‘Engage peaceful transformation effort’ morungexpress
‘Engage peaceful transformation effort’ morungexpress
N. Theyo (in black coat) during his address at the thanksgiving service in remembrance of September 6, 1964 ceasefire day in Kohima on Saturday. (Morung Photos) Our Correspondent
Kohima Nagaland Peace Centre chairman N Theyo today urged members of the centre to engage in the work of peaceful transformation in Nagaland. “We should also pay rich tribute to the peace-makers and church leaders who worked selflessly for peace in Nagaland and also the leaders of the federal government for their efforts to find out political solution by holding dialogues with the Government of India”, said Theyo during the occasion of the 44th Ceasefire Anniversary in commemoration of Peace Day here this morning at the NPC office premises.
He said the ‘peace day’ provides an opportunity for Nagas and Indian leaders to meet and interact for a political solution. Though the final solution has yet to be, the ceasefire paved way for Naga leaders to come closer for better understanding, he said. “Every member should tell his friends and relatives to understand and cherish peace day,” he said adding that “as a peace-maker it is our responsibility to preach peace efforts shouldered by all our members.”
“On this day peace was restored to our land in the year 1964. Prior to this there was violence and bloodshed. Naga people were at war with the Government of India for a period of ten years from 1954 to 1964. Naga people suffered untold hardships and misery during this period. Their houses and granaries were burnt. They have to spent sleepless nights in the jungle. The situation was horrifying and full of destruction. But on September 6, 1964, an epoch-making event took place in the history of Nagaland. The suspension of hostilities was agreed upon on this day. The day ushered in an era of peace and understanding” Theyo said.
According to him Nagaland tasted the ‘fruits of peace’ after decade-long hostility and conflict. After the ceasefire, they stopped fighting and an ‘atmosphere of peace’ prevailed in Nagaland, due to which underground Nagas came out from their jungle hide-outs and got an opportunity to meet their family members in villages and towns.
During the peace process, he said, underground groups killed their own men also approached the victim’s family and ‘their sense of forgiveness led to reconciliation between the aggrieved family members and the perpetrators’, Theyo said. “As a result of such sense of forgiveness, they came together and lived together in one village. This kind of good gesture was possible due to ceasefire in 1964” he asserted.
Theyo also said that the leaders of Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) like late Rev. Longri Ao and late Kenneth Kerhuo and many others who initiated peace efforts in the Nagaland Baptist Convention in Wokha from January 31 to February 2, 1964, offered prayers and fasting for the proposed peace mission of ceasefire. The NBCC made a historic resolution welcoming the proposed ‘peace talks’ and to recommend a peace mission consisting of late. Jayapraksh Narayan, late Shandar Deva, late. Bimala Prasad Chaliha and late. Rev. Michael Scott to bring the underground leadership to the conference table for discussion, to restore normalcy and to find a permanent solution to the political problem. Church leaders also did their part after fasting and prayer and the Government of India, agreed to have political engagement with the Naga people. Thus the historic ‘peace mission’ was formed, he said.
“It was a great task. But the untiring efforts of the peace mission actively supported by church leaders, headed by the late. Rev. Longri Ao and the patronage of the state government and the Government of India, finally resulted in an agreement to suspend hostilities signed by the then Governor, late Vishnu Sahay, on behalf of the Government of India and the members of the peace mission and late Zashei Huire, Biseto Medom and Zhenito on behalf of the underground on 6th September 1964” Theyo said.
The declaration of “suspension of hostilities’ was followed by a series of peace-talks between the members of the peace mission and the underground leaders, he said.
“They had dialogues and the level of talk was raised to the highest level between the Prime Minister of India late Indira Gandhi and the underground leaders. Although peace talks for political solution was not successful, the spirit of peace is still alive which led to another peace agreement between the Government of India and NSCN (IM) in 1997 and NSCN (K) in 2001. The peace process continues although it does not speed up,” he said. The NPC in its statement, urged the Government of India to remove hurdles to find early solution to the Naga problem, Theyo said.
According to the NPC chairman “This is evident when prominent Indian personalities such as late Jaya Prakash Narayan and late B.P. Chaliha had purported to have conveyed that “Nagas are a Nation which has a right to determine their own future.”
Theyo also said even the present Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh assured in the public rally at Kohima before the state election 2007 that the centre is willing to go an extra mile on this peace process. “That is why they are here today to observe the 44th Ceasefire Anniversary which is called Peace Day” he explained.
The objective of the peace effort is to make the people understand the importance of peaceful settlement of the Indo-Naga political problem, Theyo explained “But this peace effort never gave pressure to the Naga undergrounds to surrender. Peace mission and peace body never asked underground to surrender” he said.
Earlier, response reading from scripture was led by Lhusi Haralu. Trilokinath Purwar also delivered speech on the occasion while Zhopota Rhakho said thanksgiving prayer.
‘Peace Needs Social Action’
Chedema | September 6
Commemorating the 1964 Indo-Naga Ceasefire day, a thanksgiving service was held here at Chedema Peace Camp today. The service was held under the initiative of the Nagaland Baptist Church Council, with hundreds of NNC members and churches leaders attending the service. Addressing the gathering, Rev. Beilieu Shuya said ‘peace’ is a Christian exertion that needs social action. “This land belongs to the Naga people and it is not God’s will (to) give this land to other people, nation who does not know God. It is the will of God that we survive as a Naga alone” she said.
Reminding of the sacrifices made by early Naga freedom fighters for the cause of the Nagas, Rev. Shuya said that the people should also give special respect to those who died sacrificially for the nation. “Everybody should respect this day. Cease fire brings us all together” she said.
Also speaking on the day was FGN representative, I Temjen LKR. He said ‘cease fire day’ in Nagaland is not just a day to cease fire but to bring about a complete stop to all killings in the state. He appealed to all Naga workers, churches and organizations ‘to love one another, come together and pass down the legacy of peace to the younger generations, for the betterment of Nagaland and Naga people’.
Representative of the village council of Chedema and land-donors while sharing at the service, expressed hope for the existing peace camp to have value, where all Nagas can reap ‘the fruits of their forefathers’. At the service, NBCC chairman, Rev. Kari Longchar said the word of appreciation, and prayer for peace was invoked by Razouvolie Usou, pastor of Chedema Baptist Church. The service, chaired by Rev. C. Lima, was marked by prayers, special music and scriptures. Earlier, a monolith was unveiled by Rev. Yankey Patton to acknowledge the Nagaland Peace Mission, the land donors for the Chedema Peace Camp and the people of Chedema village.
Probe on into e-mail threat to NESO adviser AT
GUWAHATI, Sept 6 – Assam Police has sought the assistance of its Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to help in tracking an e-mail address, purportedly belonging to a militant outfit that has been issuing threats to the life of North East Students’ Organisation (NESO) advisor Artex Shimray. The e-mail, which was sent to the NESO advisor recently, according to police, was sent from Dhaka but the identity of the group or the person has not been confirmed as yet.
High-level police sources in the police department, while confirming about the incident, informed that a team of Assam Police has been asked to work on the case.
However, the sources refused to divulge anything more about the case, saying, “it would be too premature to state any thing as we are combing for specific clues’.
“As the cyber crime cases of Assam Police is looked after by the CID, we have sought their assistance,” the sources pointed out.
Artex Shimray, when contacted, though confirmed receiving the e-mail, however, refused to elaborate further.
The Assam Police sources further pointed out that a list of suspects has been prepared by the department and all the precautionary measures in this connection has been taken to ensure safety.
Asked whether the department has tried to established contacts with the Dhaka police in this regard, the sources divulged that they are going about it in a planned manner and if required the law-enforcing agencies in Bangladesh would be contacted.
It needs mention her that this is not the first instance of e-mail threat in the State. An explosion threat was served to the city-based Vodafone office a few months back by an unidentified person.
'To break a stone, you must use a hammer': Thuingaleng Muivah
The Naga movement has come a long way. The oldest armed struggle in the Subcontinent has not only sustained itself over the course of some six decades, but has also inspired and aided many regional nationalities on the path of insurrection. The modern history of the Nagas is one of both military and human-rights concern. Many lives have been lost; yet even today the movement persists. With an unresolved future, there is currently fear and uncertainty among the civilians impacted upon by the movement, despite the fact that the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) and
Th. Muivah, General Secretary (NSCN)
the Indian government have been conducting talks since the ceasefire of 1997. Thuingaleng Muivah, 73, the general secretary of the NSCN (IM), recently in Delhi, spoke with Kekhrie Yhome to reminisce about his war experiences and current hopes. The interview was conducted in English.
KY: How would you justify choosing to articulate the Nagas’ desire through the language of violence and military action?
TM: The Nagas could understand the danger of being suppressed. To the Nagas, freedom is more important than anything else. Freedom, for the Nagas, means that they themselves would decide their fate. This is the most decisive issue for every nation. When that freedom is given up, the Nagas know that their rights of existence are gone forever. Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian nation, was approached by the Naga leaders in 1947, and he said, “Nagas have every right to be independent.” The Nagas declared their independence on 14 August 1947, one day ahead of India’s declaration of independence. With the demise of Mahatma Gandhi, the policy of the Indian leadership changed. Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence was no longer upheld. When a delegation of the Naga leaders approached Jawaharlal Nehru to settle the Indo-Naga issue, Nehru immediately lashed out, saying, “Even if heaven falls and the whole country goes to pieces and runs red with blood, I will not allow the Nagas to be independent.” At another point, he said, “It will take just a few days for the Indian armed forces to crush the Nagas.” After bitter fighting for 50 years or so, the Indian leadership realised that a military solution was not possible. The issue was political, and they had to seek a peaceful political solution. A ceasefire was declared in August 1997 by both the parties, and the Nagas did not fail to respond to an approach of non-violence.
* Have changes in international politics and globalisation impacted your original ideology?
* The march of history – in terms of de-colonisation, race consciousness and, of course, the Cold War – has in different ways impacted upon people’s thinking and their politics. The emergence of market forces affected the stress on political identity. But one should know that as long as political suppression and economic exploitation exist and continue, revolution can never be ruled out. And, in addition, ideological standing will not fade away. As long as suppression and oppression continue in any human society, military means would be unavoidable.
The Naga army is known for its warfare skills, and the Indian government’s renowned Counter-insurgency Jungle Warfare School (CIJWS), in Mizoram, bases its syllabus on the Naga experience. What makes the Naga a warrior par excellence?
When a fight becomes necessary between a small man and a giant, the small one will have to know that the fight will be very dangerous, given that he is no match for the giant. He must try to find all of the giant’s weak points. First, he should know that close fighting is never to his advantage. He should take the initiative, and let the giant react. In other words, he should never allow the giant to take the initiative. Any fight must be according to his initiative, and then the giant can be reduced to a state of helplessness. Therefore, when and where he has to attack, the small one should never venture to fight without first knowing the weak points and location of the giant. If a section of the Naga army can create a situation that requires a battalion of the Indian Army to cope with it, this is always to the benefit of the Nagas. The Naga armed forces can thus keep their adversaries on the move, and wear them out. In a word, the giant is kept in a state of unrest. The CIJWS in Mizoram has tall claims, but the fact remains that the Nagas and others have not been subdued, even after 60 years. Above all, if guerrillas are able to make clear that their cause is just, and that the adversaries are in the wrong, they will be invincible and the strongest in their own land.
The NSCN continues to attract young people, despite the fact that it doesn’t offer incentives. What is the recruitment process, and what kind of training does a Naga cadet undergo?
The morale of the revolutionary is crucial for the success of the revolution. This is why the taking of new recruits is indispensable. Senior people will no longer be in the forefront. They must be the brain to guide the cadres, but practical difficulties arise over time for the maintenance of their families. The organisation has to see to their difficulties, and in this respect we are a little better off. Recruitment is mostly voluntary, because forcing the unwilling man is not only harmful but counter-productive. It would amount to sending a fear-ridden, unprepared man to fight against the enemy, and it would affect the morale of the other compatriots. But whoever has been recruited must be politically taught of the justness of the war. He must be made spiritually strong, in order to take glory in what it is that he is fighting for. In other words, he must be truly convinced of what he is doing. Of course, the practical tactics of fighting must be learned during battle, in addition to what he has acquired during training. Above all, a freedom fighter must strictly adhere to discipline – moral, physical and spiritual. He must be an altogether self-conscious man.
What is the current strength of the Naga army? What are its preparations in case the ceasefire breaks?
We don’t necessarily count the strength of our movement in terms of our army. To be realistic, we will always have the strength required by the situation. Since the ceasefire is ongoing, we don’t put much stress on recruitment. If the ceasefire breaks down, however, we will be compelled to strengthen ourselves with arms and men. We will understand that India has no more political will to solve the problem.
What about your experience in China, and its influence on the Naga movement? Do you still believe that power flows from the barrel of the gun?
I stayed in China for a fairly long time. During my first trip, between 1967 and 1973, I interacted with members of the Communist Party and the Liberation Army, and with the Chinese people. I also studied the Chinese condition. Everyone realised the failures and mistakes of the past, and they are now sufficiently committed to set right the foundation of the present society. They know when to go forward, and how to retreat when necessary. I saw in them clarity and a full confidence in themselves. Chairman Mao’s words are gospel truth, because the power with which rulers unscrupulously suppress the right of the people must be crushed. If one has to break a stone, he must use hammer; but to cut a cloth, he must use scissors. To the rational, one must be rational. This is the way towards a better society. We run our institutions based on revolutionary principles and the people’s desires – although in many ways there are shortcomings and weaknesses.
How do you view the present situation vis-à-vis the pre-ceasefire years?
Nothing can be taken as a certainty. Yes, we are talking with the government of India. As long as the political problem is approached politically, there is nothing to fear. But when one lacks the will that is required to bring about the solution, it is most unfortunate. It would be as dangerous as taking comfort in an illusion. War will be a continuation of politics by other means.
With many decades of armed struggle, some Nagas have become disillusioned with the NSCN (IM). What is your take on this damage?
The adversaries would do their best to exploit the situation, to stamp out the revolution. But the people do not easily abandon the cause. Both the masses and the revolutionary cadre cannot afford to perish. The only way available to them to survive is to rectify their mistakes and regenerate themselves together as a people. India has left no stone unturned to wipe out the Nagas and the force of their nationalism. The policy they are now resorting to is to wear us out by protracted design. But the Nagas know that their salvation does not lie in India.
Does the NSCN (IM) maintain links with other armed revolutionary groups?
You want to know all our secrets? [Chuckles] Revolutionaries all over the world are naturally inclined to extend solidarity and support to each other, even if there are differences in political aims and objectives. It is no surprise that we help each other in every possible way.
How would you evaluate the NSCN (IM) and the notion of ‘just war’?
Whether in war or peace, every organisation and human being must have ethics, for without ethics human being become worse than animals, which is against the law of creation. It hurts the conscience of society and people. In any war, killing innocent people is totally unjust, the greatest crime against humanity. For example, right from the inception of our resistance movement we have rarely used anti-personnel mines, because innocent people often become victims.
Other than staging a war against the Indian state, how else has your organisation excelled as a people’s revolution?
Mighty India has completely failed to crush the little Nagas, and therein we see the failure of Nehru’s statesmanship – and we don’t wish today’s Indian leadership to repeat the same mistake. Of course, on our side we have also made a lot of mistakes, which have led to serious internal contradictions among our people. But thank god, at every dangerous situation we could lead our people along the correct national line. We are able to stand our ground firmly, and have overcome confusion and uncertainty caused from both within and without. The path to our destiny is clear, and we are confidently working in that direction.
How would you correlate the NSCN (IM)’s ability to garner support for such a long period of fighting?
It was the commitment of the Naga leadership to seek a solution through non-violence, and that is the reason why the Nagas have the highest esteem for Gandhi. But today we see the greatest number of killings in India carried out in the name of democracy. This is a sad thing. When the Indian government decided to seek a solution through peaceful means we readily responded, and not a single Indian soldier has been killed – although Indian armed forces have killed more than 150 NSCN (IM) cadres in the ten years of ceasefire.
Against the background of the US-led ‘war on terror’, how do you see the future of the armed Naga movement?
The government of India called the Nagas ‘terrorists’, despite the fact that the Nagas have not killed a single innocent Indian in 60 years of resistance, unless it was by accident or in crossfire. The term ‘terrorist’ is used by the government and by the press to intentionally discredit the Nagas. However, in early 1999, the government officially declared that the Nagas were not terrorists. In the strict sense, the term ‘terrorist’ implies killing innocent people for absolutely no reason – something that is committed in great numbers by the Indian government. Thus, in reality, the government of India is the terrorist.
Do you view ceasefire as a pre-condition for initiating political dialogue?
If the ceasefire is not honoured – as has been done on several occasions by the government of India, taking sides with traitors openly against us – it would be very unfortunate. It is a surprise to all sensible people to see arrogance and treachery in the Indian government’s policy, particularly in dealing with the Nagas, when the latter are completely committed to finding an amicable solution to this longest of political issues.
After so many years and so many rounds of talks with the Indian government, what are your expectations?
Whether one admits it or not, the outcome of the talks would be crucial in many ways for others, too. We would be careful not to make mistakes. It is not wrong to seek a political solution, as we have been doing. But we should not be misunderstood when we say that an acceptable solution is still not in the offing. We are very clear that we will be steadfast in standing our ground, and work towards a solution which is honourable and acceptable to both entities.
Angami Nagas call for boycott against those indulging in factional killings ANI
Kohima, Sept 5 (ANI): Coming out strongly against factional killings, the Angami Naga have called upon to boycott and expel any member who is found indulging in violence or supporting or sheltering Naga militant factions.
The decision taken during the conference of Gaon Bora (GB) or of the elders of Naga tribes here recently was unanimously accepted by all.
It was a landmark decision that came to be widely reported all across Nagaland.
The meeting of the Angami elders was similar to their earlier conferences, but its outcome was unusual, something for which everybody in the state had been praying for decades.
"Peace should envelop not just in Kohima, but the whole of Nagaland. We GBs and DBs are working flat out for the cause of peace till today. Ministers should also work assisted by the GBs and DBs. So our GBs should bring peace and stop bloodshed at all costs," said Visakuolie, Head, GB, Kohima.
The decision is supported by the people in the state who consider violence a major hindrance in the path of progress and establishment of permanent peace in Nagaland."We the Gaon Boras are working for peace in our state. We are not involved with any faction. Since bloodshed is continuing in our state, our federation is doing its best for peace to prevail," said Dolhoupra, DB, member, Dimapur.
Over the years, many lives have been lost in factional killings. Now, these are taking place between different factions of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in an effort to maintain their hold on the commercial markets of Dimapur and in other parts of the state.
The factions who claim to represent different Naga groups are indulging in mindless violence not for any cause or ideology but to get their hands on money collected illegally from businessmen and government servants in the state."Now in Nagaland, killing and bloodshed needs to be condemned. For peace to prevail, leaders, GBs, Village Councils should cooperate and through this, bloodshed can stop," said Neitho Miasalhou, President, Angami GBs Association, Nagaland.
The conference of GBs reflects the views and aspiration of not one particular tribe, but of all sections of the Naga society, which is looking for permanent peace and normalcy in the state. By Vibou Ganguly (ANI)
The Naga internal Problem The Subalterns begin to speak K.Toshinaro Longchar
“If I joyfully spend the rest of my life, of my powers, of my energies in demanding justice, but without hatred, without armed violence, through liberating moral pressure, through truth and love, it is because I am convinced that only love is constructive and strong…”*
I. Introduction
Nagas have an amazing history of folklore, customary practices, a unique structural and territorial village administration, and historical resistance to any colonial occupation. Naga ‘modern’ history however had been eclipsed by Indian armed operation, specifically deployed to break the basis of Naga people-hood and its self-determination. Nagas collectively endured political violence under the hands of the GoI (Government of India) simply because they were Nagas. Because they envisioned and endorsed a separate political identity outside of the Indian Union. Naga history is one of suffering, state violence and a continuous struggle for survival against assimilation, against division and against exploitation. In typical imperial attitude, our forefathers might have been stereotyped as ‘backward’ and ‘junglees’ (forest people) but they clearly recognized and articulated that if they joined the new Union, they would be rendered landless, lose their identity and cultural practices to a far more dominant political and cultural power. So began the epic journey of our nation-making. Such was the foresight and materials that made the history of our nation, that it is heartbreaking, but swells our heart with pride and dignity to be a Naga all the same.
The legal basis for Naga political struggle are: the 1929 Memorandum; symbolic declaration of Naga Independence, 1947; NNC Official declaration that Nagas do not endorse and accept the Indian state Constitution, 1950; the Plebiscite, 1951; the “total non-participation” in the first ever general democratic election of the Indian Union, 1952. Naga movement was a people’s movement. The freedom fighters were the heroes, the martyrs. The struggle was the peoples hope. It inspired fraternity, and held the unity and pride of the Nagas. The national cause of the Nagas is as legitimate as it was when it started around the 1920s.
But today it tells a different story. Naga people, particularly the young, the very backbone of the society are turning their back on the Naga political struggle because of the factional divisions, the rampant extortions and killing. The vicious cycle of violence that rationalized structural violence and killing as ‘just’ has created a culture of fear that has aggravated hatred, division, and brought extensive poverty and suffering.
Taking a position: ‘Uncomfortable, like truth, Demanding, like justice’
The need of the hour is Unity, Peace, Healing, and Reconciliation, as rightly pointed out and called for by the civil society and the Church, including the conflicting factions, which is very telling of Naga society.
The purpose of this writing is not to give a historical nor a political analysis of the Naga struggle. Rather it is to briefly refocus the lenses on the present Naga socio-political situation. It is to critically question ourselves of what is becoming of our people as a nation. Yes, the role and involvement of GoI as a major divisive political power in the Naga struggle is undeniable. But GoI cannot make us a nation, nor can it break us as a nation. These are questions Nagas need to answer themselves. And it is in articulating these questions that the fears, suffering, and aspirations of the ‘Subaltern’ within the location of a Naga ‘Subaltern’ that it hopes to give a voice.
II The Subalterns of Nagaland begin to Speak…
(i) On Political Structure: The beginning of Faction in the Struggle
Primordial understanding of ethnicity has promoted Naga nationalism and nation-making. What is missing however is the lack of recognition or relegation of any common vital interests over resources, distribution of power etc. These crucial issues are becoming taboo in Naga politics. They are instead silenced and digressed by some dominant group either in the form of a tribe, faction or an elitist group, only to give birth to a reactionary political separatism within Naga nation-making. ‘National movement’ had been divided by serious factional rivalries and violence. Tribal separatism rather than integration is becoming a serious challenge. This vicious cycle of reactions seem to have become the only justified way of Naga politics. From NNC to the eventual formation of NSCN, - later split between the NSCN (K), the NSCN (IM) and NSCN (Unification) as the latest split.
But an objective reading sheds light on the fact that a relationship of ‘exclusivity’ might have developed unconsciously or consciously within the NNC. This has continued within the Naga factions today. The problem when a group becomes dominant and exclusive is that it justifies a sense of ownership, control and leadership over the political power and positions which otherwise should be inclusive of all groups and people. This naturally leads to suspicion, anger and enmity that spin into violent encounters. This can further lead to political reaction, in the sense that a reactionary group can be formed and collaborate with other non-dominant groups who are at the receiving end of the dominant dictates. The political reactions of the non-dominant groups are justifiable. The problem however with such political domination and reaction is that it can take on sectarian or tribal tendencies. It can also lead to a mind set of ‘them’ and ‘us’.
That is why, while at the core of the Naga cause is her struggle against the Indian hegemony. The escalating conflict between Naga factions as a result is more pressing. Without facilitating dialogue between all the conflicting parties, it is not feasible to negotiate with GoI towards any political arrangement. A productive dialogue between the conflicting Naga parties can be possible when issues around interest, power and resource sharing and decision-making are transparently and objectively address. Therefore a ‘political structure’ inclusive of every tribe and political group for equal representation is urgently required. If Nagas do not address these basic issues they have not yet seen the last of further splits in the Naga national movement. There is a danger that it can become regional- Eastern Nagas, Western Nagas, Southern Nagas and Northern Nagas.
( ii) On Integration: Territory , Socio-cultural and Psychological
Territorial negotiation is, and will be one of the biggest issues not only in Indo-Naga arrangements but also among the Nagas. Territorial legitimacy is the basis of any nation formation. If negotiations are to make some headway, then territorial re-aligning of the Nagas, re- drawing the colonial boundaries of the Indian Union and some ‘space’ of Naga territory outside ‘Nagaland state’, without delaying a workable political arrangement of Nagas, can be on the cards. This prospect must include every Naga tribes with their traditional territory in Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur. For this reason the territorial integration of all Nagas under one political unit, and the ‘settlement’ of ‘potential’ Nagas who ‘may’ be displaced in a ‘bargaining’ process need to be transparently deliberated.
Land, in our Naga context does not belong to the State. It belongs to a village and the tribe. It is not easy to give to ‘Others’, other than our own (tribe and village), and it takes a lot of ‘culture-ness’ to recognize rightful ownership, than to restore a terra nullius rationale to control and occupy the land. In such a threshold, a code of sharing natural resources, that includes land; respect and recognition of ownership when ‘settlement are accommodate’ are the basis for mutual co-existence among the Nagas . This code is not foreign to Naga culture. In fact it is the core of our village epistemology.
Nagaland ‘state’ having a majority Naga population should become the ‘inclusive base’ to once again ‘re-imagine’, ‘re-construct’, and ‘re-think’ their vision, and political action. So far such an open dialogue could not be deliberated mainly because of two interrelated but contradicting causes:
(i)Firstly, Nagas in Nagaland state despite the struggle with the Indian hegemony, are “comfortable” in the federal arrangement, and the opportunities that come along with ‘statehood’ particularly for the ‘advantaged, so call ‘advanced tribes’( Angamis, Aos, Lothas and Semas).
(ii) Secondly, ‘fears of all of the Nagas outside of Nagaland state’ to be ‘overlooked’ by ‘Nagas within the state’ in the event of a political arrangement is strongly expressed by the case of the Tangkuls. Theirs is an assertion that they should not be ‘treated as outside political back-ups, but as equals.’ There are also many non-dominant tribes in the same position who cannot mobilize a political voice for themselves. In such a political play, various major tribes in Nagaland state have ‘sought alliance’ with the Tangkuls to reassert their claim for leadership, and control in the Naga political struggle to ‘overpower potential rivals’. Nonetheless such alliances have seen further division in Naga struggle because though it is an aspiration for equality and recognition, it has rather translated into a struggle for power and domination at the expense of Naga cause.
The point is, Nagas in Nagaland state should acknowledge the legitimate rights of the Nagas outside Nagaland state as any Naga citizen with equal opportunities in every political decision and ‘agenda deliberation’. Nagas, outside Nagaland state should also appreciate the fears of the Nagas in Nagaland state in sharing the ‘opportunities’, their ‘comfort zone’ and ‘space’ when approached with an aggressive drive of violence and threat which is ignited by the fear of the ‘Other’. The political structure to accommodate all the respective Naga tribes so that structural violence and unwarranted fears can be replaced is required. Smaller tribes who had been excluded, and therefore lacked the political opportunities in decision-making can no longer be sidelined. This is the only way forward.
Territorial integration of the Nagas cannot guarantee solidarity, nor cessation of direct and structural violence. Therefore while facilitating dialogue between the contesting factional groups, the Church as a moral body and civil society should engage to remove structural inequality in Naga society among different social groupings, i.e., faction, tribe, region etc. Besides territorial integration, socio-cultural and psychological integration of these grouping through various inter-tribal interactions are important. The Church can become a key platform, particularly Christians in Kohima and Dimapur.
Pressure should be mounted in our education system so that the ‘image’, myth and legends of the ‘Other Nagas tribe’ other than their own, overarched by nation-making themes and critiques be introduced. Narrations and introduction of modern Naga cultural and political history is urgently needed.
Who is deciding ‘who is a Naga’, for that matter is another issue Nagas have yet to deal with. The political suffering of the Nagas Burma needed to be highlighted, debated and deliberated. But one thing that is very clear is that unless a form of cohesive understanding is realistically envisioned within the Nagas in ‘Indian Union’ the political position of the Nagas in Burma will continue to be weak and suffer.
(iii) On Asymmetrical relationships:Domination and Power
Nagas must wake up to the inequality existing in the social spectrum. Peaceful co-existence cannot be envisioned without waking up to this reality. Political questions within the Naga context mean the power of domination which is usually based on an asymmetrical or an over-powering and controlling relationship. The prophetic voice of the Church must overcome this polarity amongst different political factions. For peace to be feasible a process of delivering justice that channels reconciliation is required. Justice here is the equality of all groups with equal representation and rights. This provides us with two main challenges:
(i) historical, or contemporary domination of one faction/tribe need to recognize the rights and equality of the other factions/tribes.
(ii) the other factions/tribes cannot exclude the tribal/faction identity of the dominant group while excluding the domination of the group.
In other words it implies that peace demands conflicting factions not necessarily a uniformity, but a willingness to engage their differences through dialogue and active participation. This becomes possible only when the conflicting parties accept each other as equals in their negotiations and refrain from claims of ‘superiority’, over knowledge and skill resources, armed cadres, and social power. In such a protracted conflict like in Nagaland, any process of dialogue between warring factions cannot be selective nor be based on the legitimacy of majority. Majority rights have a tendency to exclude the minorities, and smaller tribes.
(iv) On Unity
Statements like ‘independence’, ‘sovereignty’, and ‘autonomy’ are not enough to conductively unify and solve the Naga problem. Not because they are irrelevant but because they are all contested, debatable and sometimes rhetorical statements. Today Nagas are fighting against the Indian state politics of domination and homogenization. If Naga politics wants to be a moral force, it should be the opposite of such polity. The basis of Naga unity therefore should take into consideration the following:
(i) Recognize the historical injustice and ‘legitimate’ grievances of less dominant tribes who have so far lacked political power.
(ii) Members of dominant tribes particularly the Angamis, Aos, Lothas, Semas, Tangkhuls must acknowledge the fact that they share collective responsibility in inflicting grievance to the other tribes. Call for unity, peace and reconciliation cannot truly begin without giving up the politics of domination and their competitive attempts to centralize Naga politics in and through their respective tribes, faction and ideology.
(iii) Such approach will enable dialogue and encourage members of both sides to acknowledge the fact that there are ‘victims ’ even within the dominant group. This will also allow the ‘victimized’ tribes to also see that, they themselves cannot be fully exploited if a section of their own people, or elitist from the ‘non-dominant’ group do not collaborate with the elite of the dominant tribes or groups.
(iv) This process is important so that mobilization and division is no longer along tribal lines but against corruption and exploitation, against domination and power abuse .
(v) Develop a political structure based on inclusiveness and a strong ideology based on the respective belief system of all the Naga tribe. Some of the crucial beliefs here are the eco-human reality of Naga traditional spirituality which should be translated and connected in our relationship with nature, justice and land, and Christian ethical beliefs on accountability and justice.
(v) On changing Naga demographic profile
Nagas have come to a point in history where the changing demographic profile of Naga society cannot be shelved off. The immigrants both documented or undocumented, are coming from a different socio-political situation to form another challenging situation in the Naga context. The hybridity of Nagas with the immigrants, particularly the Muslims is a social reality. The fact of the matter is that it is here to stay. Random ‘permit checking’ drive is no longer enough. It will not solve the problem either. A deliberate conscious education, awareness and concrete policy not only by governmental measures but coming from the core of the Naga political struggle is important. Nagas can demand - a Nagaland exclusively for ‘pure’ Nagas. Such demand and drive are justifiable when Nagas themselves are forced towards assimilation by mainstream Indian policy. But to solely focus on the ‘purity’ of Nagaland for Nagas is to overlook the crucial internal structural mechanism of dependency that is prevailing within Nagas. In other words the sole dependency on GoI economic incentives and employment have developed a lack of ownership and accountability over their resources, i.e. land, cultivation, human resources etc. The action of various Naga state politicians in buying votes, and scrambling over immigrants (ineligible) as ‘vote banks’ is not only a violation on the ethical issue of ‘pure democracy’ Naga politicians themselves so passionately eulogized, but on human manipulation.
Leaders from village, tribe and collective Nagas must seriously deliberate the rights of community land of the village with a political will so that villagers are not rendered landless. Traditional and customary oral law is not enough. We need to develop and codify them for the interest of the people who are most vulnerable to the present socio-economic and political changes.
Why are the Naga villagers heavily indebted to “undocumented immigrant shopkeepers”? Why have the villagers come to a condition where they have to sell their land, their livelihood, to rich (unaccounted money) Naga ‘tycoon’ to avail basic education and health care? Where have the resources of the village, and the funding for village development disappeared? Naga political identity starts from the territorial village, but the space that holds that identity, ( i. e. the territorial village ) is shrinking to individual landholding. This is a clear indication towards a direction where the most vulnerable villagers are working as laborers in the large landholders’ ‘plantation’.
A movement and resolution from every Naga family that ‘imported food commodity’ which can be grown in Nagaland will be allowed into ‘Naga kitchen food table’ would be timely. Advanced machinery and cash crops should be introduced. In other words we need a ‘green revolution.’ On the other hand we also need to develop a culture where ethical entrepreneurial skills and mass production are encouraged, without which the rhetoric of industrial and technological development in Nagaland will be a far cry.
When this consciousness develops among every Naga then the issue of immigrants can be addressed in a more humane and a just way. This is not only an economic drive but a re-invention of Naga socio-political and cultural mechanisms for survival. It is a sounding declaration of our self-determination for ‘independence’. Without this substance, the slogans are naught. Nagas need to envisage creative but ethical imagination to construct the place of hybridity and immigrants within the Naga political identity whether we like it or not.
(vi) On Christianity
In this Christian dominated Naga nation, Nagas must be challenged to develop a theology that espouses beyond physical church construction, attendance, and building. It should develop a clear theology on justice, respect, ownership, recognition, integration, and sharing. It should advocate an action of non-violence that comes out of strong ethical Christians principles. A theology of love that is so strong that it disarms the hatred between perceived enemies and enables each other- once again-to see as brothers and sisters; so committed that it prompts the wrongs to be put right; the broken to be restored. A theology that unceasingly seeks to fight for freedom and equality that in its strength the chains of bondage and suppression break under the moral agent of truth, love and non-violence.
Naga identity in relation to each tribe in recognizing not only the commonalities but also the differences is imperative. Naga Christianity should interpret Naga cultural heritage, as well as critiquing traditional practices that needs to be redefined to be relevant. Church should be a platform for the poor, powerless and the weak, the position of women and the vulnerable in society. The Church should interpret biblical relevance to the suffering of the Nagas in the wider picture of colonial-imperial dimension, ‘Judean Elites’ rivalries and its consequences to the Israelite history.
But calling for non-violence, peace and reconciliation cannot be workable without addressing the structural mechanism for violence. Non-violence is more than renouncing and condemning the act of direct violence. It goes more than appeals. It needs a position because at its’ core, non-violent action is a struggle against unjust structural powers. To directly involve in the bureaucracy of the Government is not the domain of the Church. But to expose corruption and impose moral pressure on the bureaucratic system that marginalize and exploit the smaller tribes and villages, the illiterate and the poor, the excluded people in society, so they can be empowered in the process is not only the role of the institutional Church, but the heart of practical Christianity. The Church must give voice to the many subalterns existing within the subaltern Naga nation.
III Conclusion:
Nation-building and peace-building calls for a position which is not always comfortable because it shakes the socio-political status quo- both internally and externally. Buffered along the frontiers of India, China and Burma the challenges before the Nagas seem insurmountable. But I believe the destiny of any nation- big and small is in the hands of God. This gives us courage. But this also challenges all the Nagas irrespective of political affiliation to reflect and follow the fundamental commandant of God –‘ Thou shall not kill’. No matter how legitimate our political cause or justified our personal vengeance- it cannot overrule the commandment against bloodshed. There is nothing as ‘just killing’. Even ‘just war’ parameters are under scrutiny for alternative methods. Nagas can begin to develop an alternative method to aspire for our ‘just cause.’
Because of the power of truth, love and non-violence, even in the light of intractable conflict found within Nagaland and in the face of large-scale cultural and structural power of Indian Union; Nagas can work tirelessly with hope and vision. Because of this we can believe that Nagas with all the different tribes - with different languages, customs, temperament and political groupings be able to live together side by side as a nation, as brothers and sisters. We can also live as neighbors with India- as an independent nation-state or with greater autonomy with the federal system of GoI.
The political rhetoric in Naga discourses that they are a classless society and therefore inequality does not exist, is no longer correct. Various interests and agendas are there. Elite competition and exploitation exists. Inequality is growing. Division in terms of economic and political power is increasing. But the traditional ethos of egalitarianism unfortunately, in a very changed socio-economic and political situation, is no longer in practice, though the essence remains. But the presence of this essence, even in the absence, is manifested in the Naga peoples struggle and believe in equality, freedom and desire for justice.
Even as I write critically on the subject of evolving Naga politics of power and domination it is to the senses of Naga egalitarianism, of justice and equality that I appeal to. I strongly believe is it alive in our national character and will lead each and every member of the Nagas to fight against poverty, and freedom from fear of domination and suppression.
* Helder, Camara, Spiral of Violence, 1971. Ibid, the line: ‘Uncomfortable, like truth, Demanding, like justice.’
I owe this term ‘total non-participation’ in understanding within a Naga context for this particular point in Naga history to Prof. Kolezo Chase.
The author can be contacted at
< toshinaro.longchar@gmail.com">longchar@gmail.com>
Centre for fast-track peace ASIANAGE BY NAMRATA BIJI AHUJA
New Delhi The Centre is hopeful of putting the peace process in the Northeast on the fast track with the Manipur government embarking on the first-ever suspension of operations (SoO) agreement with two major armed groups within the state. The home ministry will hold a high-level meeting next week with representatives of the state government and the Manipur-based tribal militant groups, the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and United Peoples’ Front (UPF), to decide the ground rules under the SoO signed with the umbrella organisations.
"With the fresh development, the government has got a chance to gain some control over the rising activities of militant groups in the insurgency-hit areas," said a senior home ministry official. As many as 11 tribal militant groups under KNO and eight rebel groups under the UPF have been pressing for a separate homeland within Indian territory. Ministry sources said that the government is now working towards setting up of camps for the militant groups even as the groups are being pressed not to disturb the territorial integrity of Manipur. SoO agreements between the Indian Army and the constituents of KNO and UPF have been in force since August 1, 2005. But with the government of Manipur not being a party to the previous SoO, the peace process had severely met hurdles on all tracks. The state government had been holding the whip in its dealing with the KNO and UPF despite the Centre’s keenness to initiate peace talks with the tribal militant groups.
The government is also viewing the SoO agreement as a step towards restoring peace between the rival factions — the National Socialist Council of Nagaland NSCN(I-M) and the Kuki groups — as both groups are dominant in Manipur and have been laying claim on greater Nagaland. The Kuki group has also locked horns with the Meiti tribe which has been pressing for the division on Manipur. A meeting chaired by Union home secretary Madhukar Gupta last year had suggested ways to reach a ceasefire with the umbrella organisations. The meeting will have representatives of the umbrella organisations, principal secretary (home) in Manipur, besides state government officials.
Solar dryers for preserving produce in Nagaland The Hindu
Kohima (PTI): With vegetables and fruits going waste every season after harvest in Nagaland for lack of preservation facilities in rural areas, a solar dryer is being used to overcome the problem. The German technology used in the solar dryers was so simple that they would be maintained by women of Self Help Groups.
The use of the dryers would prevent mangoes, bananas, pineapples, chilies, ginger, turmeric, bamboo shoots and tapioca going waste every season since local consumption was very limited. The solar dryers were formally inaugurated recently for two SHGs at Samzuiram and New Jalukie in Peren district by Block Development Officer Eiba Heimme.
Most women in SHGs were engaged in weaving, rearing pigs, cultivating green vegetables, fruits and rice.
At present 87 SHGs were functioning in the Jalukie valley and neighbouring areas with over 900 women members.
Various income generating activities have been undertaken through formations of SHGs, particularly among women, with a bottom up approach by conducting regular assessments and appraisals, official sources said.
Frans on 09.07.08 @ 11:20 PM CST [link]
'To break a stone, you must use a hammer': Thuingaleng Muivah
'To break a stone, you must use a hammer': Thuingaleng Muivah
The Naga movement has come a long way. The oldest armed struggle in the Subcontinent has not only sustained itself over the course of some six decades, but has also inspired and aided many regional nationalities on the path of insurrection. The modern history of the Nagas is one of both military and human-rights concern. Many lives have been lost; yet even today the movement persists. With an unresolved future, there is currently fear and uncertainty among the civilians impacted upon by the movement, despite the fact that the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) and
Th. Muivah, General Secretary (NSCN)
the Indian government have been conducting talks since the ceasefire of 1997. Thuingaleng Muivah, 73, the general secretary of the NSCN (IM), recently in Delhi, spoke with Kekhrie Yhome to reminisce about his war experiences and current hopes. The interview was conducted in English.
KY: How would you justify choosing to articulate the Nagas’ desire through the language of violence and military action?
TM: The Nagas could understand the danger of being suppressed. To the Nagas, freedom is more important than anything else. Freedom, for the Nagas, means that they themselves would decide their fate. This is the most decisive issue for every nation. When that freedom is given up, the Nagas know that their rights of existence are gone forever. Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian nation, was approached by the Naga leaders in 1947, and he said, “Nagas have every right to be independent.” The Nagas declared their independence on 14 August 1947, one day ahead of India’s declaration of independence. With the demise of Mahatma Gandhi, the policy of the Indian leadership changed. Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence was no longer upheld. When a delegation of the Naga leaders approached Jawaharlal Nehru to settle the Indo-Naga issue, Nehru immediately lashed out, saying, “Even if heaven falls and the whole country goes to pieces and runs red with blood, I will not allow the Nagas to be independent.” At another point, he said, “It will take just a few days for the Indian armed forces to crush the Nagas.” After bitter fighting for 50 years or so, the Indian leadership realised that a military solution was not possible. The issue was political, and they had to seek a peaceful political solution. A ceasefire was declared in August 1997 by both the parties, and the Nagas did not fail to respond to an approach of non-violence.
* Have changes in international politics and globalisation impacted your original ideology?
* The march of history – in terms of de-colonisation, race consciousness and, of course, the Cold War – has in different ways impacted upon people’s thinking and their politics. The emergence of market forces affected the stress on political identity. But one should know that as long as political suppression and economic exploitation exist and continue, revolution can never be ruled out. And, in addition, ideological standing will not fade away. As long as suppression and oppression continue in any human society, military means would be unavoidable.
The Naga army is known for its warfare skills, and the Indian government’s renowned Counter-insurgency Jungle Warfare School (CIJWS), in Mizoram, bases its syllabus on the Naga experience. What makes the Naga a warrior par excellence?
When a fight becomes necessary between a small man and a giant, the small one will have to know that the fight will be very dangerous, given that he is no match for the giant. He must try to find all of the giant’s weak points. First, he should know that close fighting is never to his advantage. He should take the initiative, and let the giant react. In other words, he should never allow the giant to take the initiative. Any fight must be according to his initiative, and then the giant can be reduced to a state of helplessness. Therefore, when and where he has to attack, the small one should never venture to fight without first knowing the weak points and location of the giant. If a section of the Naga army can create a situation that requires a battalion of the Indian Army to cope with it, this is always to the benefit of the Nagas. The Naga armed forces can thus keep their adversaries on the move, and wear them out. In a word, the giant is kept in a state of unrest. The CIJWS in Mizoram has tall claims, but the fact remains that the Nagas and others have not been subdued, even after 60 years. Above all, if guerrillas are able to make clear that their cause is just, and that the adversaries are in the wrong, they will be invincible and the strongest in their own land.
The NSCN continues to attract young people, despite the fact that it doesn’t offer incentives. What is the recruitment process, and what kind of training does a Naga cadet undergo?
The morale of the revolutionary is crucial for the success of the revolution. This is why the taking of new recruits is indispensable. Senior people will no longer be in the forefront. They must be the brain to guide the cadres, but practical difficulties arise over time for the maintenance of their families. The organisation has to see to their difficulties, and in this respect we are a little better off. Recruitment is mostly voluntary, because forcing the unwilling man is not only harmful but counter-productive. It would amount to sending a fear-ridden, unprepared man to fight against the enemy, and it would affect the morale of the other compatriots. But whoever has been recruited must be politically taught of the justness of the war. He must be made spiritually strong, in order to take glory in what it is that he is fighting for. In other words, he must be truly convinced of what he is doing. Of course, the practical tactics of fighting must be learned during battle, in addition to what he has acquired during training. Above all, a freedom fighter must strictly adhere to discipline – moral, physical and spiritual. He must be an altogether self-conscious man.
What is the current strength of the Naga army? What are its preparations in case the ceasefire breaks?
We don’t necessarily count the strength of our movement in terms of our army. To be realistic, we will always have the strength required by the situation. Since the ceasefire is ongoing, we don’t put much stress on recruitment. If the ceasefire breaks down, however, we will be compelled to strengthen ourselves with arms and men. We will understand that India has no more political will to solve the problem.
What about your experience in China, and its influence on the Naga movement? Do you still believe that power flows from the barrel of the gun?
I stayed in China for a fairly long time. During my first trip, between 1967 and 1973, I interacted with members of the Communist Party and the Liberation Army, and with the Chinese people. I also studied the Chinese condition. Everyone realised the failures and mistakes of the past, and they are now sufficiently committed to set right the foundation of the present society. They know when to go forward, and how to retreat when necessary. I saw in them clarity and a full confidence in themselves. Chairman Mao’s words are gospel truth, because the power with which rulers unscrupulously suppress the right of the people must be crushed. If one has to break a stone, he must use hammer; but to cut a cloth, he must use scissors. To the rational, one must be rational. This is the way towards a better society. We run our institutions based on revolutionary principles and the people’s desires – although in many ways there are shortcomings and weaknesses.
How do you view the present situation vis-à-vis the pre-ceasefire years?
Nothing can be taken as a certainty. Yes, we are talking with the government of India. As long as the political problem is approached politically, there is nothing to fear. But when one lacks the will that is required to bring about the solution, it is most unfortunate. It would be as dangerous as taking comfort in an illusion. War will be a continuation of politics by other means.
With many decades of armed struggle, some Nagas have become disillusioned with the NSCN (IM). What is your take on this damage?
The adversaries would do their best to exploit the situation, to stamp out the revolution. But the people do not easily abandon the cause. Both the masses and the revolutionary cadre cannot afford to perish. The only way available to them to survive is to rectify their mistakes and regenerate themselves together as a people. India has left no stone unturned to wipe out the Nagas and the force of their nationalism. The policy they are now resorting to is to wear us out by protracted design. But the Nagas know that their salvation does not lie in India.
Does the NSCN (IM) maintain links with other armed revolutionary groups?
You want to know all our secrets? [Chuckles] Revolutionaries all over the world are naturally inclined to extend solidarity and support to each other, even if there are differences in political aims and objectives. It is no surprise that we help each other in every possible way.
How would you evaluate the NSCN (IM) and the notion of ‘just war’?
Whether in war or peace, every organisation and human being must have ethics, for without ethics human being become worse than animals, which is against the law of creation. It hurts the conscience of society and people. In any war, killing innocent people is totally unjust, the greatest crime against humanity. For example, right from the inception of our resistance movement we have rarely used anti-personnel mines, because innocent people often become victims.
Other than staging a war against the Indian state, how else has your organisation excelled as a people’s revolution?
Mighty India has completely failed to crush the little Nagas, and therein we see the failure of Nehru’s statesmanship – and we don’t wish today’s Indian leadership to repeat the same mistake. Of course, on our side we have also made a lot of mistakes, which have led to serious internal contradictions among our people. But thank god, at every dangerous situation we could lead our people along the correct national line. We are able to stand our ground firmly, and have overcome confusion and uncertainty caused from both within and without. The path to our destiny is clear, and we are confidently working in that direction.
How would you correlate the NSCN (IM)’s ability to garner support for such a long period of fighting?
It was the commitment of the Naga leadership to seek a solution through non-violence, and that is the reason why the Nagas have the highest esteem for Gandhi. But today we see the greatest number of killings in India carried out in the name of democracy. This is a sad thing. When the Indian government decided to seek a solution through peaceful means we readily responded, and not a single Indian soldier has been killed – although Indian armed forces have killed more than 150 NSCN (IM) cadres in the ten years of ceasefire.
Against the background of the US-led ‘war on terror’, how do you see the future of the armed Naga movement?
The government of India called the Nagas ‘terrorists’, despite the fact that the Nagas have not killed a single innocent Indian in 60 years of resistance, unless it was by accident or in crossfire. The term ‘terrorist’ is used by the government and by the press to intentionally discredit the Nagas. However, in early 1999, the government officially declared that the Nagas were not terrorists. In the strict sense, the term ‘terrorist’ implies killing innocent people for absolutely no reason – something that is committed in great numbers by the Indian government. Thus, in reality, the government of India is the terrorist.
Do you view ceasefire as a pre-condition for initiating political dialogue?
If the ceasefire is not honoured – as has been done on several occasions by the government of India, taking sides with traitors openly against us – it would be very unfortunate. It is a surprise to all sensible people to see arrogance and treachery in the Indian government’s policy, particularly in dealing with the Nagas, when the latter are completely committed to finding an amicable solution to this longest of political issues.
After so many years and so many rounds of talks with the Indian government, what are your expectations?
Whether one admits it or not, the outcome of the talks would be crucial in many ways for others, too. We would be careful not to make mistakes. It is not wrong to seek a political solution, as we have been doing. But we should not be misunderstood when we say that an acceptable solution is still not in the offing. We are very clear that we will be steadfast in standing our ground, and work towards a solution which is honourable and acceptable to both entities.
Frans on 09.07.08 @ 10:41 PM CST [link]
