a political dialogue to resolve the political conflict, the NSCN-IM added" .

In response, our collective leadership said, 'Okay, Mr Prime Minister, why don't you talk with the Khaplang Group and the NNC? We will not stand in the way, but we will not be a party to it." According to NSCN-IM Rao replied, "Why should I talk with them? The issue is not with them.

The issue is with you.

The people are with you, and so if we talk with you, we believe a solution can be worked out.
I will not talk with others. I know who they are.

They are in my hands" .

Then our collective leadership told him, 'It seems there are two Prime Ministers in India', Rao had again replied by saying, "I know who is who; I will not allow anyone to stand in the way.

I will deal with the issue by myself'." Consequently, a ceasefire was declared and negotiations started, the NSCN-IM said.

" In the formal meeting between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, the Home Minister of India said that RS Pandey has been appointed with confidence to be the interlocutor.

It was also said that no one should issue any statement except the PM, Home Minister and RS Pandey regarding the peace process between GoI and NSCN," the NSCN-IM added.

It then stated that unexpectedly, GK Pillai started standing in the way with the 'strange' statement, "After a little bit of progress with the NSCN-IM from the present stage, we shall start talks with NSCN-K including State Government fully in picture" .

The NSCN-IM advised that it will be wise on the part of any authority not to exert beyond its authority and the government of India is expected to check such undue exercise of power before the peace process is endangered.

Meanwhile, The National Socialist Council of Nagalim-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) in its 'joint council meeting' of the 'steering committee members' and the 'council of kilonsers' on Thursday at its 'council headquarters' took a strong exception to the false allegation levelled against the NSCN-IM by the Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi that the outfit is purportedly planning to assassinate SC Jamir.

"The resultant directive issued to the Nagaland State Government by New Delhi to provide sufficient security to SC Jamir on account of self-created manoeuvres is to draw petty sympathy votes.

This directive of Delhi exposes total failure of its intelligence agencies who file reports to the Home Ministry at the whims of some crooked and wicked persons having no conscience and welfare for the people," the NSCN-IM said.

The NSCN said it has no such intention to harm SC Jamir.

"However the inputs reportedly received from so-called 'reliable sources' are derived from SC Jamir himself and his brother Sungit Jamir who is the 'president of Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee.

The objective is clearly to initiate pre-emptive steps for another upcoming stage-managed-ambush judging by his past track record," it added.

"It may be recalled that to start the 2008 election campaign with a big bang he had stage managed an ambush on 24th November 2007 at Changki area to draw sympathy of the people as his popularity had reached ground level.

Secondly, in 1999 when SC Jamir was implicated in a ' 30,000 (thirty thousand) crores lottery scam, he diverted the attention of the people by a similar ambush on his own convoy between Dimapur and Kohima on 29th November 1999 .

Significantly, at both the incidents, nobody even suffered a scratch, leave alone casualties.

He had also blamed the NSCN for both the incidents," the NSCN-IM alleged.

The NSCN-IM then stated that it will no longer tolerate its name to be tarnished to serve self motivated interests.

"And therefore, SC Jamir and Sungit Jamir must come out with a confessional statement and make their position clear to the NSCN and the Naga people at the earliest for their latest gimmick," the outfit demanded.

The NSCN-IM further stated that it highly questions the intentions of New Delhi on the one hand "for engaging with us to finalize the Indo-Naga political issue while conniving with the likes of S.C.Jamir who have spent his entire life bargaining the rights of the Naga people and its nation for his position.

We strongly demand that the Home Ministry of India clear its position too" .


Frans on 04.22.11 @ 05:40 PM CST [link]


Thursday, April 14th

Naga Hoho wishes Myanmar Nagas morungexpress



Naga Hoho wishes Myanmar Nagas morungexpress
Dimapur: The Naga Hoho congratulated all elected representative members of the Nagas in Myanmar (Burma) chosen by the people during the recent elections. “We are also happy to learn that one of the elected Naga leaders is being inducted to the Union Cabinet,” the Naga Hoho stated in a note issued by its leaders today. Social unrest and deprivation have been looming in the Naga areas of Burma for the past many decades, the ‘hoho’ said. ‘Despite all these odds Nagas have stood firm for the common cause.’ “Against this backdrop, with the induction of many Naga leaders to both Union Cabinet and autonomous body, we strongly hope that the Naga territory shall no longer be retarded, but included in the road map for development activities in all spheres,” the ‘hoho’ said.

The Challenge of Peace for the Nagas Veronica Khangchian Morung Express


In his 2011 New Year message, S. Singnya, the President of the ‘Federal Government of Nagaland/ Naga National Council’ (FGN/NNC) declared,
After several rounds of reconciliation meets and the declaration of unconditional unity, I strongly believe that the present peaceful Naga society will never again be called a fratricidal society, regardless of the past. The Naga society is now genuinely and swiftly moving in the right direction.
This hope was quickly belied, as internecine clashes among Naga militant groups have already resulted in at least 38 fatalities since January 1, 2011. National Socialist Council of Nagaland—Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM) and National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) have been the most prominent groups involved in this fratricidal confrontation. In one incident, intelligence sources disclosed, over 35 cadres of these groups were killed in the night of February 24-25, 2011, on the Tirap (Arunachal Pradesh)-Myanmar border. The IM faction lost 30 of its cadres when their 100-strong armed group, trying to enter Tirap from Myanmar’s Sagiang Division, was ambushed by the rival Khaplang faction. The Khaplang faction lost about five of its cadres.
This was the largest clash in the ongoing conflict between the two groups since December 2010. The conflict in Tirap-Changlang has been ongoing for nearly a decade, as the rivals engage in a contest to secure dominance over the two strategically located Districts in Eastern Arunachal Pradesh. These Districts serve as a transit route for militants from India’s north-east, taking shelter in largely un-administered areas of Myanmar. According to reports, at least two NSCN-IM cadres were killed and another five injured when the NSCN-K cadres uprooted the only NSCN-IM camp at Khamlang village under Changlang District in Arunachal Pradesh on December 27, 2010.
Meanwhile, clashes among these Naga groups crossed India’s frontiers, when severe fighting broke out between them somewhere inside Myanmar on February 26, 2011. At least two NSCN-K cadres were reportedly injured in the fighting.
The bloodshed, moreover, also reaches inwards within these factions as well. ‘Brigadier’ Chipu Menon, the NSCN-K ‘head’ from Tirap, for instance, was killed in the Mon District of Nagaland by another NSCN-K cadre on March 17, 2011. Sources indicated that Menon was summoned from Tirap to Mon by higher-ups, to sort out issues related to ‘organizational management’, which included disciplinary and financial matters. Menon had earlier been warned to “abide by the organizational discipline” but “did not pay any heed.”
Meanwhile, in an indication of rising differences among the ‘champions of the Naga community’, a new outfit, the Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), was floated on February 25, 2011, with a primary aim to protect the interests of the Zeliangrong tribe, with the slogan “Zeliangrong Ringtelo,” meaning ‘Long live the Zeliangrong people’. Police sources believe that the new outfit was formed by around 10 NSCN-IM cadres who deserted the group, along with arms and ammunition, and joined up with some NSCN-K cadres. A ZUF cadre was killed on March 5, 2011, in a clash with suspected NSCN-IM cadres near Khoupum Khunou village in Tamenglong District, Manipur.
Opposition to the signing of the Shillong Accord on November 11, 1975 between the Government of India (GoI) and some representatives of the Naga National Council (NNC), had led to the formation of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) with Isak Chishi Swu as the ‘Chairman’, S. S. Khaplang as the ‘Vice Chairman’ and Thuingaleng Muivah as the ‘General Secretary’. No one could have imagined, then, that this would be the beginning of a serious fratricidal confrontation which remains unabated till date. Factionalism began after April 30, 1988, when a bloody clash between supporters of Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu, on one side, and Khaplang, on the other, resulted in the split of NSCN into two groups – NSCN-IM and NSCN-K. At least 100 people were killed in the clash. Since their inception, both the groups have been constantly engaged in a violent contest to establish their hegemony.
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal Database, a total of 417 Naga militants have been killed and another 97 injured in the internecine clashes since 2001. Fatalities registered an upward trend (barring 2001), till they peaked at 110 in 2008, but fell drastically in 2009 and 2010.
The drop in killings was the result of a ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’ (CoR) signed by the top leaders of three Naga Political groups – NSCN-K, NSCN-IM and FGN/NNC – on June 13, 2009, after a Naga Reconciliation meet was held in Chiang Mai in Thailand from June 1 to June 8, 2009. The CoR, reaffirmed again on September 18, 2010, states that the Naga political groups, in the name of God and witnessed by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation, declared to the Naga people and the entire world resolving to, among others, desist from pursuing territorial expansion so that a conducive atmosphere is sustained for strengthening the Naga Reconciliation Process. Since then, 45 ‘reconciliation summits’ have taken place – 36 rounds in Nagaland and nine in Chiang Mai.
The recent ‘highest level meeting’ of the Naga Reconciliation Committee, which was to be held during the visit of NSCN-IM leaders in March 2011, however, could not take place due to the sudden review of the decision by the NSCN-K.
It now appears that the period of bonhomie is over. Unsurprisingly, the NSCN-K accused the IM of blatantly violating the CoR and ‘ordering military operations’ in eastern Nagaland. On February 26, 2011, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak stated, “What is happening in eastern Nagaland is a unilateral abrogation of the CoR by NSCN-IM,” adding further that reconciliation among different parties cannot happen by holding guns in the hand or by one party considering himself or herself superior to others. A joint statement issued on February 27, 2011, by NSCN-K and FGN, two of the three signatories of the CoR, noted,
Naga people are informed that while Mr. Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah demand sincerity from the GoI, back home in Nagaland, despite being a signatory of the CoR they have miserably failed to be sincere to their own people. The ink on the documents they signed is still wet, yet they are threatening to throw Nagaland into further turmoil. Naga people have the right to know why Mr. Muivah has ordered military offensive in eastern Nagaland.
The NSCN-K has now declared that the reconciliation process was a “closed chapter because of the NSCN-IM… It is not worthwhile to stretch on the interaction on reconciliation if the people you approach are a confused lot and are not prepared to reconcile in true spirit. What is the use of holding reconciliation meetings if we cannot abide by the resolutions adopted?” Tikhak said on February 26, 2011.
Expectedly, the NSCN-IM, claimed that it remained “deeply committed” to the peace process and reconciliation. On February 28, 2011, Muivah however, argued, “But while we are deeply engaged in the works of peace and reconciliation a number of Naga Army personnel (armed wing of the NSCN-IM) were killed by the Khaplang party in different incidents under their declared military offensive campaigns against NSCN in Tirap and Changlang Districts of Arunachal Pradesh. We will never allow ourselves to be sitting ducks when enemies attack us… They (the rivals) are always on the offensive.”
The recent upswing in the factional differences has also impacted on the ongoing talks between the NSCN-IM and GoI. On March 2, 2011, the NSCN-IM held the first round of talks with the Government’s newly appointed interlocutor, R.S. Pandey, at New Delhi, during which the group submitted a list of 30 demands. The next round of talks is scheduled to be held in April. On February 26, the NSCN-K had conveyed to the GoI that it has no objections to the proposed meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and NSCN-IM ‘general secretary’ Th. Muivah in April, since the talks were “merely a bilateral meeting between two parties and not a political talk between GoI and the Nagas”. However, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak, on February 28, declared, “We never supported the peace talks nor will we ever support it.” Moreover, after the conclusion of the first meeting of the Supervisors of the Cease Fire Monitoring Board (CFMB), Wangtin Naga, the NSCN-K Cease Fire Monitoring Board Supervisor, insisted, on January 6, 2011, that his group would only talk when all factions come together under one roof.
Evidently, the Naga reconciliation process, initiated by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in 2009, has run into a rough weather in the wake of the recent turf wars between the rival NSCN groups in eastern Nagaland. The Union Defense Ministry, on March 16, 2011, however, continued to claim that “Violence levels have declined and the inter-factional clashes between NSCN-IM and NSCN-K have reduced.”
The continuing violence in Nagaland is the result of New Delhi’s failure to implement the terms of its cease fire agreements with the NSCN factions, which require their cadres to be restricted within designated camps, and to deposit their arms. If the peace process in the State is to have any hopes of success, and tranquility is to prevail in the region, these terms will have to be imposed on, and accepted by, these armed groups. As long as the NSCN factions – and other militant groupings in the State – continue to build up their armed strength and struggle for military dominance in ‘contested’ areas, there can be little hope of peace for the Naga people.

Veronica Khangchian
Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management
SATP, or the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) publishes the South Asia Intelligence Review, and is a product of The Institute for Conflict Management, a non-Profit Society set up in 1997 in New Delhi, and which is committed to the continuous evaluation and resolution of problems of internal security in South Asia. The Institute was set up on the initiative of, and is presently headed by, its President, Mr. K.P.S. Gill, IPS (Retd).

8 FGN/NNC, 5 DHD-J cadres surrender in Manipur Newmai News Network
Imphal At least 13 cadres of two underground outfits, including 8 cadres of Federal Government of Nagaland/Naga National Council (FGN/NNC) and 5 cadres of Dima Halam Daoga-Jewel (DHD-J) surrendered today before the State government of Manipur in the presence of Inspector General of Assam Rifles (IGAR -South) at a ceremony organized by 12 Maratha Light Infantry (MLI) at Mantripukhri in Imphal.
The 8 surrendered cadres of FGN-NNC have been identified as Khadiba P Sangtam, 21, s/o Rehopi of Lirise village in Tuensang district of Nagaland, Tsusothong Yinehunger, 21, s/o Shokum of Sukiur village in Tuensang district of Nagaland, C Lingpongse Sangtam, 21, s/o L Chokhaba of Phirahi village in Tuensang district of Nagaland, Likhumsing Sangtam, 21, s/o Lingthose of Chungtor village in Tuensang district, Liang Khinjingan, 21, s/o Pungon of Lengnyu village in Tuensang district, Kiuthrongba Yimchunger, 18, s/o Kiuji of Pongrengru village of Kiphire district of Nagaland, Siang Khamniungan, 21, s/o Ngako of Lengnya village in Tuensang district, and Lumtsengse Sangtam, 20, s/o Thsakibgse of Chungter village in Tuensang district of Nagaland. They surrendered with 4 pistols, 1 lethode bomb, 1 G-3 rifle, 1 AK-47 rifle and 1 9 mm SMC.
The 5 surrendered DHD-J cadres have been identified as Somorjoy Jarambusa, 23, s/o Dinesh Jarambusa of Wajao village in Dimahasau district of Assam, Sumit Hojai, 18, s/o Ranjan Hojai of Pura village in Dimahasao district of Assam, Kabinon Longmailai, 17, s/o Harilal Longmailai of Moti Nongmailai village in Dimahasao district of Assam, Sundor Singh Hasnu, 17, s/o Tisul Hasnu of Wajao village in Dimahasao district of Assam and Goponjit Langthasa, 17, s/o Rangendro Langthasa of Hatikhali village in Dimahasao district of Assam. The following surrenderees have lain down between them 3 pistols, 1 lethode and 1 9 mm SMC.
The “home coming” ceremony was attended by Manipur chief minister O Ibobi Singh, DGP Y Joykumar, DIG Kailun, IGAR(S) Maj. Gen. CA Krishnan and other military top brass of MLI.
Speaking on the occasion, the chief minister extolled the approach of the surenderees in choosing the road towards peace and development and said it is “symbolic” of the yearning for peace.
Recounting a peace accord signed between the government of Manipur and a Manipur based group Kangleipak Communist Party last year, the chief minister said that all the 112 cadres of the KCP have been given vocational training in Pune in an attempt to rehabilitate and place them on a respectable position in society.
Stating that all the underground groups have to bring their grievances to the negotiation table within the framework of the Constitution simply because there is no alternative to peace, the chief minister said that the prerequisite to development is peace.
The government of Manipur wants to take the state at par with the developed state of the country but it finds itself unable to do so simply because there is no scope for development in the presence of violence, he said, while underscoring the reason for private players not willing to invest in the state.
“The vast pool of talent, rich natural resources, fertile land, natural beauty etc. lay underutilized because of the preponderance of violence in the state,” he said, adding that the scourge of violence must be uprooted with negative perceptions about Manipur.
Maj. Gen. CA Krishnan (IGAR), said on the occasion that the idea during the transitional period following the surrendering is to help the “misled youths” in their attempt to come back to “mainstream” society.
“When these young people return to their respective villages they are constantly being stigmatized and threatened. They need support from all of us”, he said. “Underground cadres from Assam and Nagaland have surrendered in Manipur today because of the lack of confidence and the fear of repercussion from their colleagues in their respective states,” CA Khrishna added.
My father would be proud of Karen army unity By ZOYA PHAN
Troops from the KNLA and DKBA together at a welcome ceremony for DKBA defectors in December 2010 (DVB)

I can’t remember how many times the Karen National Union and other ethnic political organisations have been dismissed as losing, or being on the verge of defeat. In February 1950 General Ne Win boasted to international media that victory over the Karen ‘insurgents’ would be completed by May that year. The New York Times duly reported: “Defeat of rebels withdrawing to hills would leave minor guerrillas to cope with.”
Fast-forward 61 years and still the Karen National Union (KNU) is on the verge of defeat, this time according to long-time KNU critic Ashley South, writing in a March 2011 report for the Transnational Institute and Burma Centre Netherlands. He said that “the organisation’s future looks increasingly precarious.”
When journalists and self-appointed experts have made these statements on the state of our struggle, there has often been reason to be pessimistic. There are occasions when the situation has looked bad. In 2008, my father, Padoh Mahn Sha, General Secretary of the Karen National Union, was assassinated, and other KNU leaders have found their names on a hit list with assassins searching for them in Thailand. The dictatorship has passed a new constitution in a rigged referendum, one that not only ignored all ethnic demands for rights and protection, but also required all armed ethnic groups under ceasefire to effectively surrender, and hand over their arms. More troops were stationed in Shan state and Karenni state, and in 2009 an important KNU base near the Thailand-Burma border was overrun by Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and Burmese army soldiers.
However, the situation recently has started to look more positive. The DKBA has split, with the old Brigade 5 refusing to become a Border Guard Force under the control of the Burmese army. The main DKBA, now a Border Guard Force, has also been severely weakened, with the Burmese army reducing its size. DKBA soldiers unhappy with Burmese commanders giving them orders are now defecting back to the KNU everyday.
Even more significantly, a new United Nationalities Federal Council has been created, a new political and military alliance of armed ethnic political parties, which for the first time in nearly 20 years unites armed ethnic political parties across the country.
And recently, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldiers were in Manerplaw, the old headquarters of the KNU which fell in 1995.
Many people have asked me what my father would have thought of these two significant developments. I cannot claim to know for sure. He had experience and wisdom that was unique, but I knew the kind of man he was, and how all his decisions and opinions were based on firm principles.
Much of the work my father did for the KNU was promoting unity – unity among the Karen, unity between ethnic nationalities, and unity with all the people of Burma. He knew it was vital we all work together to win our freedom, and that we must not let the dictatorship divide us. He travelled all over Burma, often risking his life, to promote unity between ethnic nationalities. He was also the strongest voice arguing that the KNU should offer shelter and support to students who fled the cities after the uprising in 1988. What he wanted to see is unity; that despite differences, people would work together, be different but equal, living and working for our freedom side by side.
My father always said that there is no problem between the KNU and DKBA – the real problem is between the Karen and the Burmese dictatorship. He said it is the dictatorship that divided the Karen. They set up and they control the DKBA. If the DKBA wanted to come back, if they desert and stop following the Burmese regime, stop dealing drugs, stop hurting civilians, then they can come back any time.
He would undoubtedly welcome what has happened with the split of the DKBA, that many DKBA soldiers are now fighting for their people, rather than for a dictatorship that oppresses the people. The Brigade 5 soldiers and KNLA are cooperating, and he would be encouraging greater unity and cooperation.
But I think he would have some concerns as well. Some people may be pleased to see the rest of DKBA being weakened, with fewer soldiers, and even fewer arms. The DKBA is responsible for committing serious human rights abuses, and acts as a proxy for the dictatorship. However, it is the leadership which is responsible for this, not all the ordinary soldiers. One defector I met recently had so little political knowledge that he was not even aware the DKBA acted for the dictatorship. My father would not want to see people like him swallowed by the Burmese army, only to carry on the attacks against the Karen people. He wanted them to rejoin the KNU, and help protect their people.
My father worked tirelessly for a Federal Union of Burma. He did this through the National Democratic Front. When different ethnic parties broke their agreement as part of the NDF and signed ceasefires with the dictatorship, he was very sad. Many others were very angry, as soldiers released from fighting the Kachin and others descended on Karen and Karenni states, attacking our villages. This has left a legacy of mistrust which must be overcome if the United Nationalities Federal Council is to be successful. He may also have been wondering why a new organisation has been set up, instead of those that had left the NDF simply rejoining. If the UNFC does promote ethnic unity my father would undoubtedly be glad. Ethnic political parties that have not cooperated for many years are now doing so again, but of course there is still a long way to go.
There is a great need for the people of Burma to educate each other about a federal union. We need to know and understand each other’s situation, and be tolerant of each other and our differences, to have mutual respect. This is how genuine unity can be built.
How might my father summarise this current situation? I think he would be cautious, but he would also be hopeful and optimistic. He would be working hard to build on this new unity, and these new opportunities. He would be insisting on linking with Burman-led groups as well, which is, of course, essential to get agreement for a federal union.
And I am sure he would remind those cynics who keep predicting our defeat of the words of Saw Ba U Gyi, first President of the Karen National Union: “For us surrender is out of the question.”
Zoya Phan is Campaigns Manager at Burma Campaign UK, and co-founder of the Phan Foundation. Her autobiography is published as ‘Undaunted’ in the USA, and ‘Little Daughter’ in the rest of the world.
Ethnic boundaries- The Sangai Express Editorial -
Has Phungyar Assembly Constituency MLA, Wungnaoshang Keishing bitten off more than he can chew, in the face of the strong opposition raised against his "brain child," which is the transformation of Phungyar Assembly Constituency to a full fledged revenue district. On the surface, the MLA's stand, backed by the Phungyar Assembly Constituency District Demand Committee, is fine and some of the arguments put forward from their side appear logical, given the fact that this Assembly Constituency comprises four sub-divisions, Phungyar, Kasom Khullen, Kamjong and Sahamphung besides having a healthy population.

Moreover the argument that since this Constituency is located too far away from Ukhrul district headquarters administration has become extremely difficult and the poor road connectivity has only made things worse, seems plausible, if one were to recall the numerous times that student organisations from Kasom Khullen have had to petition the Government to do something about the pathetic condition of the road that connects it with Imphal and other parts of the State.

This is something surprising, if we take into account the fact that the longest serving Chief Minister of Manipur, Rishang Keishing hails from this Constituency, Kamjong being his birth place. However this is how things stand.

Apart from this, what may add muscle to the stand of the MLA and the District Demand Committee is the fact that Phungyar AC is largely dominated by the Tangkhuls and hence there should be no problem amongst the people of the four sub-divisions, which make up the whole of this AC.

The United Naga Council has already made its stand clear and in doing so has opened fire in the dark, without naming any target but which is nevertheless, obvious from its tone and gesture.

Not surprisingly all the Ukhrul based or Tangkhul civil society organisations have backed the stand of the UNC and have come out strongly against the idea of Wungnao-shang Keishing and his men in the District Demand Committee.

This is not surprising, and we are more than sure that the MLA too must have anticipated this and the question of why W Keishing, and it is intriguing to see a man like him, whose political career rests on the foundation of the slogan that all Nagas must be united under one administrative unit, should come out with such an idea, which appears to run contrary to the aspirations of the Naga people.

Perhaps, only the MLA can answer this question, but the timing of the district demand is something too significant to miss. The demand to transform Phungyar AC to a full fledged district did not come yesterday or last week. In fact, if we remember correctly, the demand or the proposal to upgrade this Assembly Constituency to the status of a full fledged district was forwarded before the Chief Minister last year.

It is only now that it has come to occupy centre stage and it is something of a surprise to see the UNC react to the demand at this stage and not earlier. Districts like States should be created along administrative convenience and not due to any other factor, but unfortunately India is yet to shake off the Nehruvian concept of creating States or demarcating the boundaries of a State along linguistic basis.

The linguistic factor may then be turned on its head and identified along ethnic lines, never mind the fact that there is no common form of verbal communication amongst any of the group that make up the ethnic group.

This is the ground on which the seeds of a Greater Lim were sown by the NSCN (IM) and whether one agrees with this idea or not, credit should be given to Mr Muivah and his peers for giving shape and breathing life into the concept or belief of the Naga Nationhood.

So a Poumai from Senapati who has nothing in common with a Zemei from the Zeliangrong tribe in Tamenglong does not hesitate to sing the Naga unity anthem, in Meiteilon !

It is against this emerging culture of ethnicisation of politics that one should view the stand of the UNC and Ukhrul based organisations against the idea of upgrading Phungyar Assembly Constituency to a full fledged revenue district.

The official reason that UNC has given for opposing the demand for a district status for Phungyar is not convincing enough to bowl all the people over and there are examples galore to counter the point laid down by the UNC.

On the other hand, the concern expressed by some civil society organisations from Ukhrul is understandable in the context of the prevailing politics in the State, where everything is seen and viewed through the prism of ethnicity.

It is not for the sake of opposing that some of these organisations have spoken out against, as it could be a genuine concern that bifurcating the district, which is solely identified with the Tangkhuls, is contrary to the idea of a unified Naga family.

Moreover, we also need to ask why Keishing should suddenly appear so keen in upgrading his Home Constituency to the status of a full fledged revenue district now. Remember this is not his first term in office, and he made his debut in the State Assembly as early as 2002 by defeating Rishang Keishing.

The same story was repeated in the 2007 election, with the son of Rishang Keishing being the man suffering defeat at the hands of Wungnaoshang.

If this issue has not been raised in all these years, why raise it now, is a question that definitely needs an answer, and a plausible one at that. Is it just a demand for a district or does it go beyond this ?

Anything is possible, especially in the type of politics that is practised and accepted here and therein lies the most complex point.

On ENPO demand for separate Statehood E.M. Odyuo | Adm: We The Nagas Morung
We are faced with serious obstacle as we strive towards our aim to achieve Independent, and with the demand of “Frontier Nagaland State” by ENPO, now our forefathers aim to achieve Naga Independence is now nothing but a “Dream” and their sacrifices are nothing but are made a total trash.
We are Nagas by blood and with the demand of separate statehood by the ENPO; we are now trying to make ourselves nothing but a puppet of the Indians. I don’t know whether the ENPO is demanding for a separate state with a sense of sensibility but it’s a serious matter and the impact of this demand is going to be felt by every generation of the Nagas in the coming years.
Looking into the matter many of the Nagas feel that the demand of the statehood by the ENPO is nothing but selfishness on their part. The (Nagas) struggle now it is at its peak to bear fruit and we should not let anything hamper nor block our (Nagas) dreams to live as one... a nation.
Not to offend anyone but facing the truth, one thing that is lacking among the Eastern Nagas is lack of good “Leadership Quality”.
Everybody has the liberty to choose the kind of leader they want and where are the MLA that they chose? Are the MLA’s from the so called advanced tribes? We cannot deny the fact that the government does not look after the Eastern Nagas but where is the money that Government sanctions? Ask the MLA of your constituency at to where the money is! He is the representative to the government from your consultancy. Why to blame whole of the Nagas when the leader whom you elected from your own constituency don’t look after you thus hampering whole of the Nagas struggle?
For instance, contract for particular work was given to someone. Obviously it is the duty of the contractor to finish the work well in time but when they don’t do their work whose duty is it to take strict action against them? I’m sure there must be many groups in the Eastern Nagas to raise their voice and strict action against them. But why just raise your voice and not take action? If you frequently fail to do which you said it will affect whole of the work and this would only make people taking you for granted. So a wise and honest leader is the need of the hour.
Other districts doesn’t get a King size treatment but the money that the Government sanctioned are used wisely that’s the reason they are growing up.
Corruption indeed is one of life adversaries and this should be tackled strictly. The Right To Information (RTI) is an important tool which every citizen can use it and at a same time should be put into use. The proposed Jan Lokpal Bill (Citizen’s ombudsman Bill), if amended is going to be a very important tool to keep check on corruption. It’s a modern world and use of modern technology should be put into use wisely by spreading awareness among us in achieving our (Nagas) goal and not use against each other which would only hamper our goal. We should all be wise enough to think about our future and not only think of our present situation. Comparing to our forefathers struggle and our present situation, we are living a peaceful life and we should not make this small struggle hamper everything that has been build, rather we should all reconcile among ourselves and work for the betterment of our future. Don’t think of just an individual, rather we should all think the Nagas as a whole so that we will be able to move forward thus fulfilling the dreams of our forefathers to live as one Nation. Hope that the ENPO and the Government of Nagaland would come into terms soon and work for the betterment of the Naga society.
AZSU 48 hour bandh Kangla on line
IMPHAL April 13: The All Zeliangrong Students’ Union (AZSU), Assam ,Manipur and Nagaland in order to pressurize the government of India to meet certain demands of the Zeliangrong people has imposed a 48 hour bandh in the state.The bandh will commence from midnight of April 17 till April 19 midnight.
A press release by AZSU general secretary Nchaheng Kompong states that the AZSU and the Zeliangrong public are staunch supporters of the Indo Naga peace process, because the solution to bring about a peaceful atmosphere for the state lies on the outcome of the talks.
AZSU will not allow any organization including the Army and other paramilitary forces to disrupt the hard earned Indo Naga peace process, it states.
The reason for supporting the talks is that thousands of innocent Nagas have been slaughtered during the last 60 years of fighting, many women have been violated and maimed, but the warring Naga revolutionary groups have now have entered a ceasefire with the government and there has been peace in the Naga areas. AZSU and Zeliangrong people will oppose any form of disruption to the peace talks including those perpetrated by the Army and the 11 Assam Rifles, it states.
Further, the AZSU charged one colonel of the 11 AR for having failed to whip up support from the Zeliangrong public.


Frans on 04.14.11 @ 09:43 PM CST [link]


Tuesday, April 12th

Khaplang’s men confer with Swu - NSCN homecomers’ number swells H. CHISHI The Telegraph



Khaplang’s men confer with Swu - NSCN homecomers’ number swells H. CHISHI The Telegraph

Kohima, April 11: Top leaders of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) and the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland/National Socialist Council of Nagaland (GPRN/NSCN) met in Dimapur recently.
The meeting is a positive development in the ongoing Naga reconciliation process.
The GPRN/NSCN sources told this correspondent that the chairman of the NSCN, Isak Chishi Swu, recently met the general secretary of GPRN/NSCN, N. Kitovi Zhimomi, and his commander-in-chief Khole at an undisclosed location in Dimapur to take forward the ongoing Naga reconciliation process.
The peace process was initiated by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) headed by Rev. Wati Aier, a Baptist clergyman, and supported by various Naga organisations, state government and international organisations. Once popularly known as NSCN (Khaplang), the faction’s name has been changed to GPRN/NSCN, while the Isak and Muivah group known as NSCN (I-M) has retained its name NSCN/GPRN.
Deputy kilonser (minister) for information and publicity of the GPRN/NSCN, Vitoshe Sumi, said their general secretary and commander-in-chief had met Swu recently at Dimapur to discuss about the reconciliation process.
“They did meet at Dimapur recently,” he said, but remained tight-lipped about the location and outcome of the meeting even though he claimed the meeting ended on a positive note. He expressed hope that the reconciliation process would move further with the meeting of three Naga rebel leaders after 23 years.
“This is a positive sign,” the spokesman for the GPRN/NSCN said. “We cannot disclose everything because of some reasons,” he added.
Sources said there would be some agencies active to sabotage or derail the Naga reconciliation process. Some members of GPRN/NSCN still dislike Thuingaleng Muivah and his people (the Tangkhuls ) who are a formidable force in the NSCN and accused them of being a stumbling block in the reconciliation and unity effort. Muivah, however, said he was committed to the reconciliation process.
The NSCN could not be contacted for its comment about the meeting.
Last year in September, NSCN general secretary and chief negotiator in the current Naga peace talks with the Centre, Muivah, general secretary of GPRN/NSCN, Zhimomi, and president of the Federal Government of Nagaland (Singnya), S. Singnya, met in Dimapur and vowed to take forward the Naga reconciliation process to put a stop to violence in Naga society.
But the NSCN said the chairman of the GPRN/NSCN, S.S. Khaplang, was opposed to Naga reconciliation quoting sources from the rival group. The NSCN accused the rival group of being non-committal to the reconciliation process.
Naga organisations and the hohos have asked for meeting of top leaders of all Naga factions, but the GPRN/NSCN said its chairman Khaplang has not come out till date because of intrusion of NSCN cadres in “eastern Nagaland” (Myanmar).
But while meetings were taking place between the Naga rebel leaders, there have been reports of defection of cadres from GPRN/NSCN to NSCN.
Recently, around 50 cadres have joined the NSCN and the group has identified them as “homecomers” who have returned to the mainstream Naga nationalism. Sources said at least 10 senior leaders from GPRN/NSCN have defected to the Isak-Muivah group along with cadres and arms and ammunition.
Calling time on the most unsafe state in India Kangla on line
Friends, Manipuris and countrymen; I’ve come to bury ethnic-strife, not to praise it. Gone are the days of lying between the sheets all charred with mendacious happiness, with head over the pillows tainted with romantic dreams. A lesson on a formula of a composite Manipur should be bedtime reading for those who have no time to read.
Gone with the wind are the stories of Meitei/Naga chivalry that no longer fit into the lean, callous Indian news machine. In the existing tumultuous political and social disorder in Manipur where gun-toting youths dictate the community’s life, we should begin bemoaning with flickers of angst, the existing ethnic divide.
Manipur is the most unsafe state in India, unlike Kashmir where its insurgents do not harm their own people. Everybody in Manipur can expect a bullet or a hand grenade any day from any of the various groups of insurgents, particularly KCP.
Manipur has been standing with one foot in hell for a long time with anarchy and seasons of ethnic discontent. It’s time for all the players in the theatre of war, to come to the negotiating table to work out the issue of ethnicity and inequality.
All Manipuris are familiar with the above ballad. It means something to anyone who looks back at the history of Manipur. It’s time for the young and old folks of Manipur to familiarise themselves with its core meaning. The lyricism of this narrative song is a sentimental explication that the chingmees and tammees lived together in and defended Manipur in historical times.
I have been writing to establish with empirical and some archaeological evidence that Manipur belongs to both the hill and plane people and that Manipuri language is not a Tibeto-Burman language. Divided, the Meiteis will survive and so will the Nagas, but just be able to eke out a living with handouts from Delhi every year. That’s not the life for our children. They are preamble to my conviction that Manipur will remain as it is, unchanged by forces of nihilism, as will Kashmir. Who will dare ask the Chinese to hand back the part of Kashmir in their occupation?
India promised plebiscite in Kashmir and Junagard, and then it reneged. The UN is helpless as India says it is an internal matter, which is cogent in International law. India has yet to agree to a plebiscite in Manipur ie a proposal to cede Manipur from India.
In the meantime, all of us in Manipur should join hands to build a strong Manipuri identity and sing “Auld Lang Syne”. Why? Without it we will lose our cultural and ethnic identity and we will remain forever just as “Northeasterners”. Manipur will continue to live under military occupation, curtailing our freedom – not having the same rights as other Indians. Further, the inherent neglect by Delhi will turn into a legitimate excuse for not developing Manipur.
Time changes and with it human nature changes with culture and religion, which have an intense effect on human behaviour. Because they determine how people react to others and express their feeling to others. Manipuris are at a crisis situation, at a point of time when a critical decision must be made. Ethnic discontent and internecine fighting are hampering our progress.
We must have a certain future and a progressive goal as the Americans have – known as ‘American dream’. We need a dream – a ‘Manipuri dream’ and a plan for our posterity. We cannot leave their destiny in the lap of gods.
A few school children from Manipur sent me emails asking for guidance as ‘they are confused’ about their future. A Naga doctor from Dimapur sent me an email, equally confused about his origin.
The scenario I am proposing is not predictions or depictions of a desirable future, which I wish to promote. It is designed to help people understand the major trends that would shape our Manipuri identity. The aim is to challenge, inspire and excite so that people feel motivate to plan for a better, more sustainable future for Manipuris.
We need to form a “federal” Manipur, based on the Swiss Federation. The word “federation” is loosely used here, in the sense that all the ethnic communities resolve to build a prosperous Manipur despite the variance in culture, language and religion.
Evidence as the foundation of history will show the chances of an independent Manipur vis-à-vis the Government of India and the possibility of forming a greater Nagaland vis-à-vis the Meiteis. But good luck to those who are still struggling for an independent Manipur or wanting to integrate parts of Manipur with Nagaland.
The insurgency is quiet on the northern front (Nagaland) and inside Manipur. Even the anti-AFSPA movement is as quiet as a mouse. Everyday a few insurgent cadres are getting “nabbed” by the security forces, and a few surrender intermittently. In view of the total number of insurgent cadres, the fighting force will soon decimate to only a few effete Kalashnikov holders.
In the case of the ‘Nagas’ of Manipur (not an eponym I would like to use for Manipuri tribal peoples who have different respectable names), they should now look into their conscience and reformulate the old plan for building a ‘Naga nation’ mainly because of economical disparity and other legitimate grievances along with better prospects that might accrue from joining Nagaland. The grass is always greener on the other side.
It is not clear who are the “Nagas” and who are not in Manipur. Generally, by Nagas it seems to mean Tangkhuls, Mao-Maram and Kabuis. What is the future for the rest of the 36 different tribal groups in Manipur?
Mixing theory with practice is not always compatible. Theory gives us framework for analysing a problem while practice gives us experience. Theoretically, the Nagas must, by now realise that in Manipur they are Manipuris but in Nagaland they are outsiders and will always be treated as such.
The NSCN(K) faction openly says that Muivah is a Tangkhul not a Naga and Tangkhuls are not Nagas. It further says (September 2003) that “The Tangkhuls were Meiteis and joined the Naga National movement only after Nagas entered ceasefire with the Indians just to create misunderstanding.”
The leader of the NSCN (IM) at the moment is Muivah – a Tangkhul and there are many Tangkhuls in this faction. It’s a matter of worry what the outcome would be when Muivah is no longer the leader. As an advance notice, some NSCN (IM)) killed many Tangkhuls at Dimapur on May 5 2008. This sort of events does not occur in Manipur – their state. On March 5 2011 NSCN (IM) killed a cadre of the Zeliangrong United Front in a gun battle at Khoupum Tampak.
There is also disillusionment among the Phungyar Tangkhuls as they see the reality that because of ethnic-strife their villages would be left behind in the Stone Age. They are rightly demanding the creation of a Manipuri district of their own by dividing the present Ukhrul district into haves, pouring cold water on the UNC’s separatist policy.
Large numbers of Kabuis live in the Imphal plane scattered in fifty odd villages. They have undergone microevolution differing from their counterpart Zeliangrongs in the hills, in looks, culture and habits. They have already expressed their views of staying put in Manipur, as they feel closer with the Meiteis.
History will imitate itself. We know the plight of Bihari Muslim immigrants to Muslim East Pakistan in 1947, and the atrocities they suffer since 1971 when they were forced to go to Pakistan from Bangla Desh. They are contemptuously treated as mhajir (immigrants). They now wish they never left India where fellow Muslims enjoy equal rights and opportunities of any Indian.
During the Calcutta Hindu-Muslim riots in 1947, some Meitei Pangals took shelter with Meitei students. They are descendants of Meitei mothers ie blood relations.
ATSUM and ANSAM should be aware that dissatisfaction is not one sided. For example: the Meitei youths are far from happy that all the top jobs are given to tribal people because of the quota system and that they pay no taxes for their large remunerations. They would also like a bit of land on the beautiful Siroi ranges in Ukhrul, or near the Barak Water Falls in Tamenglong, but they are denied due to “protective racism”, while every community is welcome to the Imphal valley.
The post-modern and liberalised Meiteis believe that there is no institutional discrimination against any ‘tribe’ in Manipur though discrimination and prejudice on a personal scale exists anywhere in the world. I do appreciate these young “Nagas” struggling for economic prosperity except that their demands are always vitriolic saying “how the majority Meitei imposes unwelcome rule on the minority tribal people, which in fact is political rather than economical.
Having posited a dismal future for all of us, my thesis is aimed at finding an amicable solution for all the Manipuri communities. That’s where our prosperous future lies.
Manipuris are marching to an unheard drum in an arid political clime. It’s time for mothballing the old history of Manipur; it’s time for burying the hatchet; it’s time for the creation and reinforcement of a collective identity for Manipuris.
We need an increased share of a common language of Manipuri and an equal share of our economy, and willingness to celebrate a plural and secular society. We have to forge ahead in the larger interest of Manipur for Manipuris.
We have a common language that does not affect the right of ethnic minorities of other languages to use their native languages. Speaking the same language makes one feel belonging to the same community.
Message from the writer: I appreciate what many readers are saying about my name. In fact, I wrote an article in a Manipuri daily this year that all Meitei youngsters and children should do without the pseudo -Rajput name of SINGH and DEBI; because we feel as if we are living in somebody’s body when we go abroad. But for old people like me it is too late. My name is legally bound in my passport, driving licence, banking, credit cards, and electoral register and so on.
The Challenge of Peace By South Asia Intelligence Review /IBNS

In his 2011 New Year message, S. Singnya, the President of the 'Federal Government of Nagaland/ Naga National Council' (FGN/NNC) declared, ‘After several rounds of reconciliation meets and the declaration of unconditional unity, I strongly believe that the present peaceful Naga society will never again be called a fratricidal society, regardless of the past. The Naga society is now genuinely and swiftly moving in the right direction.’

This hope was quickly belied, as internecine clashes among Naga militant groups have already resulted in at least 38 fatalities since January 1, 2011. National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM) and National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) have been the most prominent groups involved in this fratricidal confrontation. In one incident, intelligence sources disclosed, over 35 cadres of these groups were killed in the night of February 24-25, 2011, on the Tirap (Arunachal Pradesh)-Myanmar border.

The IM faction lost 30 of its cadres when their 100-strong armed group, trying to enter Tirap from Myanmar's Sagiang Division, was ambushed by the rival Khaplang faction. The Khaplang faction lost about five of its cadres.

This was the largest clash in the ongoing conflict between the two groups since December 2010. The conflict in Tirap-Changlang has been ongoing for nearly a decade, as the rivals engage in a contest to secure dominance over the two strategically located Districts in Eastern Arunachal Pradesh.

These Districts serve as a transit route for militants from India's north-east, taking shelter in largely un-administered areas of Myanmar. According to reports, at least two NSCN-IM cadres were killed and another five injured when the NSCN-K cadres uprooted the only NSCN-IM camp at Khamlang village under Changlang District in Arunachal Pradesh on December 27, 2010.

Meanwhile, clashes among these Naga groups crossed India's frontiers, when severe fighting broke out between them somewhere inside Myanmar on February 26, 2011. At least two NSCN-K cadres were reportedly injured in the fighting.

The bloodshed, moreover, also reaches inwards within these factions as well. 'Brigadier' Chipu Menon, the NSCN-K 'head' from Tirap, for instance, was killed in the Mon District of Nagaland by another NSCN-K cadre on March 17, 2011. Sources indicated that Menon was summoned from Tirap to Mon by higher-ups, to sort out issues related to 'organizational management', which included disciplinary and financial matters. Menon had earlier been warned to "abide by the organizational discipline" but "did not pay any heed."

Meanwhile, in an indication of rising differences among the 'champions of the Naga community', a new outfit, the Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), was floated on February 25, 2011, with a primary aim to protect the interests of the Zeliangrong tribe, with the slogan "Zeliangrong Ringtelo," meaning 'Long live the Zeliangrong people'.
Police sources believe that the new outfit was formed by around 10 NSCN-IM cadres who deserted the group, along with arms and ammunition, and joined up with some NSCN-K cadres. A ZUF cadre was killed on March 5, 2011, in a clash with suspected NSCN-IM cadres near Khoupum Khunou village in Tamenglong District, Manipur.

Opposition to the signing of the Shillong Accord on November 11, 1975 between the Government of India (GoI) and some representatives of the Naga National Council (NNC), had led to the formation of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) with Isak Chishi Swu as the 'Chairman', S. S. Khaplang as the 'Vice Chairman' and Thuingaleng Muivah as the 'General Secretary'.

No one could have imagined, then, that this would be the beginning of a serious fratricidal confrontation which remains unabated till date. Factionalism began after April 30, 1988, when a bloody clash between supporters of Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu, on one side, and Khaplang, on the other, resulted in the split of NSCN into two groups - NSCN-IM and NSCN-K. At least 100 people were killed in the clash. Since their inception, both the groups have been constantly engaged in a violent contest to establish their hegemony.

According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal Database, a total of 417 Naga militants have been killed and another 97 injured in the internecine clashes since 2001. Fatalities registered an upward trend (barring 2001), till they peaked at 110 in 2008, but fell drastically in 2009 and 2010.

The drop in killings was the result of a 'Covenant of Reconciliation' (CoR) signed by the top leaders of three Naga Political groups - NSCN-K, NSCN-IM and FGN/NNC - on June 13, 2009, after a Naga Reconciliation meet was held in Chiang Mai in Thailand from June 1 to June 8, 2009.

The CoR, reaffirmed again on September 18, 2010, states that the Naga political groups, in the name of God and witnessed by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation, declared to the Naga people and the entire world resolving to, among others, desist from pursuing territorial expansion so that a conducive atmosphere is sustained for strengthening the Naga Reconciliation Process. Since then, 45 'reconciliation summits' have taken place - 36 rounds in Nagaland and nine in Chiang Mai.

The recent 'highest level meeting' of the Naga Reconciliation Committee, which was to be held during the visit of NSCN-IM leaders in March 2011, however, could not take place due to the sudden review of the decision by the NSCN-K.

It now appears that the period of bonhomie is over. Unsurprisingly, the NSCN-K accused the IM of blatantly violating the CoR and 'ordering military operations' in eastern Nagaland.
On February 26, 2011, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak stated, "What is happening in eastern Nagaland is a unilateral abrogation of the CoR by NSCN-IM," adding further that reconciliation among different parties cannot happen by holding guns in the hand or by one party considering himself or herself superior to others.
A joint statement issued on February 27, 2011, by NSCN-K and FGN, two of the three signatories of the CoR, noted, ‘Naga people are informed that while Mr. Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah demand sincerity from the GoI, back home in Nagaland, despite being a signatory of the CoR they have miserably failed to be sincere to their own people. The ink on the documents they signed is still wet, yet they are threatening to throw Nagaland into further turmoil. Naga people have the right to know why Mr. Muivah has ordered military offensive in eastern Nagaland.’

The NSCN-K has now declared that the reconciliation process was a "closed chapter because of the NSCN-IM. It is not worthwhile to stretch on the interaction on reconciliation if the people you approach are a confused lot and are not prepared to reconcile in true spirit. What is the use of holding reconciliation meetings if we cannot abide by the resolutions adopted?" Tikhak said on February 26, 2011.

Expectedly, the NSCN-IM, claimed that it remained "deeply committed" to the peace process and reconciliation. On February 28, 2011, Muivah however, argued, "But while we are deeply engaged in the works of peace and reconciliation a number of Naga Army personnel (armed wing of the NSCN-IM) were killed by the Khaplang party in different incidents under their declared military offensive campaigns against NSCN in Tirap and Changlang Districts of Arunachal Pradesh. We will never allow ourselves to be sitting ducks when enemies attack us. They (the rivals) are always on the offensive."

The recent upswing in the factional differences has also impacted on the ongoing talks between the NSCN-IM and GoI. On March 2, 2011, the NSCN-IM held the first round of talks with the Government's newly appointed interlocutor, R.S. Pandey, at New Delhi, during which the group submitted a list of 30 demands. The next round of talks is scheduled to be held in April.

On February 26, the NSCN-K had conveyed to the GoI that it has no objections to the proposed meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and NSCN-IM 'general secretary' Th. Muivah in April, since the talks were "merely a bilateral meeting between two parties and not a political talk between GoI and the Nagas".

However, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak, on February 28, declared, "We never supported the peace talks nor will we ever support it." Moreover, after the conclusion of the first meeting of the Supervisors of the Cease Fire Monitoring Board (CFMB), Wangtin Naga, the NSCN-K Cease Fire Monitoring Board Supervisor, insisted, on January 6, 2011, that his group would only talk when all factions come together under one roof.

Evidently, the Naga reconciliation process, initiated by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in 2009, has run into a rough weather in the wake of the recent turf wars between the rival NSCN groups in eastern Nagaland. The Union Defense Ministry, on March 16, 2011, however, continued to claim that "Violence levels have declined and the inter-factional clashes between NSCN-IM and NSCN-K have reduced."

The continuing violence in Nagaland is the result of New Delhi's failure to implement the terms of its cease fire agreements with the NSCN factions, which require their cadres to be restricted within designated camps, and to deposit their arms. If the peace process in the State is to have any hopes of success, and tranquility is to prevail in the region, these terms will have to be imposed on, and accepted by, these armed groups.

As long as the NSCN factions - and other militant groupings in the State - continue to build up their armed strength and struggle for military dominance in 'contested' areas, there can be little hope of peace for the Naga people.
(The writer-Veronica Khangchian- is Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management)
Militarism and the Future of Democracy in Manipur: Impressions from the Field Namrata Goswami IDSA
While most of the states in Northeast India are slowly but steadily edging towards the resolution of the multiple armed conflicts that have plagued them for decades, Manipur continues to remain unstable. In Assam, the dialogue process is underway with the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). In Nagaland, peace talks between the Union Government and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim--Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) have witnessed significant progress in recent months. In Manipur, on the other hand, while Suspension of Operations (SoO) have been signed with the Kuki armed groups, the Meitei armed groups like the United National Liberation Front of Manipur (UNLF), the Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) and its armed wing the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) and the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) have not signed any ceasefire or SoO with the Union government and continue to operate with impunity in the state. Added to this is the Naga-Meitei divide, with the NSCN-IM staking claim over 90 per cent of the state’s territory.

Against this backdrop a national seminar was held in Manipur University in March 2011. Different stakeholders including local policymakers, civil society actors, security forces personnel, journalists and academics provided their perspectives on the conflict in the state. Critical issues were discussed in detail including Manipur’s history, the Indian state’s national security discourse and its rationale, growing militarism and the impact of violence on society and especially on women, ideological issues, counter-insurgency and the politics of development, and the challenging task of upholding democratic norms and institutions.
Six critical propositions that merit serious attention from the policy perspective can be identified based on the seminar’s proceedings and the author’s field experience in Manipur. First, there is the compression of democratic space in Manipur due to the existence of multiple armed groups as well as the presence of a large counter-insurgency force. Second, ‘ethnic assertion’ limits the space for inclusive democratic politics. Third, the overwhelming feeling of ‘under-representation’ in national policy making structures adversely impacts the local perceptions of India. Fourth, people genuinely believe that the Union government is interfering in almost all local issues. Fifth, the absence of efficient local state structures creates a ‘fearful psyche’ with regard to physical wellbeing among the people of the state. Sixth, central development schemes are viewed as counter-insurgency measures instead of being viewed as efforts by the Indian state to meaningfully uplift the local people.
The overall tenor of discussions in the seminar, which was dominated by voices representing the Meitei community and to a lesser extent the Naga community, indicated a number of policy options that merit consideration.
First, it emerged that there was an urgent need for a balanced discourse on the issue of militarism in Manipur. Most speakers argued that the growing militarism was due to a psychologically oriented ‘mindset of militarism’ fuelled by the visible presence of the security forces personnel and non-state armed groups in such large numbers among the civil society. This leaves a deep seated negative impression on the minds of the younger generations, thereby blocking out values that are intrinsic to democracy like inclusiveness, pluralism, individual rights, and the impression of a public welfare oriented state.
Second, there exists an ideational gap between the ‘idea of India’ as a pluralistic, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, inclusive and vibrant democratic entity and the perception of the actual behaviour of the Indian state in conflict prone states like Manipur. Therefore, while there is expressed hope in the idea of a democratic India as envisioned by Gandhi and Nehru, there is need for a concerted effort to bridge the democracy deficit.
Third, ethnic communities in Manipur should reconsider their own perception of ‘victimisation’, which was described by a local scholar as the “psyche of a defeated people”. Hence, while political discourses within Manipur tend to be located within two overarching conceptual parameters, British India and post-colonial India, where Manipur is portrayed as a victim of discrimination, little serious effort has been made by local actors to construct an elegant rational discourse on how to create a pluralistic, multi-ethnic and democratic Manipur. Once this new inclusive discourse is crafted, even the Naga discourse of so-called historical ethnic exclusivity will appear self-defeating and non-progressive.
Fourth, centre-state relations and democratic norms were the central focus in local discourses. A lot of political anxiety was noticeable with regard to the presence of military personnel in the state, lack of a responsible government, and the state’s inability to gain monopoly over organised violence. People wish to move beyond the narrow prism of armed groups and armed conflict to a non-violent public sphere. Fifth, local political communities argue that the political destiny of the people of Manipur is decided by national elites with little input from local elites. A larger visible presence of able local politicians and public intellectuals in the national decision making process and representative structures will help to assuage these grievances. A central message that emerged from the seminar was that while the two core national security objectives of India, territorial integrity and sovereignty, stand the country in good stead, individual progress and overall societal happiness, especially of its ethnic minorities, would help achieve these objectives. Therefore, local grievances and the perception in Manipur of India as a mechanical bureaucratic state should not be taken lightly. It is critical that continuing extortions, intimidatory tactics and kidnapping by the armed groups in the state be controlled through strict law enforcement measures. There is also an urgent need for greater democratic outreach with the local population which is living in a militarised zone, by putting in place responsive, accountable and humane state structures.
A chance for peace in Assam Livemint
For the first time in recent history, the separatist United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was quiescent, neither supporting nor opposing the electoral process
The peaceful conclusion of polling in Assam on Monday marks the end of an era of secessionism in the state. The second phase of voting witnessed an impressive turnout of more than 70%. For the first time in recent history, the separatist United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was quiescent, neither supporting nor opposing the electoral process.
This is both a matter of satisfaction and is also a challenge. The history of various insurgency hit states—from Jammu and Kashmir to Nagaland—bears little comparison with each other. But each province that has been pacified has had a powerful demonstrator effect on other such states. Mizoram, Punjab, and, to an extent Nagaland, have traced a trajectory of peace one after another. Now, finally, Assam, too, has bid goodbye to separatism. There is no doubt that Paresh Barua, the leader of ULFA’s armed wing remains recalcitrant to the idea of peace; but one person alone matters little: almost the entire leadership of the outfit—from chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa downwards—have been reconciled.
The challenges ahead are, however, of a very different order. Leaving aside the so-called ‘BIMARU’ states, Assam is one of the more poor Indian states. In per capita income terms, it is much behind the national average. So too in terms of human development indicators (life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rates per 1,000 births, to give two examples). Much of the population of the state continues to eke out its existence from agriculture. Industrial development is non-existent.
This cannot be changed overnight. While the Tarun Gogoi government may claim some success for turning the corner on the insurgency problem, that is only a partial success. In fact insurgency was already on its way out: the people of Assam had concluded that separatism doesn’t pay. It is on the development front that Gogoi’s reign has been lacklustre. True, attracting investment in states that have been through insurgency is difficult, the issue is about the serious inadequacy of the government’s efforts. The failure on this count is for all to see. How future governments tackle the development question will determine how fruitful the return of peace has been in Assam.
What should be done to speed up Assam’s development? Tell us at views@livemint.com">views@livemint.com
ENPO firm on ‘frontier Nagaland’ State goal morungexpress
Dimapur, April 10 (MExN): The Eastern Naga People’s Organization (ENPO) has said it is “firm on its stand in achieving the goal till the end” regarding the demand for “separate frontier Nagaland.” A note from the president of ENPO Mangko Phom appealed to “all concerned Naga citizen” not to “provoke and get confused” and queried “who can guarantee that the ENPO demand cannot be achieved?”
The ENPO appeals to all concerned Nagas “not to provoke and get confused over the demand for separate frontier Nagaland state by misleading people over the movement.” According to the ENPO, ‘some concerned citizens had admitted’ that the demand is genuine and its fully in between Government of India and ENPO and the same people are interpreting by saying that the demand of separate frontier Nagaland state has weakened the Naga peace process.’
“So we would like to question them whether they are trying to provoke by sowing hatredness towards ENPO? We never stood against any group or hinder the peace process,” the organization representing the eastern regions of Nagaland stated. “The movement is a people’s movement and the ENPO is firm on its stand in achieving the goal till the end,” the note added.

Warm welcome for Jamir on homecoming OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph


S.C. Jamir in Mokokchung. Telegraph picture
Kohima, April 9: The return of veteran Nagaland politician S.C. Jamir to Aonglenden constituency yesterday to contest the byelections slated for May 7 evoked a tremendous response.
As emotions ran high, people lined the route waving Congress flags right up to his ancestral village Ungma near Mokokchung town, cheering their beloved leader. “Long live S.C. Jamir, we love you”, people chanted in unison. Women were almost on the verge of tears, vouching support for Jamir as he entered Aonglenden constituency with hundreds of supporters from Kohima and Dimapur.
“Please extend support to S.C. Jamir, irrespective of political affiliations. He is our leader,” they pleaded. Addressing the public gathering at Ungma in the evening, the former Maharashtra and Goa governor and ex-chief minister said he has been steering Naga politics for the last 60 years after being baptised into politics in 1958 from Ungma.
The veteran Naga politician entered Naga politics by joining the erstwhile Naga People’s Convention (NPC), the architect of Nagaland state. He was then appointed joint secretary of the NPC. Recalling his speech in the first convention of the NPC at Ungma, he said there are three different kinds of animals — ape, donkey and tiger. While ape represents primitives that do not listen to anyone, the donkey never moves until the load is heavy and the tiger represents violence. He said tigers continue to exist in Naga society though people want to live in peace.
Jamir said the Nagas have enough leaders to work for the welfare of the people but they were deterred by fear. But he vowed not to be intimidated or deterred by any force in his mission to speak the truth. Jamir urged his people to catalyse his rebirth in politics so that he could serve the people of Nagaland. He said that he was contesting neither to become a chief minister nor governor again, but to serve the people.
The veteran Naga leader has urged people to bury the past and move ahead with new issues. But the Naga People’s Front (NPF), the main constituent of the ruling democratic alliance of Nagaland said it would dig out the old issues like “the Bedrock of Naga society” — the booklet which was allegedly authored by Jamir had stated that statehood had compromised the Nagas’ demand for sovereignty.
Speaking at the rally, leader of Congress legislature party (CLP), Tokheho Yepthomi and former president of Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) and Congress lawmaker, K.V. Pusa described Jamir as a “great leader”.
Yepthomi said the former chief minister has been a national figure since the time of late Prime Minister Nehru adding that God had chosen Jamir to be a torch and pillar for the Naga people. The CLP leader said the former chief minister could have been a Prime Minister had he been from states, which have many MPs in Parliament. Yepthomi said his leader has the quality and calibre to become the Prime Minister of India. “Nagas need his service, send him to the Assembly,” the CLP leader appealed to the people.
He said Naga people need Jamir to lead them and prayed that God give him a long life to let him lead the Nagas. Pusa said since the formation of the Nagaland state in 1960, the destiny of Naga people was laid in Ungma village and till today Ungma village is politically alive. He said Jamir is a Naga leader and is respected by leaders of India and urged people of Ungma to retain the pride by electing him in the byelections.
“The pride of the Naga people would be retained by sending him to the Assembly again,” the Congress leader said. Among others who spoke in the rally were MLAs H. Chuba Chang, Kongam, Sentichuba Ao, vice-president of NPCC, Nillo Rengma and Congress leaders from Mokokchung district. Congress top leaders, former chief minister and MLA, K.L. Chishi, former president NPCC and MLA, I. Imkong and former president of NPCC and MLA Chingwang Konyak did not attend the rally.
Is the younger Naga generation losing touch with their history? morungexpress

Some of those who voted YES had this to say:
• Yes, the younger generation is losing touch with their history. This is a increasing fact, no one can deny it. But the issue is who is to blame. Can we blame the younger generation? I dont think so. The older generation has no doubt messed up the Naga issue and the way the older people are behaving is making the younger people sick and tired. Just look at the Naga movement. The older generation has only created factionalism and instead of making amends and reconciling, they are sticking to their guns. The younger generation is completely fed up with the older generation.
• Younger naga generation are searching for greener pasture in more peaceful atmosphere outside ..............??????
• Their texts contain only other histories!
• Yes, very much. This is obvious by the fact that we’ve began to neglect, rather discard, our once revered practices, habits, customs and culture. Of course knowing them or having in-depth knowledge about ourselves doesn’t imply that we should live like some stone-aged men in traditionally vibrant colors with equally aged practices, but it definitely instills and kindles a sense of unflinching oneness lifelong, with room enough for that humane instinct. The best option to let the younger generation learn of our history maybe through homes and educational institutions in a systematic process.
• All are care free
• To avoid the present situation, they opt to study and stay and work outside.
• When the Govt. of Nagaland in collaboration with some Café is promotion the Korean culture, it certainly will have a drastic effect on the mindset of the youths and the end- product is there for all to see. Nowadays, we find many duplicate college going Koreans roaming the streets of the neighborhoods. Nagas prefer watching Korean movies to English movies. Some section of the Nagas profess to have found salvation in the form of illusion from the preaching of new age guru, Rev. Ban Moon Sun. They insist that he preaches only in Korean lingo. That’s speaking in tongue. The only common linkage that I find between us and the Korean is that, we, both, love Dog Meat. Slurp !!!.
• They are happy with Indian money...
• They dont even care 2 learn their own dialect and not even ready to visit their village n learn their culture..maybe the parents dont care or the children are still sleeping.
• Influence by the external factors.
• The Western-culture's Influence on the Naga youths is one thing and the lack of teaching about the Naga history is another thing. Instead of teaching and learning about the historical heritage of Naga history, our people have been spending too long time on fighting and killing each others
• No one will deny that the younger Naga generation is losing touch with their history, culture, tradition and even language. But I would not blame them completely. I think the Naga elders also need to take responsibility for the mess that we are all in. The rigidity in which the Naga elders are operating is just unethical.
• Yes, tell me how many of today’s youngster know about the legends, histories or the works of the great leaders of the past who really struggled for us? Well forget about the history of the Nagas, I bet they don’t even know the history of their tribe.
• Because many of the Naga's history were not recorded and many students forget to learn them.
• We don't have to look far. Just take a peek at our lifestyle.
• Yes unfortunately in many ways and measures. The saddest part is losing our respectable identity.. I am scared!

Some of those who voted NO had this to say:
• I am saying NO cautiously because the younger Nagas know only what they have been taught in schools, homes and in the society. I dont think they know any less than what they are being told. So the problem is not that the Naga youths are losing in touch with their history, but that they are being taught very little about their culture, tradition and history. So eventually, if they are not being taught well, the Naga youths will lose touch with their history and I dont think they can be blamed for it. Also let us not forget that the so called Naga overground and underground leaders have no vision for the young people. When there is no strong leadership that is in a position to provide a sense of direction and vision for the people, than what can we expect from the younger generation. They will only want to detach as much as possible with their history. Something radical must be done if we are to save Nagaland. The leaders must take responsibility for their actions and get their acts together. Finally, the underground groups must reconcile and put forward a common agenda for negotiation with the Indian government. If the UGs can agree to put forward a common agenda for negotiation, I am sure all Nagas will support it.
• No because history of Naga is now studied as a subject is included in academic curriculum.
• No. The Nagas, with the passage of time, are advancing and more aware of the importance of history. So, Naga history can never be lost.
• The thoughts of younger generation and older generation are different but has the same Goal..work for the people of Nagaland
• We are reading and accessing a lot more of history than our older generations. Thanks to technology, newspaper, books, magazines, internet, etc. Now i know my histories and im able to tell it to the older generation.

Some of those who voted OTHERS had this to say:
• The younger generation is stuck between the old and the new. Of course it is common sense that the new must come out of the old, but the problem with the old is that it is not allowing the new to come out and shine. The old has become the problem, it is just refusing to give room to the new. The younger generation is in a pitiable state.
• The world has progressed so much. The world is talking about the latest technological advancements, and here we are in Nagaland talking about land encroachment in fast disappearing Intangki forest.
• tere is no question of losing or gaining touch wit naga history . coz we were never taught about our naga history in literature form even in high school . the present state of mind of a naga individual is tat knowledge abt naga history is nil and knowledge abt nagaland geography 100%. due to this imbalance we r livin in confusd n distrustful society.
• we dont have a history. what is naga history??
• With changes and progress in the world, the young people have to change too. But in terms of cultural values, they are copying all the bad ones the see from their parents' generation.
• As the younger Naga generation with no exception being part and parcel of this global village replete with fierce competitions in every field of discipline, no matter how forward-looking and progressive it may be, no elite educated Naga can afford to ignore his/her rich and unique history preferably not contemporary one but the one during the period of our forefathers though illiterate and noble savage, some of their finest qualities are still relevant to our present day and draw inspiration and guidance from their exemplenary way of life and deeds. Its honestly sobering for me to sheepishly admit that I am also one of them who only has a smattering of our own Naga history, let alone the culture, heritage, traditional custom out of sheer ignorance or take it for granted as it is or perhaps for both reasons on my part. However, better late than never, as my answer to your poll quest put me in quite a retrospective state of mind.


Frans on 04.12.11 @ 04:09 PM CST [link]


Saturday, April 9th

Nagas must dare to change: Rev Wati (NPN)



Nagas must dare to change: Rev Wati (NPN)

KHONOMA, : Nagas have now come to a point of time where they must dare to change and those who would lead cannot do so by breeding and commandeering discontent or by coercing Nagas into their mold, said FNR convener Rev. Dr. Wati Aier.
He said those Naga leaders who seek their interest and security above the Naga future would only build more walls of personal disposition and imbibe an unhealthy state of affairs around them. Rev Wati was addressing a gathering during the inauguration service of the Memorial of Late Gen Mowu Gwizantsu which was constructed by Khonoma Rüffüno Nagaland at Soseütsie, Khonoma village Saturday.
“Nowhere do discontent, personal interest, and security create a desire for change and those who are threatened by their position do not think of change, no matter how miserable their condition may be,” Rev Wati said.
He said that the leaders today have created a myth seemingly thinking that each one of them have tamed Naga nationalism and were in control of Naga destiny. He said they (leaders) all feared change for which Nagas were in grave, hazardous situation.
Sharing his personal view on Khonoma, Rev Wati said ‘where else would history point to, if the seed of Naga nationalism cannot be traced to Khonoma?’ and added that this was an inextricable fact that cannot be undone.
Stating that those who dare to undertake changes usually were in possession of inextricable energy, Rev Wati said the same energy must first touch all who have been badly hurt and misunderstood.
On the other hand, the energy of healing which has begun among the people must be channeled out to electrify the Nagas as a whole, he said.
In this regard, he stressed that the people of Khonoma village must offer opportunity for advancement of the Naga future and proposed that the people of Khonoma Church leaders, intellectuals, common men and women must work out a practical journey of ‘touching’ each factional leaders and penetrate into areas of apology, repentance and seeking forgiveness. He, however, reminded that this required honesty, courage and real vision.
Rev Wati said that the argument would never be settled as to whether great people make moments in history great or great moments in history make great people.
He said Late Gen.Mowu Gwizantsu gave certain impetus - an immeasurable impetus to the cause of Naga nationalism and was one of the symbols and personification of the historical and political rights of the Nagas.
Gen. Thinoselie M. Keyho who was the main speaker on the occasion recalled his long association with Late Gen. Mowu, the first Chief of Naga Army and the third since the inception of the Naga Home Guard. He dwelt at length the immense contribution that Late. Gen Mowu made to the cause of the Nagas.
Similarly, Gen. A Maken Ao and Chongshen Chang who also spoke on the occasion recalled their long close association with late Gen Mowu who moulded the Naga Army and successfully led different batches of Naga Army to foreign countries for undergoing training.
Sanguto Chase, who spoke on behalf of the family of late Gen.Mowu said that the memorial was constructed through the generous donation of land from Seyietsu Clan and also through contributions in cash and in kind from well wishers and thanked them all.
He sought forgiveness to Late Gen Mowu and the family for any mistake that might have been committed or hurt anybody.
“There must be admission of mistakes and mutual forgiveness so that healing takes place and relationship are restored,” he said.
Earlier, Rev Yankey Patton, the first Chaplin of the Naga Army unveiled the monolith erected at the memorial complex. In his brief address, he asked the Nagas not to linger but to be courageous as a nation.
Delivering the welcome address, Niketu Iralu said that the struggle of the people has to be examined at every stage and stressed the need to honestly look into what has happened to the Naga struggle and where it was going. He said that Nagas tended to worry what they have not achieved without realizing what they have achieved so far. He called upon the Nagas to rejoice for something that has been achieved which others have not. He also said that Khonoma was a village where people were trying to forgive each other and heal the wounds through reconciliation.
The service which was led by Dr. Kedozeto Punyü and prayer by Rev. Hotokhü P. Zhimomi, Pastor Sumi Baptist Church, Kohima concluded with vote of thanks proposed by Keviyachü Liegise followed by benediction by Rev Tsolie Chasie, Pastor, Baptist Church Khonoma.

India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral trade proposed The Assam Tribune By: Sobhapati Samom
IMPHAL – A 12- member Thailand delegation visited Manipur and Myanmar’s border township Tamu recently to establish a trilateral trade between India, Myanmar and Thailand.
Tharodol Thongruang Thai-Myanmar Border Trade in-charge led Thai delegation also attended a day-long Union of Myanmar Border Trade sponsored trilateral trade conference at Tamu town, near Moreh on Sunday wherein he appealed to the Myanmarese officials to help in boosting cross-border between the three countries.
“Myanmar would be the confluence of India’s Look East Policy and Thailand’s Look West Policy”, the Thai team leader said. “Myanmar would be greatly benefited from these two similar policies of India and Thailand if Myanmar takes up some pro-active initiatives”.
Vice President of the Trade Chamber of Commerce (Myanmar) U Myin Swe led the Myanmar delegation while the Indian team was headed by Officer on Special Duty L Dwijamani of Manipur Commerce and Industries (Foreign Trade).
The Myanmarese delegates responding to the appeal of the Thais assured that their country would make maximum efforts to facilitate cross-border trade between India and Thailand through Myanmar.
Proposals to identify the trade items that would be sanctioned for cross-border trade among the three countries were also raised during the meeting.
Dwijamani on behalf of the Indian delegates highlighted the importance of fostering closer ties among the three countries besides emphasising on the need to build closer relations among the three countries in the fields of culture and sports. The meet also agreed to identify the trade items for the cross-border trade jointly.
The Thai delegation also had meetings with the Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh and the Chief Secretary DS Poonia prior to their departure on Monday, in connection with Thailand’s role in the ongoing 16 year-old Indo-Myanmar border trade which was opened on 12 April, 1995.
Militarization and its effects in NE India Z. K. Pahrii Pou
Heavy militarization in the region has great impact on the governance of the people and food security. In the heart of all capitals of NE Indian states, armed forces occupied the best site which one rarely finds in the mainland India. In the name of maintaining law and order, the state used military forces to suppress the democratic rights of the people. People are threatened when they raise their voice against any injustices meted out to them by the state and its functionaries. Whoever raises their voice could be deemed as ‘terrorist’ or fighting against the state and are liable to be punished. The State’s imposition of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in the region is a clear sign of state’s autocratic control over its citizens. This is the easiest way to run the administration without really delivering the goods to the people. This turned democracy into a mockery. With the imposition of AFSPA, emergency-like situation is created in the region and people literally live under military rule. In the name of fighting against insurgents, the Indian armed forces have used different inhuman tactics such as grouping, relocation of villages, forced labour, surveillance and starvation in the camps. Nandini Sundar, in a heart rendering article, “Interning Insurgent Populations: The Buried Histories of Indian Democracy’ shows how such tactics were being employed and used by state to contain insurgent movements in Nagaland and Mizoram.
Nandini Sundar elucidates that displacement and resettlement were used as a means of counter-insurgency on a large scale in Mizoram and Nagaland. Many villages were totally dislocated and grouped or resettled in another village (grouping centre) with many such villages starting from 1950s. The central logic behind grouping is to isolate insurgents from the general population from which they derive their support, cutting off their food and other supplies. Whatever the overt reasons given for grouping such as ensuring civilian safety and support, what underlies it is the assumption that all people in a given area, whether civilian or combatant, are potentially hostile.
In all, by 1972, over 200,000 people or 82% of the total population of Mizoram was shifted, and the total number of villages came down from 764 villages to 248 villages (including grouping centres and 138 ungrouped villages). Aizawl district was particularly affected, with 95% of the population being moved. Figures are unavailable for Nagaland, but the process was similar. In Mokokchung district, almost every village was burnt, not just once but several times, as a prelude to grouping. Army trucks would come and inform the Gaonbura (village headman) that the village would be burnt. Mongjen village was burnt seven times and Mametong 19 times, before the villagers could be forced to leave. According to UN report this kind of mass forced displacement and forced relocation of people threatens food security.
Starvation deaths were common in the camps in both Nagaland and Mizoram. Being summoned from their homes to be herded in the open fields or in the church or school, were common features. Young men were particularly vulnerable, since any of them could be suspected as an underground worker, and sometimes people would get killed in crossfire, when working in their fields. Many women were raped and molested. Wherever practised, grouping has led to major civilian mortality, decline in food production, and severe dislocation of the social fabric.
Many original Mizo villages disappeared and the grouping centres became semi-urban. Earlier, land was communally owned, and could be sold only by the community. In every cycle, the village council president (VCP) would allocate land to households for jhum or swidden cultivation. After grouping, this practice was simply extended to include the new households, putting tremendous pressure on the land. The grouping and urbanisation eventually destroyed the old land allocation system in these centers, with the VCP selling land titles to rich people from Aizawl. In Nagaland, even though villages survived, the pattern of settlement was permanently altered, from scattered homes spread across the hills, to homes strung along the main road in straight lines. Rape, killings and arson were common feature of dislocation and resettlement through grouping. This strategy is still employed in India. The state of Chhatisgarh is today employing private militias for groupings/the strategic ‘hamleting’ as a strategy of counter insurgency. Anyone who is a tribal person or is from that region is under suspicion and arrested as Maoists.
The hill areas of Manipur did not experience such dislocation of villages and resettlement due to counterinsurgency operation in the area. But often people faced harassment, rape, beatings, killings, arson, etc. under the imposition of AFSPA in the region by the state. Whenever there is arm confrontation between the insurgent groups and the military forces, public became the victims. Since the 1950's the Indian security forces have been carrying out their counter insurgency operations in Naga inhabited lands. "Operation Bluebird" was the biggest operation in recent times. On July 9, 1987 the 29th Battalion Assam Rifles Post near Oinam village in Senapati District, Manipur was raided in broad daylight by the undergrounds. They walked away with large quantity of arms and ammunition. Nine Jawans (soldiers) were killed and three seriously injured. The Assam Rifles launched "Operation Bluebird" to recover the captured arms and ammunition. The operation lasted till the end of October 1987. The NPMHR has well documentation on this.
“Operation Bluebird" was carried out in and around Oinam and its surrounding 30 villages of Senapati District in Manipur. Within a few days after the operation was launched where there were reports that the villagers were being subjected to all kinds of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment by the Assam Rifles. Even in my village, which is around 35 km away from Oinam Vill), curfew was imposed for many days. The whole villagers (men and women, young and old) were kept in front of the Chief’s house. All the village authority members were beaten including Catechist and Baptist Pastor. This kind of operation was conducted in many villages of the surrounding Oinam village. The Assam Rifles went from house to house to search and looted homes. For nearly three months, people were not allowed to go to their fields, or to tend their cattle as a result of which lakhs of Rupees worth of agricultural crops were destroyed. Cattles free grazed in the paddy fields and gardens. The Assam Rifles dismantled and burnt down more than a hundred resident houses, several Church and School buildings, hundreds of villagers were forced to construct camps, build roads and carry rations for the Assam Rifles without any payment. 125 resident houses were allegedly burnt; in addition 112 houses were dismantled.6 schools and 10 churches were dismantled, 7 villages are enumerated where property worth Rs. 50,79,000/- (US$ 101,580) were looted. In January, 22, 2009, Assam Rifles surrounded the NSCN(IM) Camp in Siroy Village (Ukhrul) for nearly two weeks. To starve the insurgents held up inside the camp, the main water supply pipe-line for the whole village was cut off. The villagers were not even allowed to venture to field for the whole period of seizure of the camp. These are but just an ice-berg of what is happening everyday life in Manipur. Many a time, curfew was imposed randomly, people were randomly shot without any warning, women were raped but state armed forces always get legal immunity. The extremity of armed forces’ action is manifested through the fasting of Irom Sharmila who has been on fast since 2000.
This kind of policy of the state have resulted in the direct denial of access to food and water for communities that have been besieged and cordoned off, especially under specific cases of severe or total closures – referred as “curfews” – trapping people in their villages and impeding movement. The closures are keeping people away from their jobs and that farmers are unable to reach their remote fields or markets. If such act is not violation of human rights, what is it?
The state’s policy of militarization in the area proved counter-productive in that it has produced so many underground groups in the state. These underground groups have great influence in the decision making bodies both in the state and local level. It is easy for candidates to get elected to the state Assembly or district council members if they have good relationship with underground group. The underground members won’t mind using both muscle and gun power to get elected the candidate of their choice. Once a candidate is elected s/he works hand-in-glove with underground groups. Hence, in Manipur, a parallel government is run by the elected MLAs and underground groups. This became very problematic with most of the developmental funds and schemes meant for the farmers and poor people divided between them. Almost all the underground groups have their own share in all developmental projects apart from levying various taxes. The militarization of Indian armed forces and underground movement have completely destroyed democratic form of governance at all levels.
The underground groups also involve in local level governance. Most of the intra-village or intra-tribal dispute especially land boundary is settled (or sometime created) by the underground group. Even some cases within the village are referred to them. Interestingly, almost if not all of the criminal cases are tried and settled in the court of underground. With the state completely failing in giving good governance, underground groups became a powerful force in the decision making body. There are cases of underground involving in ‘black market’. Unfortunately, so far, none of the underground groups in the region has brought any viable solution that benefits the common masses.
Frequent armed clashes among the various underground groups and sometime with Indian Army is a cause of great concern especially for the villagers who most of the times became the victims. Such clashes have restricted time for economic activity as the villagers are not free to go to field early in the morning and come back home late. They could be suspected and shot. Women, who are the backbone of tribal economy, are the most affected ones as they could be molested by the armed forces. Militancy leads to loss of human power in agricultural activities. Many youths who are active enough to do works, join the movement leaving behind women and old people to work in agricultural activities. The little savings of the public are also extracted by them as tax in the form of house tax, employment tax, shop tax, vehicle tax, etc. Millions of Rupees is spent by various underground groups in procuring arms and ammunitions. If that amount is diverted for procuring food items and distributed, there will be food for many to a great extent. It is also a well known fact that this movement have destroyed hectares of forest land which is the main livelihood of the tribal people. Thousands of camps were set up in the forest cutting down trees, bamboos, ropes and other vegetation. They have also killed many wild animals and birds for food. Therefore, there can be good debate whether the underground movement while pursuing political freedom for its people have destroyed the very purpose by destroying people’s rights to govern themselves and their source of livelihoods.
When people protest against any type of destructive development (such as Tipaimukh dam), the state would send coercive forces to suppress such protest movement. Arunachal Pradesh government has MoUs with big companies of around 300 dams. A big gain for corporates. A great loss for local people. This is how the state works for the benefit of big companies at the expense of tribal people’s livelihoods. It may not be wrong to assume that the state works in collaboration with the capitalists much against the wishes and security of the local people. The state in collaboration with corporates work to control people’s resources and livelihoods. In the name of maintaining law and order, the state has already deployed hovercrafts in Loktak Lake (Manipur). It has planned to buy more six hovercrafts. What will happen to the livelihoods of thousand fish workers in Loktak Lake? It has planned to press into service speed boats in the upstream of Thoubal Dam and along the Barak River area of Jiribam so that the state armed forces can maintain law and order! Under the new police of the Manipur Government, the state has planned to increase an additional 338 police commandos and 10 posts of village defence force (VDF) (Sangai Express, March 31, 2011). Ibobi Singh’s government is waging war against its own citizens. Modernizing police force, raising its number and establishment of VDF is a good employment model: employing half citizen to kill the other half. This is exactly happening in Chhatisgarh under the state sponsored Salwa Judum. The state in connivance with corporates is all out to take over people’s control over resources and its livelihoods. Lakes, rivers and forests needs to be heavily militarised in order to flush out its inhabitants in the name maintaining law and order (or say contain insurgency movement). Then slowly the state will bring in Companies (Corporates) in the name of development. When “Development” comes, local people lost their rights to resources and livelihoods. If they protest, they will be charged as working against the state’s interest and will be sent to Jail. If anyone raises voice of injustice or the failure or oppressive policy of the state he/she is likely to be branded as insurgent/terrorist like Dr. Binayak Sen of Chattisgarh. The excessive uses of force by government to contain people’s movements and rights have fanned insurgency movement to extremity. Then militancy and insurgency together destroys food security, undermined democracy and local governance.
Starvation of civilians as a method of combat is prohibited by the Article 14 of the International Humanitarian Law. It is therefore prohibited to attack, destroy, remove or render useless, for that purpose, objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, such as foodstuffs, agricultural areas for the production of foodstuffs, crops, livestock, drinking water installations and supplies and irrigation works. Forced displacement is prohibited under article 49 of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War and conflicts. The government of North eastern states must respect International Humanitarian Law. The state should not fool around its citizens to believe that the state armed forces are for security and development. Whose security are the Assam Rifles or Police Commandos for? We need to, if necessary, take the state to court, for violating basic human rights of its citizens. It would be wiser for the NEI states to invest more its financial resources in developing human resources (esp. in education) and in agriculture and its allied activities rather than on spending crores of rupees on modernizing its police forces. It’s the time for our concerned underground groups too to think seriously how far they can deliver the goods to the common masses. We need strong civil bodies and build alliances to air the struggles and rights of million citizens who are suffering under the oppressive state’s coercive forces. Together we can bring a better and livable world.


Frans on 04.09.11 @ 11:17 PM CST [link]


Friday, April 8th

The NSCN strongly reacts to the Press reports of India National Investigation Agency ( NIA) published in the local as well as Indian National papers on the 2nd and 3rd April 2011.


8 APRIL 2011
GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM
Ministry of Information & Publicity

Press Release
7th April 2011.

The NSCN strongly reacts to the Press reports of India National Investigation Agency ( NIA) published in the local as well as Indian National papers on the 2nd and 3rd April 2011. The papers stated that Anthony Shimray gave the points in his statement before the NIA of his activities in procuring arms and ammunitions for the NSCN. We do not know the charge sheets framed against Anthony Shimray was actually the confessions of Shimray or to fabricating or false informations extracted from him through intimidations or factures. We have serious doubts, because the figures or amounts of the money involved in the so-called transactions did not tally between the 2nd April and 3rd April statements.

Secondly, the Saturday, the 2nd April paper stated that Anthony Shimray was arrested “near Patna” India. But actually he was arrested by the Indian Security Agencies in Katmandu, Nepal. The claim of the Government of India that Anthony Shimray was arrested near Patna is a blatant lie and concocted propaganda.

Thirdly, the Government of India or its agencies should understand the meaning of Cease-fire. The word cease-fire is invariably associated with the word wars. In wars, weapons whatever those may be, are used. There were and have been wars between the Nagas and Indians. It is known to all that Nagas have no arms and ammunition factories in their land. And that the Nagas have had to acquire any arms and ammunitions from all possible sources and places to fight in self defense. To be polite the Indo-Naga war is an act of aggression on the part of India and self defense or liberation task on the part of the Nagas.

Fourthly, the NSCN is no way and under no condition a terrorist organization. The NSCN cadres never ever do any acts of violence or terrorism in any other places including the entire India. The NSCN cadres activities are only confined to the Naga areas for self defense against the Indian and Myanmerese armies. At present, it is only because of the cease-fire agreement between the Government of India and the NSCN, we do not impost or acquire any weapons otherwise what is the harm if NSCN procure arms and ammunitions to defend the land of the Nagas from any aggressor nations. The Nagas are sovereign people in Sovereign Country. So if need arises the Naga can procure any sort of weapons for self-defense as a sovereign people.

Fifthly, right from the beginning of political dialogue between the Indian and the NSCN leaders, the Indian leaders declared time and again that they were and are committed that the political stalemate between the Government of India and the NSCN was to be settled. They always asserted that the talks are going on in the right direction. Then why the Government of India is always serious about trifles. If they are really sincere and have strong political will to solve the Naga problem why they are creating themselves stumbling blocks and why they are so critical towards the NSCN unnecessarily. The Indian leaders should divert their attention to solving the vex issue instead of fumbling here and there. Political negotiation for more than 13 years is a matter of serious concern for the Nagas.

Lastly, the Government of India, in order to display their commitment and sincerity towards solving the Naga political issue, should release all Naga political prisoners or detainers without conditions including Anthony Shimray.

Issued by MIP.


GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM
Ministry of Information & Publicity

Press Release
4th April 2011.

On the eve of departure for Delhi for another round of Indo-Naga peace talks, His Excellency the Yaruiwo of Nagalim, Isak Chishi Swu convened Joint Council Meeting at Hebron on 4th March 2011 and briefed on the present status of the talks. The Yaruiwo also expressed positive outcome in the ensuing talks.

While stressing on the need for total commitment of the national workers to God, he quoted St. John 8:32 “And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall set you free”. The Yaruiwo further urged the Home Authorities to encourage one another and build up better co-ordination among them. He concluded his briefing with a note of caution to firmly shoulder the responsibilities placed on each one.

On the side of the Presidential briefings, Home comers numbering 38 (along with Arms and ammunitions) were also felicitated. Delivering the welcome address, Rh.Raising, Hon’ble Kilo Kilonser expressed happiness for the right step taken by them. He said, “to err is human but to rectify one’s mistake is wisdom”. He further stated that “if a man be fallen, he should not only stand up but also move foreword”. The Hon’ble Kilo Kilonser assured the home comers that “as long as we profess one faith, one Nation and one Principle, no force on earth can divide us”.

Speaking on behalf of the home comers, Kiyekhu Awomi, (Member NPAC) said “we do admit our misadventure as we were misinformed and misled. Kitovi said, “There is no agenda for political talks with the government of India and Naga Reconciliation”. In Khaplang’s Kehoi Camp we see no future, no political vision and no system of governance said Keyekhu. They are only indulged in amassing wealth for individuals. Therefore, with no future prospect for the Naga Nation, we have left Khehoi Camp and have come to serve the Nation under the leadership of Chairman Isak Chishi Swu and General Secretary Th.Muivah. We urge you to please forgive us of our mistake”. Shikato Chishi Swu (Kilonser Law & Justice) and Qhehoshi Chishi Swu (Dy.Kilonser NSW) also spoke in the same way.

Rev. A.Puni, V/P CNC pronounced the special blessing prayer for the Home comers.

Issued by MIP

Jamir set for comeback to state politics OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph


S.C. Jamir
Kohima, April 4: Former Maharashtra governor and ex-chief minister of Nagaland, S.C. Jamir, will contest the May 8 byelection to the 26 Aonglenden Assembly constituency in Mokokchung district.
Medokhul Sophie, general secretary (administration) of Nagaland Congress said the election committee had recommended the former chief minister’s name to the party high command in New Delhi for consideration. “We have recommended his name to the AICC,” he said.
The Naga People’s Front (NPF), the main constituent of ruling Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN), is yet to finalise the name of its candidate. But Shilumar Ao, associate press secretary of the NPF, said, “We will finalise the name only after chief minister Neiphiu Rio is back from New Delhi.”
The NPF, which seems a bit upset with Jamir’s comeback into state politics, today said they would bring out old issues once again. “We will dig his grave again,” Ao said and added that the fight would be tough but the party would bring all skeletons out of Jamir’s closet once again.
There are over 5 applicants for the NPF ticket, sources said.
Some members of the Congress have held Jamir responsible for the downfall of the party since the 2003 state general elections. The slide had begun after publication of the booklet — Bedrock of Naga Society — in 2000, which stated that statehood had compromised the Nagas’ demand for sovereignty.
Jamir was also one of the founder members of the Nagaland state.
Bedrock of Naga Society became the main tool for the NPF in 2003 elections. But the Congress said the booklet was a closed chapter. Even Jamir said the booklet had served its purpose and therefore insisted that it should be a closed chapter.
Some senior members, however, were of the view that the former chief minister should not return to state politics.
Jamir said he was confident of winning the byelection. “We will contest to win,” he told The Telegraph.
On NPF’s intention to bring out old issues such as Bedrock of Naga Society, he said, “We have too many new issues to be discussed,” the former chief minister said.
“What old issues? Let them bring out,” he added.
The Congress in Nagaland has remained a divided house since 2003, after Jamir’s exit from state politics to become governor. A wider rift was created after last year’s Pradesh Congress Committee elections where Jamir’s brother Imtisungit Jamir contested for the post of the PCC president against incumbent I. Imkong.
Some members, still loyal to Jamir, were of the view that Jamir could salvage the party from further disintegration and mend the rift. But another camp said there would be wider division in the party if Jamir tries to take the mantle of the party again.
'IM' reacts against NIA charge against arrested Shimray Source: Hueiyen News Service
Tamenglong, April 01 2011: The NSCN (IM) today, reacting to the NIA's charge against Anthony Shimray of procuring arms and ammunition for the outfit, said that they do not know whether NIA framed the charges against him based on an actual confession or a fabricated one.

The reaction came in a statement issued today by the ministry of information and publicity, Government of the People's Republic of Nagalim (GPRN).

It reacts to the reports published in some local as well as national newspapers on the April 2 and 3 .

It said the newspapers stated that Anthony Shimray gave a statement before the NIA of his activities in procuring arms and ammunition for the NSCN.

The NSCN (IM)'s statement doubts the veracity of Anthony Shimray's information given to the NIA.

"We have serious doubts, because the figures or amounts of the money involved in the so-called transactions did not tally between the 2nd April and 3rd April statements" .

Some news reports had stated that Anthony Shimray was arrested "near Patna" .

But actually he was arrested by the Indian Security Agencies in Kathmandu, Nepal.

The statement claimed the GoI of spreading a blatant lie and a concocted propaganda.

Thirdly, the GoI or its agencies should understand the meaning of ceasefire.

The word ceasefire is invariably associated with the word war.

In wars, weapons whatever those may be, are used.

There were and have been wars between the Nagas and Indians.

It is known to all that Nagas have no arms and ammunition factories in their land.

And that the Nagas have had to acquire any arms and ammunitions from all possible sources to fight in self defence.

The Indo-Naga war is an act of aggression on the part of India and self defence or a liberation task on the part of the Nagas.

Fourthly, the NSCN is no way a terrorist organization.

The NSCN cadres never commit any acts of violence in the entire India.

The NSCN cadres' activities are only confined to the Naga areas for self defence against the Indian and Myanmerese armies.

At present, it is only because of the ceasefire agreement between the GoI and the NSCN, that we do not acquire any weapons otherwise what is the harm if NSCN procures arms and ammunitions to defend the land of the Nagas from any aggressor nations.

Fifthly, right from the beginning of the political dialogue between the Indian and the NSCN leaders, the Indian leaders declared time and again that they were and are committed that the political stalemate between the GoI and the NSCN was to be settled.

They always asserted that the talks are going on in the right direction.

Then why is the GoI always serious about trifles.

Why are they creating stumbling blocks and why are they so critical of the NSCN.

The Indian leaders should attend to solving the vexing issue instead.

Political negotiation for more than 13 years is a matter of serious concern for the Nagas.

Lastly, the Government of India, in order to display their commitment and sincerity towards solving the Naga political issue, should release all Naga political prisoners or detainees without conditionincluding Anthony Shimray, the statement issued by the MIP said.
The great Meitei Reconciliation Process: Revisiting the classical folklore on “Emoinu Chakhong Ngahongbi” by Late Shri Ningomabam Angouton Meetei Source: Sanjib Meitei Kangla on Line
Whenever I came across the word “Reconciliation”, what comes in my mind is the desperate move and appeals by Dr. Wati Aiyer’s The Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) to bring peace and unity among different Naga sub tribes. I’ll support the mission just after hearing its name mission because the phrase ‘Reconciliation and Unity’ is too good for me not to support it. It’s like democracy vs Nazism/Talibanism. The goal seems to be quite easily achievable since they are trying to unite people of a single tribe called Naga.
Often, we get to read beautifully phrased press releases from NSCN/GPRN endorsing the move and its commitment towards achieving the goal. Even the GPRN/NSCN and FGN endorse the move and express its desire to attend the highest level meeting of leaders from all the warring groups to sit down together and bring an everlasting solution in Naga society. Indeed, I too pray that peace prevails among the Nagas.
However the reality may be quite different from the press releases which covered the so called highest level meetings among the warring factions and occasional mass prayers. Random killing among the members of different groups, gunfights, accusation for territorial encroachments in eastern parts of Nagaland and Naga inhabitant districts of Arunanchal Pradesh, formation of ZUF, killing a few members of ZUF by NSCN/GPRN men are totally contradictory to all the press releases which have been published endlessly for a while in local media.
Well, why are Naga people still unable to unite themselves despite their common goal of making Nagaland a Land of Christ (again an apostle of Peace and Love)? The most basic reason is the insincerity of the leaders towards achieving the goal. Unity and peace is never possible unless people from different communities leave their false ego, exaggerated pride based on exaggerated history to show supremacy over others. You can take inspiration from the history but you can’t live with the history. Lack of heroic sacrifices from leaders and members of different communities for the sake of common Naga cause and thirst of power among leaders are also playing as obstacles for the process.
Here is where I start thinking that Nagas can learn from the process of Meitei reconciliation which happened much before King Nongada Lairen Pakhangba at 33 AD in Sana Leipak. I was always fascinated by classical Meitei folklores. The folklore of Emoinu Celebration from the story “Washak Ngakpa” meaning Keeping the Promise, written by Late Shri Ningombam Angouton Meetei and the classical love story “Khamba -Thoibi” are classical examples of successful reconciliation process of the old Meitei factions.
Although Washak Ngakpa is a story on how the Meiteis started celebrating Emoinu Day by lighting fire torches on roadside and worshiping the goddess Emoinu at ‘Funga Lairu’, the great Meitei reconciliation process was the backbone of the story when the story line is viewed at an angle different from the typical storyline. Let me tell you the story briefly:
Once upon a time, there were four kings ruling four independent kingdoms. The kings were Khuman Kwakpa, Meitei King Thawan Thaba, Selloi Nongmai Ningthou and Chingshanglakpa. There had been a mutual understanding among the kings and were friendly nations. However, the relationship between the Meitei king and Khuman Kwakpa deteriorated and in a meeting, they declared that they would no more be friends and severed all ties between them. Incidentally, the wife of Khuman Kwakpa was a Meitei woman named “Piyainu”. After returning from the meeting, the king Khuman Kwakpa summoned all his ministers and narrated the new developments in the severed ties between Meiteis and Khumans. He also promised that he would divorce his wife Piyainu since he didn’t want to be a bad example in front of the Khuman people.
Till then, he was unaware of the fact that Piyainu was already pregnant with his child. He ordered Piyainu to leave the palace immediately. Piyainu pleaded that she was already pregnant and requested him to allow her to stay till the child is born in Khuman palace. Even the ministers tried to persuade the king but Khuman Kwakpa, known for his principle of keeping promise did not bend. Piyainu had no option but prayed to the Godess of Khuman Kingdom “Emoinu Chakhong Ngahongbi” to show a miracle which would trigger a change in the stand of Khuman Kwakpa. But, nothing happened and finally Piyainu took a stand to return to Meitei land.
For once, she prayed to Emoinu that if she was innocent and a true Meitei woman who kept the virtue of married woman sincerely, then she be blessed to get to live with Emoinu Eema. Time passed, Piyainu got a son whom she named Chalamba. Chalamba grew up without knowing who his father was and he was prohibited by his mother from venturing into the land towards the south east direction of Meitei land. The reason was simple; the kindom in the sout east direction of Meitei land was ruled by enemy. During that time, there was a Meitei tradition of appeasing goddess “Meitei Yumjao Lairembi” as per the instructions of oracles. One year, an oracle forecasted that goddess “Yumjao Lairembi” would be pleased if a live deer could be offered to Her.
Chalamba was also one of the Meitei youths who set out to hunt a deer. They tried everywhere except the south east land but could not get any deer. Chalamba decided to go to the south east land for hunting without informing his mother. As he moved into the north eastern terrains, he saw a deer running away. He started chasing the deer with a promise that the first sighted deer should be offered to Yumjao Lairembi. During the chase, the deer passed through a forest which was full of yairi grasses (Rubus idens) making a loud sound. The placed was named “Yairipok”.
Finally, the deer ran into the palace of Khuman Kwakpa and hide below the throne of the king. Khuman Kwakpa told Chalamba that since the deer took refuge from him, it’s his duty to protect the animal and if Chalamba loved his life, then he should return to Meitei land without any further delay. But, Chalamba refused to budge and challenged the king to fight with him in person. Kwakpa agreed and took on Chalamba. However, despite of all his fighting skills and reputation of being a great worrier, he couldn’t defeat Chalamba. Finaly, Kwakpa, impressed with the strength of Chalamba, halted the fight and inquired about the parents of Chalamba. Chalamba told him that Piyainu is the name of his mother but he didn’t know who his father was. Kwakpa inquired more and it became clear that Chalamba was his own son. To be sure, he sent Chalamba back to Meitei land to ask to his mother whether she wanted the deer or anything else expecting that Piyainu would ask for the kingdom. Chalamba returned to his mother to ask her choice.
Piyainu told her son to ask Khuman Kwakpa to make a promise that he would hand over what she had asked for and if Kwakpa comply with the demand, then asked him to handover “Emoinu Chahong Ngaongbi”. Chalamba returned to Kwakpa who was waiting for him along with his ministers. Chalamba asked Kwakpa if he would promise to give what his mother had asked for else give the deer back. Kwakpa promised that he would give anything what Piyainu had asked for. Chalamba asked Kwakpa to give Emoinu Chahongbi. Kwakpa, the worshipper of Emoinu Ema Ahongbi, was shocked but his perception that Chalamba was his own son was vindicated. He could not imagine the demand. Due to Emoinu Ahongbi, prosperity in Khuman land was happening. Kwakpa told Chalamba to take back the demand. Instead of that demand, Kwakpa asked him to take whatever he liked from Khuman land be it gold, land, and even the throne. He also told Chalamba that Chalamba himself was the legal heir of the Khuman throne.
Chalamba told Kwakpa to return the deer and he was not interested in any of the offers from a King who couldn’t keep his promise. Kwakpa, gave in to the demand and handover Emoinu Chahongbi to Chalamba. Chalamba, despite his poor upbringing by single mother could not be lured away by mouth watering offers from Khuman Kwakpa (his father) and sacrificed every personal and materialistic gain that he could have achieved for the sake of the welfares of Meiteis. Chalamba brought Emoinu Chahong Ngahongbi to Meiteiland without war and bloodshed. Piyainu lit up the street to welcome the Goddess Emoinu Chakhong Ngahongbi. Finally, truth won the battle.
Of course, the unbreakable bond of love between Meiteis and Khumans had been developed by brave Chalamba and the King of principle Khuman Kwakpa. He kept his promise despite his personal losses. He applied the same yardstick to define his principle even when it hit him hard. Had Khuman Kwakpa not kept his promise, who knows, there could have been more wars and bloodshed between Meiteis and Khumans.
In the story by Late Shri Ningombam Angouton Meetei, the principle of Khuman Kwakpa who despite being the king accepted the challenge from an unknown lad to fight in person, raw courage of Chalamba with total devotion to his motherland that could not be lured by materialistic comforts, Piyainu, the woman of virtue who brought up her son and kept him grounded are depicted beautifully and still classic examples of Meitei civilization based on tolerance, courage, virtue, good family upbringing and patriotism.
Such kinds of characters are required to bring reconciliation among the warring tribes in the context of Naga reconciliation process. Leaders of Naga factions need to be more sincere and back up their numerous press releases with actions. Like Khuman Kwakpa, they need to stick to their principles, promises, apply same yardsticks for defining sacrifices that need to be made for reconciliation and more importantly they should be selfless. The restraint shown by Khuman Kwakpa when an unknown lad from enemy land challenged him should be classic example of how the leaders should lead the people by example.
Just shouting that we should unite for the sake of Christ will not bring real reconciliation and unity. Mass prayer is good but actions should reflect the intention and motive behind the slogan. Khamba Thoibi is famous for its classical love story between an orphan Khamba and princess Thoibi while a rich, talented and cunning Angom Nongban, son of a Minister of then Moirang kingdom tried to win the hand of princess Thoibi at any cost.
Apart from the love story, it depicts the strain relationship between Moirangs and Khumans. The two kingdoms continued their hate relationship till the brave Khuman Khamba took on the ‘Kau’ that lived in Eekop lake and terrorized the people of Khuman which had been hindering people from going out for fishing. The incident brought together the warring communities viz., the Khumans and the Moirangs closely.
Whatever the claim by some of the Naga leaders, reconciliation seems to be still a far line from reach for the Naga groups. Highest level meetings will not be effective unless the general public from different groups are determined to reconcile. The motto of forgive and forget the past enmity needs to be sincerely practiced.
Last but not the least, hating and blaming Meiteis for the backwardness of tribal people of Manipur may not be correct political move at all. I do not support the the idea of greater Nagalim but sincerely support the unity and peace process initiated by various civil organizations.
Sanjib Meitei
THE SITUATION IN KAREN STATE AFTER THE ELECTIONS EBO Analysis Paper No. 1/2011

For over sixty years the Karens have been fighting the longest civil war in recent history. The struggle,
which has seen demands for an autonomous state changed to equal recognition within a federal union, has been bloody and characterized by a number of splits within the movement.

While all splinter groups ostensibly split to further ethnic Karen aspirations; recent decisions by some to
join the Burmese government’s Border Guard Force (BGF) is seen as an end to such aspirations. Although
a number of Karen political parties were formed to contest the November elections, the likelihood of
such parties seriously securing appropriate ethnic representation without regime capitulation is doubtful.

While some have argued, perhaps correctly, that the only legitimate option was to contest the elections,
the closeness of some Karen representatives to the current regime can only prolong the status quo. This
papers examines the problems currently affecting Karen State after the 7 November elections.

THE BORDER GUARD FORCE

Despite original promises of being allowed to recruit a total of 9,000 troops, the actual number of
the DKBA (Democratic Karen Buddhist Army) or Karen Border Guard Force has been reduced
considerably. In fact, a number of the original offers made to the DKBA have been revoked. At a 7
May 2010 meeting held at Myaing Gyi Ngu, DKBA Chairman U Tha Htoo Kyaw stated that ‘According
to the SE Commander, the BGF will retain the DKBA badge.’ In fact the DKBA were given uniforms
with SPDC military patches and all Karen flags in DKBA areas were removed and replaced by the
national flag.

In regards to numbers, Deputy DKBA commander Bo Kyaw Htun Hlaing stated that ‘We are an army
so we have to act like an army, all our soldiers will be given a salary [and] we estimate that our six
thousand troops will continue but we need to add 3000 more.’ In fact the DKBA was separated into
10 Battalions, each consisting of 400 men (not including Burmese Officers); the total number finally
allowed was 4,200 with 2,360 weapons available in total.1



The DKBA was also affected by SPDC pruning in relation to age, criminal record and physical fitness.
This affected them to such a degree that at least two thousand troops were forced to leave the
army. While there are no exact figures available, it is likely that most of these former troops
returned home to their farms with at least some being given pensions, but for what duration is
unclear.

The inauguration of the first BGF Battalions began on the 21 August 2010 with the formation of the
South-East Command BGF at Paingkyon, Hlaingbwe and attended by former DKBA commander Kyaw
Than. This was followed by the formation of Border Guard Forces at Mepale, Myawaddy, Atwin
Kwin Kalay, Myawaddy and Hti Hu Than in Kawkareik.

After acceptance into the BGF, DKBA troops were ordered to return their arms and were given new
Burma Army weapons. These weapons are strictly controlled and issued on a needs basis by Burma
Army Commanders. BGF troops are not allowed to carry weapons without SPDC authorization and
are provided with only a small amount of ammunition which must be strictly accounted for. In
addition to new weapons and uniforms, each battalion has been promised six vehicles - 1 for the
BGF commander, 1 for the 2nd battalion Commander, 1 for general HQ use, and also three large
trucks for general use.

A seven man advisory committee was also formed consisting of U Tha Htoo Kyaw, Kyaw Than,
Maung Kyi, Pyia Pyia, Pah Nwee, Maung Chit Thu (taking responsibility for business activities) and
Tun Hlaing. Each advisor has been promised 400,000 kyat per month. If an advisor wants to retire,
they will be given 200,000 kyat as a one off payment and will not receive a pension.2 At the BGF
transformation meeting held in Pa-an on 6 October 2010 it was stated that the DKBA would be
restructured along the following lines: Eastern Salween - two battalions, western Salween - two
battalions, two HQ battalions, Maung Chit Thu would have six battalions while both Moe Tho and
Saw Blu would have one battalion each, in total there would be 14 battalions,3 two of which would
be held in reserve.4

While the majority of the DKBA were prepared to accept the BGF proposal, the SPDC’s plans for fully
incorporating the DKBA into the Border Guard Force program were destroyed by the failure of the
DKBA’s 5th Brigade Commander Colonel Lah Pwe (aka Nakhamwe) to agree.6

THE KLO HTOO BAW BATTALION AND THE ATTACK ON MYAWADDY

Concerns over Colonel Lah Pwe’s intentions had already been aired by Kyaw Than during the
transformation meeting with an SPDC delegation on 8 October 2010. Kyaw Than had asked Gen.
Maung Maung Ohn what he should do about Nakhamwe and the General replied that:

‘It depends on his will; we have given him one month. We will fight if he does not come back.
That’s all. There are no insurgencies allowed on the border after the election. All DKBA must
become a Border Guard Force. At the end of 2010 everyone must be a Border Guard Force or
we will seize all people with weapons…, we are not allowed to leave the KNU on the border -
we will clean everything, we have a lot of troops - we don’t need to worry.’

Despite such threats, Colonel Lah Pwe, commanding a force of approximately four hundred men, has
remained steadfast that he would not surrender, stating in one interview that:

‘I am a DKBA soldier and will fight for my people… Even if they tell me to give them my
weapons and badge, I will never hand them over. That would be like taking our bones and
just leaving flesh.’7

In addition, Colonel Lah Pwe had signalled strongly that he had no intention of re-joining the KNLA
noting that ’…he will continue to fight as a DKBA soldier.’8 Instead, he has adopted the name Klo
Htoo Baw (Yellow Gold Drum) battalion and currently controls 902, 901, 905, 907, 903, and the
newly formed 909 battalion, the latter is under his direct control and consists of at least 200 armed
troops.

While there was little doubt that Colonel Lah Pwe would not surrender, the seizure of Myawaddy
town on the Thai-Burma Border by troops loyal to him came as a surprise to many. As the election
was underway on 7 November 2010, at least 80 troops from 902 Battalion, under the command of
Major Kyaw Thet, began seizing various buildings in the town.

Original reports of the town’s seizure were met with some incredulity with media outlet Mizzima
contacting a number of officials both within the KNU and people in the town.9 KNU vice-chairman
David Thakabaw was quoted as saying that:

‘We heard this news too. It’s impossible because there are a lot of junta troops stationed in
Myawaddy. If this news is true, we will see a lot of fighting with these troops.’

While Border Guard Force (BGF) Battalion 1019 Commander Lieutenant Colonel Saw Hlaing Thein
stressed:

‘How can Myawaddy be seized without firing a single shot? Did he seize the town in person?
Which place did he seize – a bush? This news is nonsense. When we were in the KNU we had
to fight hard to enter Myawaddy. I doubt if he could enter Myawaddy without firing a single
shot. Myawaddy is currently calm and quiet. Military Operation Command 19 has more than 4,000 personnel and the BGF has more than 4,000 troops deployed in Myawaddy. It’s not true.’

A Burmese Immigration officer also commented:
‘No, this is not true. It would be clear if it was true. One would hear gunfire in the town and
notice that something in the town is different. It must be a trick. If it were true, you would
find DKBA soldiers in uniform roaming in the town. They’re not allowed even to wear their
uniforms here, let alone bear arms.’

The fact that the move came as some surprise to the KNU was further supported by its secretary 1,
Major Saw Hla Ngwe:

‘When I contacted my men in Myawaddy, they replied to me that enemy outposts had been
overrun. We can’t confirm this news. We haven’t seen anything overrun, seizures or
positioning of DKBA troops, based on our understanding of military training and tactics.
There are no signs of occupation of the town. There are no facts to support or confirm these
reports.’

The actions of the DKBA seem to have taken at least the higher members of the Karen Nation Union
by surprise. With the Border Guard Force issue looming, the KNU had appointed a special
representative, Padoh Mahn Nyein Maung, to handle DKBA affairs. However, it would appear that
this had produced little in the two sides’ abilities to work with each other. Instead, Lah Pwe had
been in direct contact with the KNLA via its 101 Battalion commander.

From the outset, it looked as if the Myawaddy attack, which began at 8:40 in the morning, may have
been the rogue action of the 902 commander Major Kyaw Htet. Earlier, on 20 September 2010,
Kyaw Thet and approximately 20 of his soldiers had surrounded a Police station in ward four of
Myawaddy. The troops were apparently seeking to force the police into returning unlicensed cars
that had been seized earlier. A tense standoff continued until the arrival of BA troops who, in turn,
besieged the DKBA until Kyaw Thet finally withdrew.10 Despite this, and knowing that Kyaw Thet
was allied with Lah Pwe, the Burmese authorities had made no move to restrict the group’s
movements or disarm them. Instead, they were allowed to continue their duties of manning trading
gates along the Moei River. This meant that 902 troops were already in the town and it thus
expedited their ability to quickly seize a number of important government building and secure the
Thai-Burma friendship bridge.

After the outbreak of hostilities, Colonel Lah Pwe was soon quoted explaining the reasons for the
attack as:

‘They *Burmese army+ announced that they will shoot people who don’t vote *in today’s
elections]. So people called on us to seize the town… In order to win votes in the elections,
[the junta] is bullying and forcing people to vote. But the people want to boycott [the vote],
so the soldiers are holding them at gunpoint and our troops had to intervene and take sides
with the people.’11

Who actually called on Lah Pwe to seize the town is unclear, although it has been reported that
Kyaw Thet had already stated that it was his intention to seize the town at least the day before.12 It
was also reported that a number of threats by the Township Election Committee had been made
consistently every day since 3 November 2010. Colonel Lah Pwe maintains that these threats
ordered all people to vote for the USDP and those who didn’t would be shot.13 One of the DKBA’s
Tactical Operations Commanders in the town, prior to 7 November, confirms that the Election
Committee had ordered all villagers to vote and, while he does not remember a specific threat to
shoot people being made, there had been an increase in Burma Army patrols in the town in what he
believes was an attempt to intimidate the local population.14

Regardless of the reason, the subsequent fighting, which lasted most of the morning of Monday, 8
November 2010, killed three and injured twenty.15 In addition, an 81mm artillery shell and three
shells from an M79 launcher landed in Thailand injuring 19 people and killing one. By Monday night,
over 12,000 people had sought sanctuary in Thailand and this would increase to over 20,000 by the
next day.

The Burma Army had originally fled from its positions when DKBA troops began operations against
them and it appears they were ill-equipped to deal with the attacks until reinforcements arrived.
Further fighting soon erupted along the Thai-Burma border, including at Colonel Lah Pwe’s main
headquarters at Waley and also at Phaya Thonsu (Three Pagoda’s Pass), the latter resulting in over
4,000 people fleeing across the border. It appears that the DKBA action at Phaya Thonsu was
supported by KNLA troops from 16 Battalion, 6th Brigade, suggesting that although the KNU
leadership had not been informed of the DKBA’s actions, at least local KNLA commanders were
aware and prepared. According to media reports, the combined DKBA/KNLA force burnt down
various military and government offices including those of the Special Bureau (SB), Agriculture,
Forestry, and Post and Telegraph Departments on Monday, 8 November. By Tuesday, 9 November
2010, Karen troops had retreated.

Completely ignoring the fact that the attacks had been conducted by Colonel Lah Pwe’s troops, the
New Light of Myanmar was quick to blame the violence on the Karen National Union:

‘A group of KNU terrorists from south of Myawady opened fire with heavy weapons at five
different places in Myawady at about 8.45 am yesterday. A total of three innocent were
killed and 20 injured in the incident. The injured were rushed to Myawady hospital and
provided with necessary treatment by officials concerned. Due to shootings of KNU
terrorists, shells of heavy weapons also exploded near Thai-Myanmar Friendship Bridge and
Chinese temple in Maesot in Thailand, leaving some innocent people injured. In [a] similar
incident at noon yesterday, a group of KNU terrorists opened fire of small and heavy
weapons from north of Phaya Thonsu in Kayin State, causing one member of Myanmar Police
Force dead and four Tatmadaw members and one service personnel of the Township Forest
Department injured.’16

The Karen National Union’s response stated that:

‘We, the Karen National Union (KNU), strongly condemn recent attacks by Burma’s military
regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), on Myawaddy Town and several
other locations in Burma’s border areas, where at least 3 civilians were killed, and more
injured. These latest attacks are part of the SPDC’s systematic violence against Burma’s
ethnic peoples.

The conflict in Myawaddy began on 7 November, the day of Burma’s first elections in 20
years, when civilians complained of being threatened and intimidated to vote for the junta-
backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), rather than the local Karen party
which was their preference. Brigade-5 of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) led by
Colonel Saw Lah Bwe – who refused to transform to the Border Guard Force under the
control of SPDC Army – took control of Myawaddy to protect these people, without using
weapons. Col Saw Lah Bwe had said that he expected the SPDC Army to enter into
negotiation to resolve the situation.

However, on Monday, the 8th of November 2010, at 9 a.m., the SPDC Army responded with
machine guns and rocket propelled grenades, despite the presence of many civilians in the
town… These attacks are all part of the SPDC’s policy of eliminating ethnic opposition,
including ceasefire groups that have refused to be under its direct control as a Border Guard
Force, as required by their 2008 Constitution.

The SPDC has accused the KNU of carrying out these attacks. However, the KNU and DKBA
Brigade-5 share the same policy not to hurt civilians but to protect them. The KNU supports
the DKBA’s actions as they were taken in resistance to the SPDC’s elections that do not
represent any progress towards creating a democratic federal union in which the ethnic
people’s fundamental human rights would be protected.’17

One KNU official has noted that it is common for most Burmese authorities to threaten civilians
when they want something. It is unlikely therefore that such a threat, in context, would be the sole
reason for the DKBA to seize the town, especially if Kyaw Thet had already announced his intention
prior to 7 November.

In response to the Myawaddy attack, the Burma Army, initially caught off guard, retaliated by
launching a number of operations around Phaya Thonsu, Kya-in-Seikkyi, Kanelay, Phalu, and Waley.
In one instance, on the evening of 10 November until the early morning the following day, the
Burma Army indiscriminately fired 139 artillery shells into Kya-in-Seikkyi killing a 17 year-old girl and
wounding her brother.18 There were also reports of a least one village headman being beaten to
death and that villagers had also been forced to porter for Burmese troops.

By 11 November, the Burma Army had entered Waley town after a sustained shelling campaign and
razed a number of buildings including the house of Lah Pwe. In a somewhat belated attempt to
curtail the activities of any DKBA forces left in the area, Police and Burma Army troops also began
searching, on 15 October, the houses of DKBA members in Myawaddy and apparently confiscated all
military equipment and uniforms.19

Clashes between the Burma army, the DKBA, and the KNLA have continued as Burma Army
reinforcements have been dispatched to areas where Karen resistance forces operate. Civilians have
frequently been forced to flee across the Thai-Burma border. However Thai authorities are reluctant



to house any more refugees, and civilians are frequently ordered back or are forced to hide along
the border. On 28 November 2010, the village of Phalu came under attack forcing an estimated
thousand villagers to flee across the border. Phalu, between Myawaddy and Waley, came under
attack as 2nd Battalion DKBA forces in the area tried to defend their outpost and prevent a supply
and escape corridor being opened up to Waley. Fighting has continued constantly since November
resulting in yet more villagers fleeing across the Thai border.

In its 15 February 2011 Analysis report, the Back Pack Health Workers Team (BPHWT) estimated that
by 12 February 2011, it and local CBOs were caring for over 10,000 civilians, living in unrecognized
hiding sites, along the Thai-Burma Border.20 Despite the fact that fighting continues, Thai authorities
have continued to send villagers fleeing fighting back across the border. In one incident, on 13
January 2011, soldiers from the Royal Thai Army burnt down shelters at a temporary hiding site in
Phop Phra district in an effort to force the 436 villagers seeking refuge there to return to Burma.21 In
addition to those people seeking shelter in Thailand, it is estimated that there may be up to 10,000
displaced people hiding in Burma.22

It would appear that the timing of the DKBA attack, and perhaps the lack of coordination with the
KNU and the KNLA as a whole, rather than just 6th Brigade units, may have been a tactical and
political error. While there was little doubt that there would be an escalation in conflict, not only on
the Thai border but also on China’s as well, such an action was not envisioned so soon. An attack on
a major trading town could only provide the Burmese regime with yet more support for what could
now be legitimately categorized as anti-terrorist operations.

While it may be argued that the DKBA’s actions were conducted to present legitimate grievances, to
draw attention to the Burmese people’s plight and to show the illegality of the elections, the timing
and the methodology employed were perhaps somewhat flawed. Consequently, the eastern border
from Myawaddy town down to Three Pagoda’s Pass has once more become a free-fire zone on a
scale unseen prior to 1998. The number of refugees fleeing to Thailand is the worst since the 1997
offensive and villagers continue to flee or hide in small groups in Thailand.

Despite the fact that Lah Pwe continues to maintain that the Klo Htoo Baw Battalion is separate from
the Karen National Union, the State Peace and Development Council, perhaps to distance the group
from the then pro-regime DKBA, has designated them KNU (Saw La Pwe [sic]). According to an
article published in the New Light of Myanmar on 15 March 2011, fifty-one members of Saw La
Pwe’s group had ‘exchanged arms for peace’ since December 2010.23

THE ELECTION AND THE WINNING POLITICAL PARTIES

Despite the Klo Htoo Baw’s actions on the 7 November 2010, a number of Karen representatives
were voted into various legislative bodies. Originally, four Karen parties had been formed to contest
the election: the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party (PSDP), The Kayin People’s Party (KPP), the Kayin
State Democracy and Development Party (KSDDP), and the Union Kayin League (UKL). The latter
party was eventually dissolved leaving three remaining Karen parties, the All Mon Regional
Development Party (AMRDP) and the regime’s Union Solidarity and Democracy Party (USDP) to
contest the elections in Karen State.

Of the three Karen parties, the PSDP was considered to be the most independent. The KSDPP,
believed to be created by SPDC Information Minister Kyaw San and funded by the regime, was made
of ex-members of the DKBA and KPF. While the KPP, one of whose members was Dr Simon Tha of
the Karen Peace Council, were also considered close to the junta.

Election results confirmed the PSDP as the strongest winner with 9 members elected while the KPP
had 4 and the KSDPP received 2. The AMDRP got 3 with a further seat going to an independent, the
regime’s own party, the USDPP received 13 seats.


The Phalon-Sawaw Party, along with the Shan National Democratic Party (SNDP), the All Mon Region
Democracy Party (AMRDP), the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) and the Chin
National Party (CNP), has called for a lifting of sanctions in a joint statement made on 15 January
2011. This in itself echoes a similar call for a sanctions review based on conservation, social affairs
and human rights factors made by the NLD on 4 January 2011.24 In addition, the five parties also
called on the current and incoming governments to reserve one vice-presidency in the Nationalities'
Parliament for an ethnic representative, as well as one speaker or deputy-speaker in either the
People’s Parliament (Pyithu Hluttaw) or Lower House (Amyotha Hluttaw).

In March, the Karen State Hluttaw legislative committee was formed. The committee consists of 7
members including 3 State Hluttaw representatives and what was defined as 4 suitable citizens.
Those nominated were U Saw Aung Pwint as Chairman, U Aung Kyaw Lin (Kayin State Law Office) as
Secretary and U Min Aung Lin of Hlaingbwe Township No.1 Constituency. The 4 suitable citizens
were Advocate U Maung Pu (a) U Kyaw Win, Advocate U Khin Si and Major Tun Tun Oo and Captain
Zaw Min Tun as Defence Services Personnel representatives.25

The State Hluttaw National Races Affairs Committee was also formed consisting of 3 State Hluttaw
representatives and 4 suitable citizens. Phado Aung San, Papun Township No.2 Constituency, was
nominated as Chairman, U Saw Shar Tunt Phaung, Hlaingbwe Township No.2 Constituency, as
Secretary and U Saw J A Win Myint of Thandaunggyi Township No.2. The four citizens are Daw Nan
Than Than Lwin, U Khun Min Aung, U Mya Soe, and U Min Aung Win.26

ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES IN KAREN STATE

CONCLUSION
The situation in Karen State, after the election, has, due to the seizing of Myawaddy on 7 November
2010, deteriorated, especially in areas which, prior to the arrival of the BGF issue, had been
relatively peaceful. While there is little doubt that conflict would have affected these areas
eventually, the timing of the attack and the lack of coordination with other armed groups has
resulted in an increase in armed conflict and has impacted on the lives of over 20,000 civilians, many
of whom remain displaced and vulnerable.

While the new constitution clearly states that there can be only one armed force in the country and,
therefore, suggests heightened conflict in Karen State was inevitable; the timing of the attack has
negated any other possible avenues of negotiation therefore resulting in increased conflict as
remaining the main option available.

There have been many attempts to denigrate the elections, yet the fact remains that a number of
ethnic representatives have now been elected. While it is too early to say whether these parties will
be able to contribute meaningfully to addressing the ethnic issue, it must be recognized that an
opportunity not earlier available has been created and should therefore be supported as an
alternative to conflict.

In relation to the Border Guard Force, it would appear that little has changed in its operations
towards the local villagers. While it is still too early to fully analyse the activities of BGF units,
reports have already emerged of abuses by at least one BGF unit in Karen areas. As the Karen
Human Rights Group (KHRG) notes:

‘On November 29th 2010 Saw T---, a 27-year-old man from Lu Pleh Township, Pa'an District
was arrested, tortured and executed by soldiers from Tatmadaw Border Guard Force
Battalion #1015, following accusations that he had made contact with and provided
information to the KNU. In a separate incident that occurred on November 19th 2010 Saw
M---, a 75-year-old man, was executed at point blank range by soldiers from a different unit
of the same Border Guard Force Battalion #1015, after being asked to step outside his house
in Dta Greh Township, Pa'an District...’27

Most recently, it appears that both Kyaw Than and Maung Chit Thoo, who had been made advisors,
have now been asked to take command of BGF operations against the KNLA and Klo Htoo Baw
Battalion. This is primarily due to a lack of trust between Burma Army commanders and the Karen
troops in the BGF units. In addition, recent reports have also suggested that the initial number of
troops assigned to attend combat operations have now been reduced from 400 to 160.

There seems to be little to suggest that, after the election, the situation in Karen State will improve.
The creation of the Border Guard Force and the failure of the SPDC to incorporate the DKBA’s 5th
Brigade, has resulted in an increase in conflict. While some limited political space has been created
there is little to suggest it will have an immediate impact. However, if supported, over time this
could result in limited improvement at least in areas not directly affected by conflict.

In the short-term, as conflict between the Burma Army and KNU/Klo Htoo Baw Battalion intensifies,
Thailand, and the international community, must prepare for an escalation of abuses against the

Karen population and consequently an increase in the number of refugees and internally displaced
people needing assistance. There is little doubt that until the military regime recognises the fact
that continued conflict cannot solve the ethnic issues plaguing the country, the situation in Karen
State will continue to deteriorate regardless of the changing political landscape.

BACKGROUND

Under colonial administration Burma was divided into two very distinct entities: Burma proper or
ministerial Burma, consisting only of what are now the majority divisions of the country, and the
excluded areas which were comprised of what is now Karen State (then known as the Karen Salween
Hill tracts), Chin State (Chin Hills), Arakan State (Naga Hills) and Kachin and Shan States (Federated
Shan States).

Fighting in World War II had continued largely along the ethnic boundaries drawn by the colonial
government. Many of the ethnic groups, including the Karen, Kachin and Chin, continued to support
the British and fought against the Japanese and the Burma Independence Army. It was this support
for the allies that led many of them to believe that the British would honour their calls for separation
from an independent Burma under what was feared would be a Burman dominated government.

After joining with the British to force the Japanese retreat, Aung San formed a provisional
government, the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), which included among its members
a number of ethnic representatives. Although being given some representation, many of the ethnic
groups still believed that the British would support their calls for independence.

As far as it was concerned, the British government had already made allowances for the former
frontier areas to be given special dispensation for self-rule in any future independent Burma. Aung
San and a number of AFPFL representatives were invited to London for discussions with then Prime
Minister Clement Attlee. Despite the fact that Attlee had received a cable from the Shan Sawbas
stating that ‘Aung San and his delegation did not represent the Shan and the frontier areas’ talks
continued.28 The result was that the Aung San – Attlee agreement, originally designed to give the
country full self-government within the commonwealth, stated that ethnic states could decide for
themselves if they wished to join with the Union of Burma. It also stated that a conference to
discuss ethnic representation must be arranged by the AFPFL.29

The subsequent conference, held at Panglong in Shan State on the 12th of February 1947, resulted in
the signing of what became known as the Panglong agreement.30 This agreement provided for
autonomy for both the Shan and Chin states as well as the future demarcation for a Kachin state.31
However, it was not inclusive, and Karen representatives, under the political leadership of the Karen
Central Organisation32, refused actual participation in the Panglong conference due to the fact that
its own AFPFL members had not been included in the London delegation.

The ethnic issue was later addressed in the 1947 constitution which included a provision that ethnic
states could secede from the Union, but not within 10 years of the constitution coming into law.33 It
also included a provision for an autonomous Karen State or ‘Kaw-thu-lay’ based on the ‘Salween
district and such adjacent areas occupied by the Karens as may be determined by a special
commission appointed by the President.’ But this was to be decided after independence. The Karen
issue was further complicated by factional in-fighting. A number of Karen groups had met to create
the Karen National Union (KNU), led by AFPFL member Saw Ba U Gyi, in February 1947. In March
1947, in response to the AFPFL failure to include Karen representatives in its London delegation, Saw
Ba U Gyi resigned his post. This was then taken by San Po Thin, leader of the Karen Youth
Organisation (KYO), who quickly allied himself to the AFPFL.34 The KYO supported the creation of a
Karen State as demarcated in the 1947 constitution, while the KNU sought a much larger area
including access to a seaboard. The KNU began to train its own defence force, the Karen National
Defence Organisation (KNDO) which was inaugurated on 15 July 1947.

Two days later, on the 17th of July 1947, Aung San and six members of his cabinet, including Mahn Ba
Khaing of the KYO, were assassinated. Aung San was immediately replaced by U Nu as leader of the
AFPFL and chief of the cabinet. U Nu hoped that he would be able to solve the Karen issue with the
provision laid down for a future Karen State in the 1947 constitution. Although U Nu was supported
by San Po Thin and the KYO, the KNU refused to accept the areas given. The Karen leadership stated
that it could not accept the constitution because ’…*it+ does not include the granting of a state to the
Karen to satisfy their aspirations.’ Instead they demanded the creation of a Karen State to include
Tenesserim Division, Taungoo District, Irrawaddy Division, Insein District, Hanthawaddy District, and
Nyaunglebin sub-district.’

Although the KNDO had successfully defended Rangoon from communist attack, ethnic tensions
between the Karen and Burman were still high. The Karen call for a separate Karen country had still
not been adequately resolved. In addition, U Nu had openly accused the KNU of seeking to set up a
parallel government in Karen areas and of attempting to buy large shipments of arms. The press
seized upon the stories and their publication further stoked communal tensions.

With the prospect of communal violence and a fear that the Karen were preparing to take control of
the capital, U Nu began training local militia units, the Sitwundans, under the command not of the
army chief of Staff, an ethnic Karen, but the war office under Aung Gyi.35 The Sitwundans and local
UMP units began to order the KNDO units to disarm. On Christmas Eve 1948, in the Karen village of
Palaw, Sitwundans disarmed the local Karen UMP units, and, not long after, threw grenades into the
village church. Over 80 Karen villagers were killed in the first of many such incidents.

Despite a number of talks between U Nu and Saw Ba U Gyi, the situation continued to deteriorate as
Sitwundans entered Karen areas and Karen forces began to seize a number of key cities including
Taungoo, Tantabin and Pyu. Government forces attacked the Karen areas of Thamaing and Ahlone
with automatic gunfire and mortars, shooting down innocent civilians as they fled their burning
homes.36 Finally, the government declared the KNDO illegal and two days later Karen forces took
Insein in what would be a 112 days standoff before the Karen’s retreat.



By 1950, the Burma Army had been reformed and had begun to take back a number of previously
lost towns and cities. In March, they were able to take the Karen headquarters in the city of
Taungoo. In August, the Karen suffered another disaster when their leader, Saw Ba U Gyi, was
captured and killed.

The ethnic issue, and what would become known later as the federal issue, continued to be left
unanswered. In what the military considered a compromise, U Nu arranged a federal seminar to
take place on the 25th of February 1962 to amend the constitution and give greater rights to the
ethnic minorities. Fearing the country’s collapse, Ne Win seized power on 2 March 1962 and
detained U Nu and over thirty Karenni and Shan leaders. The 1947 constitution, and the rights of the
minorities to secede, was suspended.

In 1988, student led protests were brutally crushed by the regime. This resulted in a number of
students fleeing to ethnic areas and soon Burman student armies were organized and trained to
fight against the regime. The arrival of the student movement led to the creation of the Democratic
Alliance of Burma (DAB), which saw the creation of a joint ethnic-Burman front consisting of the ten
ethnic resistance armies of the NDF and 12 Burmese opposition parties.37 The NDF and DAB would
be joined by the government-in-exile, the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
(NCGUB) (formed in 1990), the National League for Democracy – Liberated Areas (NLD-LA) (formed
in 1991), in the creation, on 22 September 1992, of the all-inclusive National Council Union of Burma
(NCUB).

The Karen Headquarters at Manerplaw became the de-facto capital of the resistance movement,
both pro-democratic and ethnic. However, the situation within the Karen National Union was not
stable. In 1994, a number of KNLA troops split to form the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA).
This split, due to perceived religious and social discrimination against the Buddhist Karen, would
later result in the loss of the KNU’s main headquarters at Manerplaw and lead to a schism within the
Karen leadership.

Although the DKBA had no ceasefire agreement with the regime, it soon became a proxy force of the
Burma Army and was used to launch a number of attacks against Karen refugees in Thailand and on
the KNLA itself. Despite the fact that the regime had constantly used the DKBA to fight against
fellow Karen, a number of other KNLA leaders from under units broke away to form new factions.

In February 1997, Lt Col. Thu Muh Heh commander of the 16th Battalion, 6th Brigade surrendered and
formed the Karen Peace Army (later Force). A year later, Padoh Aung San, the former KNU Forestry
Minister, also surrendered taking with him a large portion of the KNU’s coffers. The last split
occurred in January 2007, when the leader of the KNU’s 7th Brigade split to form the KNU/KNLA
Peace Council and officially sign an agreement with the Burmese regime.

While Karen factions were able to practice some form of autonomous control in their areas, the lives
of Karen villagers under their control either changed little or became worse. Human rights abuses
continued and villagers were forced to pay taxes to a number of different factions, and the Burma
Army, thus further adding to the burden.

1 Notes from minutes taken at the 2nd BGF meeting held at LID22 H.Q. Pa-an, 8 October 2010

2 Ibid.

3 Notes from minutes taken at the 1st BGF meeting held at LID22 H.Q. Pa-an, 6 October 2010

4 Ibid.

5 Karen Strategic Studies Group

6 There has been some confusion in regards to the naming of some DKBA Battalions. Lah Pwe had formerly
commanded 907 and 906 Battalions and the DKBA had been designated under the brigade structure of 555,
333 and 999. Although the date is unclear, these brigade areas were designated as numbers 1 to 5.
Telephone conversation via translator with Colonel Lah Pwe, 9 January 2011

7 ‘Karen Armies Unite to Face Threat of War’, Alex Ellgee, The Irrawaddy, 7 August 2010

8 Ibid

9 ‘Myawaddy ‘not overrun by breakaway DKBA group’’, Mizzima, 7 November 2010

10 ‘Myawaddy police besieged by DKBA troops’, Mizzima, 21 September 2010

11 ‘DKBA renegades seize border town’, Naw Noreen, DVB, 7 November 2010

12 Personal conversation with KNU official, 19 November 2010

13 Telephone conversation (via translator) with Colonel Lah Pwe, 9 January 2011. One KNU official has noted
that it is common for most Burmese authorities to threaten civilians when they want something. It is unlikely
therefore that such a threat, in context, would be the sole reason for the DKBA to seize the town, especially if
Kyaw Thet had already announced his intention prior to the 7th of November.

14 Telephone conversation via translator with DKBA Tactical Operations Commander, 9 January 2011

15 ‘KNU terrorists shell Myawady, Phaya Thonsu, leaving some innocent people dead, injured’, NLM, 10
November 2010

16 Ibid.

17 ‘KNU Statement Condemning Election Related Violence in Burma’s Border Areas’, KNU, 10 October 2010

18 ‘FBR Report: School girl killed, villagers wounded and hundreds displaced as the Burma Army continues
attacks in Central Karen State.’, Free Burma Rangers, 20 November 2010

19 ‘DKBA Property searched, confiscated.’, Naw Noreen, DVB, 15 October 2010

20 ‘Update on the Conflict and Displacement of Civilians along the Thai-Burma Border’, Back Pack Health
Worker Team (BPHWT), 15 February 2011

21 http://www.khrg.org/khrg2011/khrg11f1_update.html#47 accessed 19 January 2011

22 ‘Situation Report: Promoting the Protection of Newly Displaced Civilians Affected by Conflict and Increased
Insecurities on the Thai-Burma Border Mid-December 2010 to 11th January 2011’, Back Pack Health Worker
Team (BPHWT), 12 January 2010

23 ‘Eight Armed Group Members Exchange Arms for Peace’, New Light of Myanmar, 15 March 2010

24 See ‘Economic Analysis and Vision of the NLD’, NLD, 4 January 2011

25 ‘Regular Sessions of the First Region and State Hluttaw held Members of the Legislative Committee and
National Races Committee nominated.’ New Light of Myanmar, 2 March 2010

26 Ibid

27 ‘Extrajudicial execution of two civilians in Pa'an District’, KHRG, 15 February 2011

28 ‘The Shan of Burma’, C.T. Yawnghwe, ISEAS, 1987 p. 99

29 See the Aung San-Attlee agreement clause 8 reproduced in Rhododendron, Vol. 4 No 1, 2003, CHRO, p. 8

30 A earlier meeting, the first Panglong Conference, had occurred in March 1946

31 It must be noted that the 1947 constitution did not allow the Kachins to secede. See Union of Burma,
Constitution, 1947, Chapter IX, 178

32 Forerunner of the Karen National Union and a member of the AFPFL

33 Union of Burma, Constitution, 1947, Chapter X, 202

After the 2008 constitution was approved it soon became clear that all armed groups remaining
inside Burma would be ordered to convert their armies into Burma Army controlled Border Guard
Forces (BGFs). While most ceasefire groups have resisted such moves, most of the remaining Karen
factions have agreed and therefore have come under direct control of the Burma Army.

NOTES
34 San Po Thin, a leading KCO member, had originally advised Saw Ba U Gyi to resign from the AFPFL. ‘A Just
Country - The Karen of Burma : History, Identity, and Conflict’, unpublished manuscript, Paul Keenan, 2009,
p155

35 The Sitwundan units were originally recruited in 17 districts, 6 of which were Karen. They were further
expanded and by 1949 there were 26 battalion comprising 13,000 troops. ‘Making Enemies: War and State
Building in Burma’, Mary P Callaghan, Cornell University Press, 2003, p. 128

36 ‘A Journalist, A General and an Army in Burma’, U Thaung, White Lotus, 1995, p. 15

37 ‘Burma in Revolt: Opium and Insurgency since 1948’, Bertil Lintner, White Lotus, 1994, p. 376

Frans on 04.08.11 @ 08:31 PM CST [link]


Friday, April 1st

Rio justifies support to Nagas outside OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph


Rio justifies support to Nagas outside
OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, March 29: Chief minister Neiphiu Rio today cited the Tamil Nadu example while voicing his support for rights of Nagas in Myanmar.
On the final day of the budget session today, Rio asked when the Tamil Nadu government could raise its voice for Tamils in Sri Lanka, why can’t Nagaland do the same for Nagas in Myanmar and elsewhere?
He dismissed the charges of the Opposition Congress that his Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) had claimed credit for the recognition of Nagas in Myanmar.
Rio said how his government had pursued the matter with the Centre and Myanmar government for the recognition of the Naga people there.
“Our delegation had met the Prime Minister, home minister and national security adviser and submitted a memorandum to extend financial assistance to develop Naga-inhabited areas in Myanmar,” the chief minister said.
The DAN government submitted a memorandum to the Centre last year listing the number of Naga villages, population and townships, along with maps. They also met the ambassador of Myanmar, who had pledged speedy development of Naga-inhabited areas in Myanmar.
“Why somebody should be so unhappy about the recognition of Naga people in Myanmar?” Rio asked the Opposition. The Opposition has been criticising the DAN for interfering with the internal affairs of Myanmar.
The chief minister also said his government has been in touch with Naga Hoho in Myanmar, Naga Myanmar Baptist Convention, Naga leaders and other Naga organisations to carry forward the development process.
“We do everything in a transparent manner,” he said. He said there would be cultural exchange programmes between the Nagas of Nagaland and Myanmar, which will boost emotional integration.
Rio said Naga leaders in Myanmar have appreciated the welfare initiatives taken by his government.
“You have achieved what your predecessors could not do,” a letter addressed to him by Naga leaders in Myamnar said.
“I think we should continue to support them,” the chief minister said adding that people who are criticising them do not understand the ground reality in Myanmar.
Rio urged Naga lawmakers to work together for development and to facilitate the ongoing peace process. Rio said he was aware that the state government was formed under the Constitution but the Centre had given special status to Nagas and, therefore, their unique identity, culture and tradition need to be protected.
He was reacting to Congress MLA and PCC president Sungit Jamir’s comment that the Centre had ruled out the demand of sovereignty and integration of Naga-inhabited areas.
Naga people want to unite, says Rio
Correspondent Assam Tribune
KOHIMA, March 26 – Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio said today the DAN Political Affairs Committee, comprising the elected members in the Government and also the allied partners of political group, met all the faction leaders/NGOs/civil societies and came out with a clear and united view that people want to unite and reconcile.
“This is the voice of the Naga people,” affirmed Rio while replying to a supplementary by leader of opposition Tokheho and MLA Sentichuba on the floor of the House in the ongoing Budget session today.
Rio further said the DAN PAC and the people of Nagaland have done a commendable job and has contributed towards a peaceful atmosphere.
Further, replying to a starred question by Tokheho on the progress of Naga political talks, the leader of the House replied that the State Government was not in a position to state the progress of the political talks as the State Government is not a party to the talk between the NSCN-M and Government of India.
The Chief Minister also informed the House about the constitution of Political Affairs Committee of DAN, formation of Joint Parliamentary Committee as facilitators on the Naga political issue with the purpose of working for the unity of the Naga nationalist groups and strengthening the Naga political cause.
Earlier in his Budget speech on March 24, Rio appealed to the Naga nationalist groups to restrain their cadres from armed confrontations and to desist from provocative statements.
Maintaining that Nagas are at a crucial juncture of the political movement, he said “we cannot afford to let this opportunity slip away”.
Mother of insurgencies or reinvention?
M.S. Prabhakara The Hindu
Has the Naga insurgency come to terms with its unrealised and, indeed, unrealisable sovereignty aspirations?
In the early 1980s (when this correspondent returned to Guwahati as working journalist after an eight-year absence), insurgency in the northeast was limited to Nagaland, parts of Manipur and what was then the Union Territory of Mizo Hills. In Nagaland, the Naga National Council (NNC), political face of the oldest of the insurgencies in the region, was led by Angami Zapu Phizo, then in exile in Britain. Despite the challenge posed by a faction of the NNC that had recently split after much rancour on both sides and formed itself into the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), the NNC remained the dominant voice of Naga nationalistic assertion. In Manipur, Naga insurgency was active those days in the Naga-inhabited hill districts mainly in Tamenglong, while in the Imphal Valley, several outfits, some of them fighting one another as much as the Indian state, were active: the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), the Peoples' Liberation Army (PLA), the People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) and the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP). In the Union Territory of Mizo Hills, the Mizo National Front (MNF) arrived at the Talk-Talk-Fight-Fight stage, and was on the way to give up its secessionist agenda, sign a peace accord and become a legitimate party of the government. Insurgency had not become a generalised fact of life in the region including Assam, though formally the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) had been founded in April 1979.
The objectives of all these organisations, including the nascent ULFA, were broadly the same: independence and sovereignty, the restoration of sovereignty that ‘lapsed' to the people these organisations claimed to represent when the British left India but which India refused to concede.
The undeniable historical fact underlying this idea of ‘restoration of sovereignty' as against the ‘demand for sovereignty' is that beginning with the British annexation of Assam following the defeat of Burma in 1826 in the First Anglo-Burmese War, the colonial government had embarked on consolidating the boundaries of these newly acquired vast territories, progressively annexing more of these borderlands and extending its own boundaries. The annexation process was neither painless nor fair; nor even conclusive, the last most evident in the description of some of the ‘new' territories in the old maps as “excluded,” “partially excluded” and “unadministered” areas. The bland bureaucratic prose of the introductory chapter of the Assam Land Revenue Manual says it all.
However, received wisdom had it even those days that the resolution of Naga insurgency was central to resolving other insurgencies, actual and incipient. Long before such disaffection manifested itself among other people of the region, tribal and non-tribal, Phizo himself had tried on the eve of Independence to enlist the support of the largest and most advanced of the people, the Assamese, as well as other tribal people who, in course of time, were to form the core of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya and Mizoram — the last two then politically and administratively part of Assam — for realising his plan for an Independent Nagaland. He also urged them to seek an independent status outside India.
Being the oldest insurgency in the region, which had also lent some material support to other disaffected elements, this perception was somewhat justified. This has been especially so since the NNC split and the formation of the NSCN in early 1980. Even though the NSCN in due course also split into two factions, and the NNC has refused to fade away, the NSCN (I-M) bearing the initials of chairman Isak Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah remains the dominant voice of the sovereignty aspirations of the Naga people.
However, all these insist that settlement of the “Naga political issue,” that is restoration of Naga sovereignty and independence — the resolution of what has come to be known in the Naga nationalist rhetoric as “the mother of all insurgencies” in the region — is central to resolving the other problems in the region.
This perspective has been expressed several times by Muivah since the NSCN (I-M) began talking directly to the Government of India nearly 15 years ago. During this period, the NSCN (I-M) leaders have met several Prime Ministers in foreign lands and in India, and have had prolonged dialogue with ‘interlocutors,' initially in cities in Europe and South East Asia, and later in Delhi. Peace of a kind has prevailed in Nagaland and in the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur, though the “Naga political issue” remains unresolved. The other side of this peace is the parallel administration of the NSCN (I-M), which is evident to the most casual visitor to Nagaland and the Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur. Perhaps one can see this as the Naga people's unique way of reconciling the irreconcilable, the “resolution of the Naga political issue” without actually getting the lost sovereignty restored. By simply putting these tricky issues on the back burner, the State government and the Government of the People's Republic of Nagalim coexist in Kohima and near Dimapur. Situations where legitimately constituted State governments face challenges far more dire prevail in many parts of eastern and central India.
How has this unique “resolution of the Naga political issue” impinged on the ferment in the rest of the region? Has the “mother of all insurgencies” in the region, whose leaders now travel on Indian passports with all implications of securing such a document, come to terms with its unrealised and indeed unrealisable sovereignty aspirations and injected a dose of realism into the sovereignty aspirations of other groups with far less legitimate claims than the Naga people who, under Phizo, formally declared Independence on August 14, 1947?
One significant development in the insurgency scenario is the “arrest” of senior leaders of ULFA and their resolve to hold talks with the Government of India without any precondition. Another is the “arrest” of UNLF chairman Rajkumar Sanayaima, who maintains that he was abducted by Indian agents in Dhaka and brought to India. Unlike ULFA leaders who are on bail, Sanayaima remains in prison, defiant about not talking to the Government of India except on four preconditions being accepted, the core of which is a plebiscite under U.N. supervision to ascertain if the people of Manipur want to remain part of the country. The differences in the government's approach to the NSCN (I-M), the ULFA and the UNLF are as striking as is the relatively realistic approach of the first two which too were insisting that the core issue in any talks with the government had to be sovereignty. Like the lady in the song, the NSCN (I-M) and ULFA leaders kept saying they would never consent, and yet consented. Will the UNLF follow suit?
There are other interesting developments on the insurgency front. Since the mother of all insurgencies began speaking to the government, other insurgent or terrorist groups have become active; these outfits have survived and even prospered by their capacity to reinvent themselves, though not their stated aims and objectives, and are carrying on. The most curious instance of such reinvention is the path taken by Dima Halong Daoga (DHD), based in the North Cachar hills of Assam, one of the two Autonomous Hills Districts of the State, the other being Karbi Anglong where too the United Peoples Democratic Solidarity (UPDS), like almost every similar outfit, split into pro-talks and anti-talks factions. The DHD's reinvention of itself by using a section of the Indian state, in this case, the administration of the North Cachar Autonomous District Council, a constitutional body, to channel development funds meant for the district to itself, an outlawed outfit, is indeed breathtaking. The charge sheet by the National Investigative Agency available on http://nia.gov.in/niacases.aspx provides the most salutary education on the reinvention of insurgencies.
NPF backs AGP, Bodo parties
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Kohima, March 31: The Nagaland People’s Front, the main constituent of the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN), which is part of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) at the Centre said it is supporting the AGP and Bodo parties in the ensuing Assam elections.
“I am constantly in touch with Prafulla Kumar Mahanta,” chief minister and NPF leader Neiphiu Rio told The Telegraph. “I extend support to the AGP and all the Bodo parties. We are very friendly parties. We want to work for the protection of the minorities,” he added.
He said a Northeast Regional Forum consisting of like-minded regional parties would be formed after the elections in Assam. This forum will be vocal about the welfare of the region. However, the launch of the forum has been deferred because of the elections in Assam. The new forum will include the NCP.
The NPF today was formally launched in Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh with the formation of ad hoc executive committees.
After launching the party in two states, the chief minister said their intention was never to create problem in other states but to work for the Nagas who have been discriminated against and suppressed. He said the decision to launch the NPF in Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh was taken after series of consultations and discussions with the people and leaders of the two states.
“Our intention is never to create problems but to work for the interest of our Naga people there,” the chief minister said. When asked about the prospect of his party particularly in Manipur because of the volatile situation, Rio said it would be too early to comment but added that NPF would take up issues confronting Naga people there.
Be it in Manipur or Arunachal Pradesh, Nagas have become a minority and are discriminated against and suppressed. “We will fight for justice and see that it is delivered to them. We will fight for unity and reconciliation of our people,” the chief minister said.
NPF president, Shurhozelie Liezietsu will soon write letters to political parties in these two states to recognise his party as a political party.
Members of the ad hoc executive committee for Manipur are G. Gaingam (president), Solomon Veino (working president), Kho John (general secretary), Ningreigam Ruivah (secretary), K. Lianpibou (joint secretary), Somi Keishing (spokesperson) and Samuel Risom (treasurer). The advisory committee comprised Soso Lorho, Prof. Gangmumei Kamei and Prof. M. Horam, all former ministers of Manipur.
NWHD submits memo to Naga Political Leaders Morungexpress
Dimapur, March 31 (MExN): Expressing appreciation, support and concerns to the Government of the Peoples Republic of Nagalim, The Naga Women Hoho, Dimapur submitted a memorandum to the Naga Political leaders: NSCN /GPRN & GPRN/NSCN on March 28, 2011 stating “Support for Naga Reconciliation and Peace Process at the Highest Level Meeting”. Through the memorandum, appended by Hukheli T. Wotsa, president, and Liangsi Niumai John, general secretary, Naga Women Hoho, The NWHD has earnestly appealed to all the Naga political groups, that the Naga peace process initiated by GPRN and FNR must reach the highest level talks and accomplish the mission of ‘Journey of Common Hope’ with an honorable solution.
NWHD in the memo further stated “Our prayers, support, voice and our will are the strength we can contribute to ‘our Naga Political groups’ and it is for you now to carry the peace and reconciliation process forward without any further delay. The time has come for the collective leaders to meet and explore together the possibilities of joint working mechanism to pursue our historical and political right.”
Concerning collection of tax by the groups, the ‘hoho’ said that while respecting and having deep faith to all the Naga Political Groups, it stated in the memo, “we would like to draw your kind attention to the practice of collecting multiple taxes from the public beyond what is to be collected and collecting even from the disabled and unemployed entrepreneurs. Please encourage our promising young Naga Entrepreneurs by exempting tax from them. We strongly urge you that having concern in this kind of issue would give you remarkable strength and support in our ‘Journey of Common Hope’”.
The memo further said “Today is the golden opportunity for the Naga Women of Dimapur District to interact with you and to hear from you the present Status of the Peace Process which the Collective Leadership could do after signing the Covenant of Reconciliation in June 2009. Thus, we pledge with solidarity as citizens and civil society women organization to work for the right and welfare of our communities and to address issue concerning our historical right and political right. We, therefore, earnestly plead with your Excellency to take up the Seal of Courage from God and go forward without any delay such opportunity comes only once. Only with Sincerity, Strong Determination and through the spirit of Reconciliation, we can secure and defend our National Right which was given by God.”
‘India listened to us only when we took up arms’ Tehelka
The Naga rebellion has spawned many groups in the past 60 years. NSCN-IM’s Maj Gen Phunthing Shimray tells AVALOK LANGER that his outfit wants to bring all Nagas under one administrative umbrella



Nestled in the dense jungles of the Naga Hills, the Naga people’s movement simmers, ignored and unresolved. Since 1946, the Naga National Council (NNC) had championed the cause, but today, a new generation of separatists hold the reins of the movement.
Dissatisfied and unwilling to accept the controversial Shillong Accord, by which members of the NNC came overground and surrendered, Isak Chisi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and SS Khaplang broke away from the group and formed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980. With external support, the NSCN pushed towards self-reliance and sustainability. As it grew into a modern, organised and lethal movement, it lent support to other rebel outfits.
In 1988, the NSCN split into NSCN-IM (Isak Chisi Swu and Th. Muivah) and NSCN-K (SS Khaplang). Today, 10 years into the ceasefire, Nagaland’s demand for freedom remains intact. Excerpts from an interview with Maj Gen Phunthing Shimray, one of the new generation leaders, in Mokokchung:


Free spirit Money and development won’t solve our problems, says Shimray
PHOTO: AVALOK LANGER

What is keeping the Naga movement going?
When I go to India, they tell me, ‘You are a part of India, you should be happy that you have everything.’ But I want to be free, I want my right to choose. India’s claim to Nagaland is a legal one, because Nagaland was handed over to them by the British. But nations aren’t just born, they are created by people coming together. It is not about having a legal right, it is about the aspirations of the people and their right to choose. We never chose India. If the aspirations of a people are not met, there will always be conflict. For 200 years, the British ignored the aspirations of India and this gave rise to the Indian freedom struggle. Today, India is ignoring the aspirations of the Nagas and we are fighting for our right to self-determination.
The NSCN has been described as ‘the mother of insurgencies’ in the Northeast. Did it offer support to other movements?
If you are beaten up every now and then, won’t you raise your voice? Won’t you seek legal recourse? If the law fails you, then what, won’t you take it up yourself? It is not a question of helping them; it is about struggling people aspiring for their rights. India talks about 8 percent growth, but who is growing, my friend? Not the common man. India’s democracy is only benefiting the privileged few. Earlier, the Northeast was considered untouchable, it was ignored, a taboo of sorts. No one looked at us or heard our problems when we used the democratic process. But now that we have taken up arms, the Indians listen. We may have helped some of the organisations, but all of them have their own source: the people.
Rumour has it that the NSCN-IM actively helped the Naxal movement. Is there any truth in this?
Yes, we helped them, but not since the commencement of the ceasefire (10 years ago). For us, it is not about left, right, capitalist or communist. It is about the people, about their rights and aspirations.
What is your reply to those who believe that development will end the Naga insurgency?
It has been 60 years, if it had to, it would have died out by now. The Indian government pumps in crores every year but nationalism can’t be bought, it comes from the heart. Even if Dimapur and Kohima become like Kolkata, the movement will not die. Yes, there may be some who are taken in by development, but the numbers are with the movement. It is not about money, it is not about development. It is about our rights, our freedom and the uniqueness of the Naga people who can’t be bought.
The NSCN-IM leaders visited Delhi in March and submitted a list of 30 confidential demands. Some media reports said they had given up the demand for sovereignty and only want greater autonomy...
What does greater autonomy mean to you? To me, it means sovereignty. We cannot compromise on that, it is the right of the people, the will of the Nagas. In a democratic set-up, the will of the people is supreme. We also asked for separate passports. If I have a separate identity from you, wouldn’t I want my own passport? Nagalim (Greater Nagaland) has always been our goal, we have always wanted to bring all Nagas under one administrative umbrella. There is nothing new about that.


A view of Mokokchung
PHOTO: ESTHER KEMP

Like Jammu and Kashmir was given its own constitution, flag and special provisions, would you be willing to go down that path?
That is not an option. We don’t want a Naga version of Article 370. It has done nothing for the Kashmiris. It gave them all the power to run their state, but at the same time India took it all back. So, what’s the use? You need a home, a place you call your own, a place you can go back to. Once you have that, you can travel the world. Without that, you are a man without a country. For example, where do you originally come from? (I try to explain my confusing mixture of pre-Partition North West Frontier and Kashmiri lineage. He smiled and continued...) See, you didn’t fight for your homeland and now you have lost it. You are a man without a nation and that is a future we won’t settle for.
How do you react when people say that the Naga people’s movement is an insurgency? Does that bother you?
Bhagat Singh was called a terrorist once. People said he was just an angry man acting out of frustration, but he was not afraid to die for his beliefs. He was a one-man army battling the British, but he fought for his cause, his people. The British labelled him a terrorist, an underground element, but today, he is revered as a freedom fighter, a national hero.
When I was young, I saw my people struggling. That is why I wanted to help my people. I am pushed to lead my people by my conviction. I am who I am and you are who you are, but we must learn to accept each other for our differences. Then we can move forward, that is what I want.
Nagaland minus an old defect Indian Express
Nagaland appeared to have sprung a surprise by registering a negative population growth - minus 0.47 per cent , implying its population has decreased since last count.
This was, however, easily explained from the fact that the base figure was unreliable. Nagaland had already rejected Census 2001, with the state government having called it defective.
“The 2001 Census data, which had put Nagaland’s decadal growth in 1991-2001 at 64 per cent, was rejected as defective. This time we made a tremendous effort to arrive at accurate data. In fact we roped in various civil society groups, student unions and others, who in turn carried out a massive awareness campaign during the run-up to the actual Census,” Hekhali Zhimomi, director of Census operations, Nagaland, told The Indian Express from
Kohima.
Census 2001 had put Nagaland’s population at 1,990,036 and the decadal growth rate at 64.41 per cent. During 1981-91, too, it was abnormally high, 56.08 per cent. This time, the total population of the state has come down to 1,980,602, which is 9,434 less than in 2001.

Interestingly, the decadal growth rate of 1981-91 did not cause any major concern in the hill state. It was the 2001 Census data that triggered a major controversy with Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio declaring it defective on several occasions. The state cabinet in fact passed a resolution rejecting it three years ago.
On September 30, 2009, the state government convened a consultative meeting involving people from various fields, which rejected Census 2001 and called for an intensive campaign for Census 2011. That meeting, chaired by the chief secretary, passed a resolution to this effect, which was signed by, among others, the Chief Minister, Leader of the Opposition Chingwang Konyak, and leaders of the Church, student bodies and all major civil society groups.


Frans on 04.01.11 @ 09:14 PM CST [link]



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