‘Nagas cannot afford another internecine war’ morungexpress
‘Nagas cannot afford another internecine war’ morungexpress
Dimapur, September 26 (MExN): Commemorating ‘national agony day’ in honour of 32 Naga cadres killed at its then ‘operation headquarter’ at Langnok village on September 27, 1980, the “commander in chief” (‘Longvibu’) of the Isak-Muivah led NSCN “lt. general” NG Markson VC has sent out a message calling upon his “comrades” to reason together. In a message delivered by the Longvibu, he pointed out that Nagas may be brave and strong but “we are not strong enough to tame our own disposition”. “We are impatient and inconsistent. More often than not we respond to issues impulsively. Well aware of these weaknesses in us, our adversaries often create and exploit situations to their own advantage. Let us not remain inert to this fact. We cannot afford to let loose another internecine war because of our being unscrupulous”, stated the message.
While remembering the “heroes with pride”, the Longvibu also called for mourning “for all the martyrs: the brave soldiers who sacrificed their lives at the altar of Nagalim for Christ; the innocent victims of injustice; brothers and sisters who were killed in factional feud and all the souls whose suffering and death relate to Naga issue in one way or the other, during this prolonged quest for the truth”. He went on to state that we should not only mourn the death, “but also for our own foolishness, because we simply cannot go on living in oblivion the heavy price already paid by their death for the living”. The message also stated that the “death of every single Naga rings loud and clear in our conscience” and that “enough is enough”. Pointing out that Nagas are at a crucial juncture, “at the point of Now or Never”, the Longvibu’s message stated that “together, let us target the giant and not at our own hearth”. “Let there be no more killing among us. May God have mercy upon us and bring deliverance”, he stated.
Earlier in his message the Longvibu stated that Nagas journey of struggle had never been a smooth sail and that they had to endure the brunt of destruction emanating from within and without along the course of the struggle. “From the day Zashibito was gunned down on the street of Kohima in 1953 till this day, we have lost thousands of lives for the sake of our motherland. Indeed, a heavy prize has been paid”, stated the message. The Longvibu also stated that on the day of “national” mourning one should recount the tragedies that ensued soon after the signing of the Shillong Accord in 1975.
“I was then just a young cadre, trained and returned from China. We found Nagaland in complete chaos. Many surrendered their arms and went overground. Army generals, commanders, senior officers – most of them vanished”. The Longvibu recalled that Brig. Thungbo was one among those patriots who firmly stood by the gun during those trying years and that since he was the senior most among the remnant army officers, Brig. Thungbo became the ‘C-in-C’ of “Naga army” consequently when NSCN was formed in 1980 to carry on the struggle.
End of insurgency in Nagaland in sight? From Jyoti Lal Chowdhury Organizer
Oscar Fernandez is currently playing a vital role in this regard. The package strives for political and economic solution. If everything goes well, the peace accord might become a reality by the end of this year. Indications available suggest that any solution will be within the Constitution and federal structure of the country.
Silchar: There has been some noted progress in talks between the Government of India (GoI) and NSCN (IM) with Shri Padmanabhaiah as the interlocutor, hinted Naga leadership at Kohima. It, at the same time, refuted the allegations that it was harbouring and helping other militant outfits of the neighbouring states. In fact, the ground situation in Nagaland has fast changed with the public outcry for peace, a campaign being launched by Naga Hoho, Naga Mothers Association and other front ranking NGOs. Along with that comes the growing disillusionment among ranks and files of both the factions of NSCN-(IM) and (Khaplang).
After the last round of talks at Amsterdam between the GoI and NSCN (IM), the signal that emerged indicated that positive moves are there for finding an amicable solution to the six decade-old Naga issue. Union Home Ministry monitoring the situation in Nagaland has noted marked improvement as the warring factions of Naga outfits have shown restraint of late in observing ground rules and ceasefire agreements bringing down illegal activities like extortions, kidnapping and fatricidal killings. Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio appealed to all militant groups to honour people’s growing aspiration for peace and create a congenial atmosphere for the success of the peace-process.
Shri Padmanabhaiah, according to reports, was behind the preparation of draft for agreement for taking a firm stand on the issue to arrive at a just and honourable solution, acceptable to both the parties. His role like that of Swaraj Kaushal, former interlocutor, has been appreciated by NSCN (IM) leadership. But, it is to be recalled that Kaushal’s unintentional statement on extending ceasefire between the Central Government and NSCN (IM) anywhere in India and beyond led to mass agitation in Manipur.
The then Chief Ministers of Asom and Arunachal Pradesh, Prafulla Kumar Mahanta and Mukut Mithi, reacted angrily saying, extension of ceasefire beyond Nagaland will mean legitimatising the claim of Naga outfits on our land. As a true statesman, Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee, the former Prime Minister, understood its grave implications and invited the Chief Ministers of the three States concerned to seek their opinion on the issue who gave a firm no to part with even an inch of their territory. The peace-package as a first step, according to indications, lays stress on bringing all the extremist groups operating in Nagaland on one platform for working out the modalities and implementation of the scheme.
Former Union Minister Oscar Fernandez is currently playing a vital role in this regard. The package strives for political and economic solution. If everything goes well, the peace accord might become a reality by the end of this year. Indications available suggest that any solution will be within the Constitution and federal structure of the country. The package includes enough funds for development, enactment of laws for protecting the identity, interests, culture and tradition of Nagas. Provision would be made to provide greater autonomy and more powers for administrative expediency. On the other contentious issues of separate currency and independent foreign policy, no hint is available. The most vexed issue of Nagalim calls for a cautious approach by the centre without disturbing the territorial integrity of Asom, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.
Ceasefire – Troubled By: Robert lanky Kangla
As a media person with some working knowledge of the Security Forces and NSCN (IM) has inspired me to fathom the ground realities of Cease Fire Ground Rules (CFGR). CFGR has many ingredients. But one aspect, I am to understand is the movement of cadres in uniform with arms in populated areas is not to be negotiated under the Rules. But frequent moves of armed cadres and even detention of UG leaders have been reported in the media and are not uncommon any more. I recollect an incident which happened a few years ago, in which Naga UG leaders were apprehended with 10-11 weapons in Manipur on Imphal- Tamenglong Road. Due to intervention of the GoI, the cadres were to be released but their weapons were to be handed over to CFMG at Mao Gate. But the aftermath of the incident remains a mystery and still clouds our minds on the exact nature & spirit of the CF Agreement.
In the year 2009 alone, two major incidents have taken place wherein the cease fire was on a thin edge and peace in both the states of Manipur & Nagaland were threatened. While the situation in Manipur is precarious, the unfortunate incident of Sakok has worsened the situation and literally worked as an extra ‘fuel to fire’. The warring parties as usual, are blaming each other’s actions. The official stated position of the Assam Rifle as published in local dailies is that ‘they had intelligence reports and radio intercepts about movements of armed militants of UNLF/ and PLA alongwith NSCN (IM) cadres in the area & their patrolling party was fired upon. In retaliation, 3-4 cadres of NSCN (IM) have been killed’. On the other hand, NSCN (IM) have termed the killing as brutal and a blatant violation of cease fire. They have also raised the question whether the G of I is working towards abrogating the ceasefire and heading for war through the actions of the Assam Rifles? A similar situation had occurred during Feb this year at Shirui, where approximately 30-40 NSCN (IM) cardres were holed up in a state tourist lodge and security forces had laid a siege for almost 20 days. Reason: the NSCN (IM) was trying to establish a new camp at Shirui. The events that unfolded post incident are vivid but intriguing. Did the NSCN (IM) violate the ground rules in both the incidents? On both the occasions, retired General Mandhata Singh, the CFMG Chairman refused to intervene on the grounds that he has no jurisdiction over Manipur. Mr Chidambaram too, during his visit to Manipur and Nagaland publicly re-iterated that the ceasefire agreement between NSCN (IM) & G of I relates to the state of Nagaland only. Why then NSCN (IM) continue to raise the issue of ‘No territorial limits’? Seemingly, none of the civil societies/ NGOs are aware of the correct interpretation of the ground rules and so are the majority of the population in Nagaland and Manipur and they continue to protest against the actions by the Assam Rifles as a ceasefire & HR violations. This is the irony of the issue!! Fortunately,there was no bloodshed at Shirui, but the mystery of CFGR remained an enigma and continues to be so. Also what remains in shrouded mystery is also ‘who’, ‘how’ and ‘where’ the NSCN (IM) cadres at Shirui were moved ?
The latest incident involving movement of NSCN (IM) cadres with suspected ultras of PLA / UNLF and ensued gun fight with AR has once again created a situation where common people of the state have become the victims of the crisis. The NSCN (IM) described the happenings in Ukhrul as being “allegedly infested with ‘sectarian groups of mercenaries’ and ‘syndicates of gangsters’ created and groomed by ‘Valley based militants of Manipur’ who have stabbed the enemy from the back”. On 17th Aug, allegedly at the insistence of NSCN (IM), torch rally protest was staged by people and a 48 hour state wide bandh was called. Is it that the people are not aware of the precise ground rules & clueless as l am today? Interestingly as in the past, the locals either under coercion or otherwise have demanded:-
* The GoI to declare immediately that ceasefire is applicable in Naga inhabited areas outside the Nagaland.
* Assam Rifles be immediately removed from Ukhrul district.
* Befitting disciplinary action and punishment for Assam Rifles personnel.
If Shirui & Sakok incidents are taken as the benchmark, Govt of India needs to make the ground rules public without any ambiguity & transparency. Solution for any crisis can be found. Civil societies / NGOs need to suggest measures to ensure peace and tranquility. Mutuality in keeping of trust by all and sundry is important. The civil societies needs to impress on UG leadership to recast their path of seeking ‘peace’ and to ‘what type of peace’ they intend to seek? We should not let these incidents at Shirui and Sakok abrogate our hard earned peace after lots of sacrifices. Blame cannot be put on one particular side. To quote Dr Martin Luther King Jr, “If there is one thing I have learned from my studies in social work, it is ‘injustice any where’ is a ‘threat to justice every where”. One crisis follows another, and even where there is some kind of peace, it is a troubled peace with fear of war and preparation of war. Presently, we all are entangled in the mesh of history and cannot escape the consequences of evil past. This crisis is very painful to swallow. However solution for any crisis can be found. Warring parties have to be sincere in their effort for a peaceful solution to this vexed problem and understanding of cease-fire ground rules. It is for the Govt of India to clarify the conflicting ground rules being interpreted by the Chairman CFMG, the Assam Rifles and NSCN (IM) in larger public interest.
Strive for Oneness of Northeast region morungexpress
Union Minister of State for Rural Development Agatha Sangma cuts the ribbon in inaugurating a road under the NREGA at Medzhiphema on Saturday. The Union Minister inaugurated a 7-kilometer stretch of road which was constructed under the 2008-2009 NREGA scheme. (Photo/Caisii Mao)
Dimapur, September 26 (MExN): Union Minister of State for Rural development Agatha Sangma’s maiden visit to Nagaland was definitely what she called “building of a new relationship.” Her presence at the 35th annual social programme of Patkai Christian College followed by a visit to Medziphema village for the inauguration of an agri-link road, ushered in new hope as she repeatedly remarked on oneness of the people of the North East. As chief guest at the autonomous Patkai Christian College, the young Parliamentarian said “We have different languages and cultures but there is something that binds us together.” She was clearly impressed with the traditional Naga songs and dances and remarked on her father PA Sangma’s fondness for Nagaland and her people.
Agatha for building of a new relationship
On a more challenging tone, Sangma said that India today is faced with a crisis of national integration and the challenges for the people of the North East are big. She said “We need people from the North East who have the capacity to change the image of the region,” and thrust the responsibility on the younger generation. Sangma urged students to take their responsibilities more seriously and carry their rich and valued culture forward and never to lose their identity.
Sangma also spoke highly of the institution and said Patkai Christian College is an institution set apart. She gave credit to the founders of the institution for not only capacitating students with intelligence but also giving wisdom and opportunity to their spirituality. Later, inaugurating the agri-link road, Temvükarü, Sangma said that it is very rare for a Union Minister to see first hand the completion of a road under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme. Here also, Sangma expressed familiar characteristics of the topography having striking affinity with her home state.
Sangma further said that before she became an MP, she felt, her responsibility was limited to the Garo Hills but now her outlook has changed and her responsibilities increased. In a span of a year since she became an MP she said “Today I feel very responsible for the north east.” She shared her intentions to bring a positive change in the north east states during her tenure in the parliament. “I believe, we as people with great values and faith must stick to our roots and we are here to work together,” Sangma said.
The Medziphema Village Council, meanwhile, submitted a memorandum to the Union Minister seeking redress to the problem of water scarcity. The Union Minister was accompanied by Lok Sabha MP C M Chang and a host of state legislators, Nationalist Congress Party leaders and bureaucrats.
Author Arundhati Roy on the Human Costs of India’s Economic Growth, the View of Obama from New Delhi, and Escalating US Attacks in Af-Pak
We’re joined from the Indian capital of New Delhi by the Booker Prize-winning novelist, political essayist and global justice activist Arundhati Roy. Her books include the Booker Prize-winning novel The God of Small Things and her latest essay collection, Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers. We speak to Roy about India’s conflict with Maoist rebels, the occupation of Kashmir, ongoing Indian-Pakistani tensions, Obama’s war in “Af-Pak,” and more. [includes rush transcript]
Arundhati Roy, world-renowned Indian author and global justice activist. Her first novel, The God of Small Things, won the Booker Prize in 1997. Since then she has written numerous essays on war, climate change and the dangers of free market development in India. Her new book, published today by Haymarket Books, is called Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers. An adapted introduction to the book is also posted on Tomdispatch.com._
Rush Transcript
This transcript is available free of charge. However, donations help us provide closed captioning for the deaf and hard of hearing on our TV broadcast. Thank you for your generous contribution.
AMY GOODMAN: We turn to a woman the New York Times calls India’s most impassioned critic of globalization and American influence, Arundhati Roy, world-renowned Indian author and global justice activist. Her first novel, The God of Small Things, won the Booker Prize in 1997. She has a new book; it’s called Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers. An adapted introduction to the book is posted at tomdispatch.com, called “What Have We Done to Democracy?” Arundhati Roy joins us now from New Delhi, India, on the country’s biggest national holiday of the year.
Arundhati, we welcome you to Democracy Now! And as you listen to this report from the streets of G-20 by our producer Steve Martinez, talk about globalization and what has happened to democracy.
ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, that’s a huge subject, Amy. And I think my book—in my book, I discuss it in some detail in terms of what’s happening to India. But as we know now, because of the way the global economy is linked, countries are not—you know, the political systems in countries are also linked, so democracies are linked to dictatorships and military occupations and so on. We know that. We now that some of the main military occupations in the world today are actually administered by democracies: Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Kashmir.
But what I think is beginning to be very clear now is that we see now that democracy is sort of fused to the free market, or to the idea of the free market. And so, its imagination has been limited to the idea of profit. And democracy, a few years ago, maybe, you know, even twenty-five years ago, was something that, let’s say, a country like America feared, which was why democracies were being toppled all over the place, like in Chile and so on. But now wars are being waged to restore—to place democracy, because democracy serves the free market, and each of the institutions in democracy, like you look at India, you know, whether it’s the Supreme—whether it’s the courts or whether it’s the media or whether it’s all the other institutions of democracy, they’ve been sort of hollowed out, and just their shells have been replaced, and we play out this charade. And it’s much more complicated for people to understand what’s going on, because there’s so much shadow play.
But really we are facing a crisis. And that’s what I ask. You know, is there life after democracy? And what kind of life will it be? Because democracy has been hollowed out and made meaningless. And when I say “democracy,” I’m not talking about the ideal. You know, I’m not saying that countries that live in dictatorships and under military occupation should not fight for democracy, because the early years of democracy are important and heady. And then we see a strange metastasis taking over.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to Arundhati Roy. She’s joining us from New Delhi, India, the world-renowned author, global justice activist. Her book The God of Small Things won the Booker Prize, well known all over the world. Now she has written a new book. Today we will talk about it for the first time in the United States in a national broadcast, Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers. We’ll be back with her for the rest of the hour in a minute.
AMY GOODMAN: We continue with Arundhati Roy, speaking to us from New Delhi, India, talking about India, war and globalization. I’m here with co-host Anjali Kamat. Anjali?
ANJALI KAMAT: The Indian and Pakistani foreign ministers met in New York Sunday on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly meeting but failed to agree on a timetable for negotiations. Talks continue to be stalled by the fallout of the November 2008 attack on Mumbai that killed 163 people. India blames Pakistani militants for the attack and has emphasized the need for Pakistan to prosecute those responsible. The Indian Foreign Minister S.M. Krishna told reporters he raised these concerns with his Pakistani counterpart Shah Mehmood Qureshi.
S.M. KRISHNA: As you are aware, we do have serious and continuing concerns about terrorist and extremist groups in Pakistan, which are—which are a national security risk for us and for our people. Foreign Minister Qureshi conveyed to me the seriousness of his government in bringing to book, through their legal process, those responsible for the terrorist outrage in Mumbai ten months ago.
ANJALI KAMAT: Meanwhile, inside India, the focus has shifted to a different adversary. The stage is set for a major domestic military offensive against an armed group that the Indian prime minister has repeatedly called the country’s, quote, “gravest internal security threat.”
Operation Green Hunt will reportedly send between 75,000 and 100,000 troops to areas seen as Maoist strongholds in central and eastern India. In June, India labeled the Naxalite group, the Communist Party of India—Maoist—a terrorist organization, and earlier this month India’s home minister came to the United States to share counterterror strategies.
The Indian government blames the deaths of nearly 600 people this year on Maoist violence and claims that Maoist rebels are active in twenty out of the twenty-eight states in the country. The Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh outlined the threat to a conference of state police chiefs earlier this month.
PRIME MINISTER MANMOHAN SINGH: In many ways, the left-wing extremism poses perhaps the gravest internal security threat our country faces. We have discussed this in the last five years. And I would like to state, frankly, that we have not achieved as much success as we would have liked in containing this menace.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, to help make sense of what’s unfolding inside the world’s largest democracy, we continue with the Booker Prize award-winning novelist, political essayist, global justice activist Arundhati Roy. She won the Lannan Cultural Freedom Prize in 2002. She’s the author of a number of collection of essays and the novel The God of Small Things. Her latest book is called Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers.
Can you make sense, Arundhati, of what is happening inside India for an audience around the world?
ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, let me just pick up on what Anjali was talking about just now, about the assault that’s planned on the so-called Maoists in central India. You know, when September 11th happened, I think some of us had already said that a time would come when poverty would be sort of collapsed and converge into terrorism. And this is exactly what’s happened. The poorest people in this country today are being called terrorists.
And what you have is a huge swath of forest in eastern and central India, spreading from West Bengal through the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and Chhattisgarh. And in these forests live indigenous people. And also in these forests are the biggest deposits of bauxite and iron ore and so on, which huge multinational companies now want to get their hands on. So there’s an MoU [Memorandum of Understanding] on every mountain, on every forest and river in this area.
And about in 2005, let’s say, in central India, the day after the MoU was signed with the biggest sort of corporation in India, Tatas, the government also announced the formation of the Salwa Judum, which is a sort of people’s militia, which is armed and is meant to fight the Maoists in the forest. But the thing is, all this, the Salwa Judum as well as the Maoists, they’re all indigenous people. And in, let’s say, Chhattisgarh, something like the Salwa Judum has been a very cruel militia, you know, burning villages, raping women, burning food crops. I was there recently. Something like 640 villages have been burned. Out of the 350,000, first about 50,000 people moved into roadside police camps, from where this militia was raised by the government. And the rest are simply missing. You know, some are living in cities, you know, eking out a living. Others are just hiding in the forest, coming out, trying to sow their crops, and yet getting, you know, those crops burnt down, their villages burnt down. So there is a sort of civil war raging.
And now, I remember traveling in Orissa a few years ago, when there were not any Maoists, but there were huge sort of mining companies coming in to mine the bauxite. And yet, they kept—all the newspapers kept saying the Maoists are here, the Maoists are here, because it was a way of allowing the government to do a kind of military-style repression. Of course, now they’re openly saying that they want to call out the paramilitary.
And if you look at—for example, if you look at the trajectory of somebody like Chidambaram, who’s India’s home minister, he—you know, he’s a lawyer from Harvard. He was the lawyer for Enron, which pulled off the biggest scam in the history of—corporate scam in the history of India. We’re still suffering from that deal. After that, he was on the board of governors of what is today the biggest mining corporation in the world, called Vedanta, which is mining in Orissa. The day he became finance minister, he resigned from Vedanta. When he was the finance minister, in an interview he said that he would like 85 percent of India to live in cities, which means moving something like 500 million people. That’s the kind of vision that he has.
And now he’s the home minister, calling out the paramilitary, calling out the police, and really forcibly trying to move people out of their lands and homes. And anyone who resisted, whether they’re a Maoist or not a Maoist, are being labeled Maoist. People are being picked up, tortured. There are some laws that have been passed which should not exist in any democracy, laws which make somebody like me saying what I’m saying now to you a criminal offense, for which I could just be jailed. Even sort of thinking an anti-government thought has become illegal. And we’re talking about, you know, as you said, 75,000 to 100,000 security personnel going to war against people who, since independence, which was more than sixty years ago, have no schools, no hospitals, no running water, nothing. And now, now they’re being—now they’re being killed or imprisoned or just criminalized. You know, it’s like if you’re not in the Salwa Judum camp, then you’re a Maoist, and we can kill you. And they are openly celebrating the Sri Lanka solution to terrorism, to terrorism.
ANJALI KAMAT: Arundhati Roy, can you explain a little bit more about how India has so successfully hidden this side of it, this underbelly of democracy that you bring out in your book—murder, disappearances, torture, rapes, thousands—millions of people displaced, whether it’s for development projects or in the process of fighting wars, tens of thousands disappeared in Kashmir, the insurgency that’s being fought, the military that’s fighting the insurgency in the northeast? How is India, on a global stage, continues to be seen as this successful democracy, a place where investors are flooding to?
ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, precisely because it is a democracy for some of its citizens, you know? And so, in a way, it has—this whole system has somehow created an elite that is now suddenly enriched in the last, you know, twenty years since the advent of the corporate free market. We have a huge middle class that is hugely invested in this sort of a police—or, you know, a police state that isn’t acknowledged as one. So you have—it’s not just a small sort of coterie of generals, like in Burma, or a kind of military dictatorship that’s supported by the US in America. You have a huge constituency in this country that completely supports this whole enterprise, and you have a free media where 90 percent of the turnover of those media houses comes from corporate advertisements and so on. So they’re also free, but free to also embrace this particular model, in which, you know, a small section of people—well, not a small section; there are millions and millions of people, but they are not the majority of the people of this country. The light shines upon this rising middle class, which is, as I said, such a huge number that it’s a very, very attractive market for the whole world.
So, when India opens its markets, you know, because it has opened its markets, and because it’s—you know, international finance is flooding in, and all of that is so attractive, it is allowed to commit genocide in Gujarat; it’s allowed to commit civil war in the center; it’s allowed to have a military occupation in Kashmir, where you have 700,000 soldiers, you know, patrolling that little valley; it’s allowed to have laws like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act in the northeast, which allows the army to just kill on suspicion. And yet, it’s celebrated. It’s allowed to displace millions of people, but yet it’s celebrated as this real success story, because it has all these institutions in place, even though they’ve been hollowed out.
So you have, for example, a Supreme Court in which there are very erudite judges, and there are some very erudite judgments, but if you look at how it’s actually functioning, it has hollowed out. To criticize the court is a criminal offense. And yet, you have judgments where a judge openly says something like—you know, that—I’ve forgotten the exact words, but how corporate—you know, a corporate company cannot basically commit anything illegal, cannot commit an illegal act, you know? Or you have a judge in court openly talking about, let’s say, Vedanta, which is mining in Orissa for bauxite. And the Norwegian government had pulled out of that project because of the human rights violations and so on; and, you know, for a whole lot of ethical reasons, they pulled out. And in India, you know, the company was taken to court, and a judge openly, in an open court, says that, “OK, we won’t give this contract to Vedanta. We’ll give it to Sterlite, because Sterlite is a very good company. I have shares in it,” omitting to mention that Sterlite is a subsidiary of Vedanta.
You know, but there’s so much fancy footwork. If it was a military dictator, they have would have just said, “Shut up” and “Vedanta will get the project.” But here, there are affidavits and counter-affidavits and a little bit of delay and everything; everyone thinks it’s democracy. You know, you have the Supreme Court hearing on, let’s say, the Parliament attack, where openly the Supreme Court of the world’s greatest democracy says, you know, on the one hand, “We don’t have evidence to prove that the person who was charged is—belongs to a terrorist group,” and a few paras later says, “but the collective conscience of society will only be satisfied if we sentence him to death.” And it’s just said so, blatantly, out there, you know? And you can’t criticize it, because it’s a criminal offense.
AMY GOODMAN: Arundhati Roy, talk about Kashmir. I think it’s something, certainly here in the United States, a conflict people understand very little.
ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, Kashmir—Kashmir was an independent sort of kingdom in 1947 at the time of independence and partition. And when—I mean, just to cut a very complicated story short, when partition happened, both India and Pakistan fought over it and hived off parts of it, and both now have military presence in this divided Kashmir. But to give you some idea of the military presence, it’s—you know, let’s say the US has 165,000 troops in Iraq. India has 700,000 troops in Kashmir.
Kashmir used to have a Hindu king and a largely Muslim population, which was very, very backward and so on at the time, because at the time, you know, Muslims were discriminated against by that princely—in that princely state.
But now, for—I mean, in 1990, after a whole series of events, which culminated in a sort of fake election, a rigged election in 1987, there was an armed uprising in Kashmir. And really, since then, it’s been convulsed by militancy and military occupation, encounters, disappearances and so on. Last year, there was a—you know, last year, they began to say everything is normal, you know, tourists are going back to the valley. But, of course, that was just wishful thinking, because there was a huge nonviolent uprising in which hundreds of thousands of people, you know, flocked the streets, day and night, demanding independence. It was put down with military force.
And now, once again, you have a situation where you can hardly walk from, you know, twenty meters without someone with an AK-47 in your face. Sometimes in places like Srinagar, which is the capital, it’s well hidden. But it’s a place where every action, every breath that people, you know, breathe in and breathe out, is kind of controlled by military force. And this is how—you know, people are just being asphyxiated; they cannot breathe.
And, of course, there’s a huge publicity machine. You know, I mean, I’d say that the only difference between what’s happening in Palestine and Kashmir is that, so far, India has not used air power on the people of Kashmir, as they are threatening to do, by the way, in Chhattisgarh, you know, to its own poorest. It has not—you know, the people, technically, they are able to move around, unlike the people of Gaza and the West Bank. Kashmiris are able to move around in the rest of India, though it isn’t really safe, because their young get picked up and disappeared and tortured and so on. So, you know, it’s not something that they easily will do. And there has not been this kind of system of settlements, you know, where you’re trying to sort of take over by pushing in people from the mainland. So, other than those three, I think we’re talking about an outright occupation.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re speaking with the great writer Arundhati Roy, social justice activist. She’s speaking to us from New Delhi, India. When we come back, we’ll talk about India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the view of President Obama from India. This is Democracy Now! Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We continue with our exclusive global broadcast with Arundhati Roy in New Delhi, India, the world-renowned author, social justice activist. Her first book, The God of Small Things, translated all over the world, won the Booker Prize in 1997. Her new book, just out: Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers.
I’m Amy Goodman with Anjali Kamat. Anjali?
ANJALI KAMAT: Arundhati, years ago, under the Bush administration, you called yourself a “subject of empire.” Today, can you talk about what Obama’s America looks like from India, from New Delhi, as the Obama administration expands the war from Afghanistan into Pakistan?
ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, I think, you know, when people would ask me what I thought of Obama, I said I hope that he would land the American empire gently, like the pilot who landed the—who crash-landed the plane in the Hudson.
Yes, he’s expanding the war in Afghanistan. I think, basically, people, including Obama, just don’t know what to do in Afghanistan, and expanding the war is certainly not going to end that war or create any kind of just peace in that region. It’s, in fact, going to exacerbate the situation, draw Pakistan into it, and when Pakistan is drawn into it, so will India, and so on. So it goes.
I think, you know, the real change that has taken place in the last, you know, ten years is also the rise of India and China as kind of imperial powers, you know, playing out their games in Africa and also in parts of Latin America. So it’s a very—and, of course, the rise of Russia.
So, I think the situation in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kashmir is very volatile. And, of course, let’s not forget that these are nuclear powers, even though a scientist recently has announced that India’s nuclear tests were a damp squib and that they were not successful, but I don’t know what that’s about and why he’s coming out with it now.
But I think we are headed for a lot of chaos. And in India, you know, as I said, while the situation in Kashmir—even now, as I speak in the studio, there’s news coming in of what they call “encounter killings,” you know, almost a few every day. So, obviously, given that nonviolent protest has been put down violently, things are going to go back to a previous era of some kind of militant violence there. And, you know, the heart of India being sort of hollowed out by this civil war and this assault on its poor.
I really don’t know what to say or what to expect, except to say that this kind of pressure can never result in an orderly submission, even if people wanted to submit. What’s going to happen and what is happening is that unpredictable kinds of battles and chaos is erupting all over the place, and, you know, the government is constantly firefighting and trying to douse those flames.
But out of this chaos, something new has to come, and will come, because it cannot go on like this. And I don’t know whether that thing will be worse or will be better, but it can’t go on like this. You know, the kind of polythene bag over our heads has to burst open at some point. You know, we have to be allowed to breathe. And this kind of surveillance and drone attacks and all this that’s being planned is not going to be able to hold down millions of people who are just getting impoverished and hungry and homeless.
ANJALI KAMAT: Arundhati, can you talk about the state of the media in India? You talk about the different institutions of democracy. How would you assess the Indian media, and what is its role in this landscape?
ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, if I had to talk about the—you know, I mean, the mainstream sort of corporate media, and if I were to have to make a kind of crude statement, I’d say that the mainstream media right now here is not a little to the right of Fox News. You know, that’s what’s going on here. There’s a kind of nationalist howl that I find pretty terrifying. Having said that, I think that, you know, now all we’re left with is to try and find some sane sort of bubbles within that. And there are those.
And, of course, the fact that India is a country where—I mean, forget the media; people don’t—you know, people don’t have access to water and food and basic healthcare. The kind of reach and that mesmeric spell that the media casts in, you know, developed countries, the media can’t in India. In fact, I was actually—you know, when I was in this place, Chhattisgarh, Dantewada, where the war is unfolding, a senior policeman told me, “You know, Arundhati, as a policeman, I can tell you that the police are not going to be able to solve the problem of these indigenous, you know, these Adivasi people”—“Adivasi” is the word for tribal people—“and I have told the government that the problem with these people is that they don’t have any greed. So, the way to solve the problem is to put a TV in every house. Then we’ll be able to win this war.”
So, you know, you have a situation where more and more people are just outside the barcode. You know, they are what you would call “illegible.” And we have a very, very serious situation here, where now they are planning, you know, once again, to make a—what do you call it—a electronic ID card. Of course, once again, to people who don’t have water, who don’t have electricity, who don’t have schools, but they will have ID cards, and people who don’t have ID cards are not going to exist.
But, sorry, I moved away from your question, which was a question about the media. I fear the media greatly here. You know, sometimes, like you see after the attacks in Mumbai, the government was more mature than the media. The media was spoiling for war. It was really—you know, the media and the elite and the urban middle class were spoiling for war. They were just pushing for a war with Pakistan. And so, I’d say highly irresponsible, with very little basis in fact. And a lot of my book is really a response to how the media has behaved over the last few years on very, very crucial issues. And it’s very troubling to live in a place where the media has actually no accountability.
ANJALI KAMAT: Arundhati, can you talk a little bit about encounter deaths? You mentioned this a little earlier in the program. What are police encounters, fake encounters? This is something that’s quite common in India. But can you explain to our audience what you mean by “encounter deaths”?
ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, what happens now is that, you know, one of the ways in which people—the police and the security establishment deals with, you know, dissent, resistance and terrorism, or what they call terrorism, is to just deliver summary justice: kill people and say, oh, they were killed in an encounter, in cross-firing, or so on, and so on. So, in places like Kashmir and in the northeast, in Manipur and Nagaland, it’s an old tradition. In places like Andhra Pradesh, they had, you know, many, many hundreds of encounter deaths.
And, in fact, recently, there was a photo essay of an encounter death in Manipur, where the, you know, security grid just—security forces just surrounded this young boy. And it was a photo essay, you know. He was unarmed. He was a former militant, I think, who had laid down his arms, and he was in the market. And you just saw a policeman pulling out his gun, shooting him, and then they said, oh, he was killed in crossfire, you know.
So, it’s a very—you have people—we have cops here who are given medals for being encounter specialists. You know, so the more people they’ve killed, the more medals they’ll get. And in places like Kashmir, they actually get promotions. So, in fact, it’s something to be proud of, an encounter killing, for, you know, both the army as well as the police and the counterinsurgency forces.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to Arundhati Roy. She’s speaking to us from New Delhi, India. She has just published a new book called Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers. Arundhati, why “listening to grasshoppers”?
ARUNDHATI ROY: Oh, it was the name of a lecture that I did in Turkey last year on the anniversary after the death of Hrant Dink, the Armenian journalist who was shot outside his office for daring to talk about the Armenian genocide of 1915, which you’re not supposed to talk about in Turkey. And my lecture was really about the historical links between progress and genocide.
And “listening to grasshoppers” was—referred to the testimony an old lady called Araxie Barsamian, who’s the friend—mother of my friend David Barsamian, who is Armenian and who talked about how, you know, the wheat had ripened in her village in 1915, and suddenly there was this huge swarm of grasshoppers that arrived. And the village elders were very worried about this and said it was a bad omen. And they were right, because a few months later, when the wheat had ripened, the Turks came, and that was the beginning of the Armenian genocide for her.
And so, I talk about—the whole lecture was really about how societies are prepared for genocide and how genocide is, you know, it’s like part of free trade, and how, you know, genocides that are acknowledged, and denied, and prosecuted, all have to—all depend on world trade, and always have done, and about how I worry that a country like India, that is poised on the threshold of progress, could also be poised on the threshold of genocide.
And that essay was written in January of last year. And now, as you see, the troops are closing in on the forest areas where the poorest people live. And they will be sacrificed at the altar of progress, unless we manage to show the world that we have to find a different way of seeing and a different way of going about things.
But here in India, there’s the smell of fascism in the air. Earlier, it was a kind of an anti-Muslim, religious fascism. Now we have a secular government, and it’s a kind of right-wing ruthlessness, where people openly say, you know, every country that has progressed and is developed, whether you look at Europe or America or China or Russia, they have a quote-unquote “past,” you know, they have a cruel past, and it’s time that India stepped up to the plate and realized that there are some people that are holding back this kind of progress and that we need to be ruthless and move in, as Israel did recently in Gaza, as Sri Lanka has recently done with its hundreds of thousands of Tamils in concentration camps. So why not India? You know? Why not just do away with the poor so that we can be a proper superpower, instead of a super-poor superpower?
AMY GOODMAN: Arundhati Roy, we just have less than a minute. What gives you hope?
ARUNDHATI ROY: What gives me hope is the fact that this way of thinking is being resisted in a myriad ways in India, you know, from the poorest person in a loincloth in the forest saying, “We’re going to fight,” right up to me, who’s at the other end, you know. And all of us are joined together by the determination that, even if we lose, we’re going to fight, you know? And we’re not going to just let this happen without doing everything we can to stop it. And that gives me a tremendous amount of hope.
AMY GOODMAN: Arundhati Roy, we thank you very much for being with us from, well, not far from your home, in New Delhi, India, in this international global exclusive broadcast on the publication of your book, Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers, published by Haymarket Books.
‘India is military state’ morungexpress
Dimapur, September 25 (MExN): The Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights today said India is a military regime and its interests are based on military interests. The NMPHR today issued a statement through its secretary general N Venuh. The statement implied that the “peace process period” is being used to strengthen the military apparatus and there is “upsurge” in its military build-up.
“To the Nagas, the Government of India is but a military regime. Though India continues to falsely pride itself to be a democratic state yet every iota of its decisions is based on its military interests. The ‘peace process’ period is witnessing an upsurge in its military build-up,” the NPMHR stated today.
The organization said constant patrolling in the Naga homeland by the Indian military speaks the “ill intent of the Government of India.” The NPMHR queried: “Does the ‘world’s largest democracy’ have no other ‘peaceful agenda’ in its approach to resolve the Indo-Naga political impasse? India’s inhuman infatuation with the Nagas could be its Achilles’ Heel.
It is politically imperative that the government of India come to the altar of political truth, human dignity and honorable existence should it believe in democratic values and peaceful co-existence.”
The organization said the use of military forces “outside of the mainstream military control and discipline,” together with deployment of prejudiced minds has compounded the problems of the Naga people. India does not hesitate to dispatch more forces to “contain and control” what the NMPHR statement called as “Naga nationalists.”
“To meet its end, the military employs all forms of torture. Their very presence in the Naga homeland itself is a violation of human rights. Their presence retards the people from developing their mental faculties to the fullest,” it added.
Colours & weaves of Nagaland spell charm morungexpress Imcha Imchen
mcha Imchen’s collection adorns traditional touch Each piece of the Naga attire is an expression of the Naga philosophy of life. And like any tribe of the world, the Naga way of storytelling is through the music, the language of symbols and the interpretation of colors. Emerging designer Imcha Imchen on day four at the Lakme Fashion Week made a successful attempt in translating the influences of his tribal roots into contemporary pieces of clothing. Nothing could have been more perfect from the arrangement of the garments and accessories to the music.
The mood for the collection was inspired by a song “How many stories do you read on my face” by New York based Naga musician and songwriter Senti Toy. It was very evident by the songs that were played during the show, which left the audience spellbound by the lyrics of the music.
“Kohima when am far away
I can smell the mountains
and feel the air
I see a rainbow over Japfu
And who knows why it makes me cry silently…
But Kohima was that a gunshot
Do I see bloodstains in my land…
… How many stories do you read on my face
How many times has the sun risen and set
Do you know when the river has run dry
… Each line of remark silence taken
Eyes dare not speak
That have forgotten how to smile…”
The silhouettes for the collection were inspired from the drapes of the mekhela (sarong), the loin and the sash used by the various tribes of the Nagas. The armlet and the leggings were also translated in the collection. The collection saw the use of hand woven fabrics and organic cotton woven from Nagaland. Stoles woven and dyed in traditional Naga indigo, with fabrics block printed in vegetable dyes in tribal motifs. Use of raw Silk, Mul, Cotton Satin, fine Linen and Chanderi endowed a natural undertone coherent to the tribal inspiration.
“To me, the collection was more than creating business. I truly want to promote the craft sector and reviving the traditional dying methods of the state. There are so much the people and the Government can do to tap the resources. Several buyers who valued my garments have agreed to retail my new collection. But if anyone from our region gets inspired, then I consider my job well done.” said the designer. “I am thankful to my family and friends for supporting me. I am also thankful to Senti Toy for giving me permission to use her music and Dick Kondas, the producer who personally mixed the music just for the show at the John Kilgore Sound & Recording Studios, New York. I feel honored,” Imcha added.
Common forum for reviving Ahom-Naga ties Bonnie Konyak Morung
Naginimora | September 23 : Against the backdrop of the recent Assam-Nagaland border tensions, a joint meeting was held at Naginimora (Nagaland) between the Tai-Ahom organization of Assam and the Konyak Union, Naginimora unit under the chairmanship of Woklang Konyak, KU president, Naginimora unit. Many speakers from Nagaland and Assam expressed their views on upholding the age-old cordial relationship between the Tai-Ahoms and the Konyak Nagas, stated a press note issued by the two sides and signed by Dr HK Gogoi and Woklang Konyak. It was proposed to form an Ahom-Naga Friendship Mission to build up and revive mutual friendship, brotherhood and faithful relationship between the Ahoms and the Nagas. The mission will also help safeguard social, cultural, economic and political interests of Ahoms and Nagas besides undertaking cultural and language exchange programmes and undertaking research into Tai-Ahom-Naga history.
The meeting expressed deep concern and condemned the recent untoward incidents in the Assam-Nagaland border at Bihubor, which they opined was created in the interest of some ill-motivated businessmen and Media. The Tai-Ahom delegates in their formal address declared that “we never believe in border disputes with the Nagas” with whom they had co-existed for more than 800 years. Nathujya Rajkonwar, speaking on behalf of the Ahom delegation related to the long and enduring history between the two communities despite the setbacks brought about by the colonial rule and the post colonial disturbances of mainland politics. He went on to add that with both international and internal politics transforming the region into an undeclared war zone, it was high time for the Ahoms to work with their Naga counterpart.
Former minister of Nagaland P. Enyei Konyak who also attended the meeting said that when Nagaland was carved out of Assam and given Statehood, there had been no proper boundary demarcation. He urged both sides to ensure de-escalation of tensions. He also suggested that disputes should be resolved through customary practices instead of taking the matter to Delhi. “Let us not leave it to Delhi to divide us,” Enyei said.
Meanwhile, both sides also expressed unhappiness at the bias and sensational reporting in the Media. About 22 members of the Tai-Ahom delegation who attended the meeting was led by Chao Kamola Rajkonwar, secretary general of the Ahom Royal Society and Dr Hemanta Kumar Gogoi, general secretary of Tai-Ahom National Council. Some of those from the Konyak side who attended the meeting included Angh of Palong Morung, Angh of Wakching, Angh of Kongan village, former minister Enyei Konyak and members of the Naginimora Town Council and other village leaders.
New outfit keeping militancy alive in NC Hills? Rahul Karmakar, Hindustan Times
Guwahati, There’s no business like extortion-driven militancy in the Northeast. The reported birth of a new outfit in the North Cachar Hills district of Assam, coinciding with the process of surrender of a dreaded tribal outfit, makes this apparent.
Earlier this month, 373 of some 450 members of Dima Halam Daogah (Jewel) outfit deposited their weapons and moved to designated camps. It raised hopes of peace returning to ethnically volatile NC Hills, but the reported emergence of another tribal outfit – Halam National Liberation Front (HNLF) – has somewhat dented the peace process.
The DHD (J) is partial to the Dimasas, the largest of 12 major ethnic groups in NC Hills. The HNLF represents the Hrangkhols, who number some 4,000 in and around district headquarters Haflong.
According to Intelligence officials, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) has been propping up HNLF as a bulwark against the DHD (J) and its parent group DHD (Nunisa), which had surrendered a few years back.
Both DHD factions are opposed to the Naga militants’ presence in NC Hills and their perception of a Dimasa homeland includes parts of Nagaland. The NSCN (I-M), on the other hand, wants a large chunk of NC Hills to be included in its map of Greater Nagaland.
“The NSCN (I-M) had inducted 21 Hrankhol youths and trained them in its Hebron Camp near Dimapur (in Nagaland) to ensure a share of the extortion and arms dealing market in NC Hills,” reports quoting Special Branch and a former Assam police chief said.
However, NC Hills superintendent of police Anurag Tankha said he was not in the know of any new outfit floated by the Hrangkhols. “We would certainly be looking into these reports,” he told Hindustan Times from Haflong.
Johnny Paithong, spokesman of an apex body of Hrangkhols, too denied NSCN (I-M) links with youths of the community. “The Hrangkhols are a peaceful community, but at the same time we are committed to protecting our interests,” he said.
Non-Dimasas, notably, have been at the receiving end in NC Hills since 2003. For several months that year, Dimasas clashed with Hmars in certain pockets. Attacks and counter-attacks by Dimasa and Karbi militants on villages of each other’s communities followed. The latest ethnic violence – between March and August this year – saw the Dimasas and Zeme Nagas pitted against each other, claiming over 50 lives.
NSCN (IM) observes ‘Agony Day’ morungexpress
Dimapur, September 28 (MExN): Speaking on the occasion of the 29th Agony Day, Qhevihe Chishi Swu, Convener Steering Committee NSCN has stated that Agony Day is not strictly for the martyrs of 27th September, 1980 only but it is “collectively meant as a day of homage to all those who have sacrificed in the course of our struggle for freedom”. It was also pointed out that thousands of innocent civilians were killed under adverse circumstances by India, Myanmar and their mercenaries either directly or through proxy wars. “In fact, it encompasses the entire recorded almost 300,000 (Three hundred thousands) Nagas killed as a result of resisting the force-occupation of Nagalim”.
Recalling the selfless services rendered for the nation, even at the cost of their lives, by the national heroes, the Convener paid his homage to those who died 29 years ago on this day, the 27th September, 1980. According to the Convener Steering Committee, the Operation Command Headquarters of the NSCN at Langnok village in Khiamniungan region was attacked by the joint-forces of Indian VGs (Village Guards) and the Shillong Accordists with the intension “to nib in the bud, the growing force of then the infant NSCN”. In all, 73 NSCN patriots died, with 34 on the spot and a good number injured, informed the Convener while adding that among the casualties included were Mr. Khasui Longvah, Chaplee Kilonser, Brig. Thungbo, the then Chief of the Army, Lt. Col. Ningwon (Newin), and General Staff Officer (GSO), Maj. Shongshan Koyak, Capt. Shangam and many others. “To this day, the loss is irreparable for the nation. Hence, this black day is observed every year as Agony Day”.
Acknowledging the sacrifices made for one’s country and friends, the Convener stated that they had done all that needs to be done for their dearest motherland. “Their bones lie scattered and their blood watered the woodlands. For the sake of their country they even sacrificed their graves too. Many patriots do not have grave, but Naga Nation will always remember them as National Heroes in the days to come”. While stating that the tasks have been left unfinished, the Convener called for a time of re-dedication and decision to “carry forward what we have chosen and assigned for” and “to complete the unfinished tasks, thousands of her sons and daughter are in line”. The Convener also paid tribute to all the family members of the martyrs for dedicating their dear ones for the nation assuring that their service to the nation will be treasured.
Frans on 09.29.09 @ 04:12 PM CST [link]
