Border: Distorted facts irks Nagaland morungexpress
Border: Distorted facts irks Nagaland morungexpress
Dimapur, (MExN): The Government of Nagaland is annoyed at a bundle of seemingly concocted and vested information regarding the Assam-Nagaland border issue, published in a newspaper from Assam ‘The Sentinel’ on August 28. Among other surprising allegations, The Sentinel had even gone to the extent of claiming that the Nagas are setting up Madrassas (Islamic education centers) for illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.
An unhappy Commissioner & Principal Secretary for Border Affairs, HK Khulu has shot off an elaborate clarification to the Editor of The Sentinel to “kindly restrain your Correspondent from cheap and irresponsible reporting.” Otherwise would mean that such ill-informed news could lead to serious law and order problems between Assam and Nagaland, the state official cautioned.
Ill-informed news could lead to serious law and order problems
The state official pointed out that the “cheap correspondent from Jorhat” has been time and again, “feeding the esteemed daily with irresponsible and distorted facts about Assam-Nagaland border issue for cheap publicity, without even realizing the fact that such distorted reporting may lead to serious consequences and spark off serious law and order problems between the two states”.
Drawing the Editor’s attention, the Nagaland Commissioner referred to the publication where the Staff Correspondent had alleged that the Naga encroachers are all set to establish a new “Naga Police camp” at a ‘village’ called “Bihoto Basti in Sector-B.” Likewise, the allegation that ‘a new sub-division’ is to be created by Nagas in Sarupathar areas and that the required papers works are being carried out in the department concerned of the Nagaland Government.
Asking the newspaper to set an inquiry on the “source” of the report, the Nagaland Commissioner made it clear that there was no such village call “Bihoto” in the entire sector-B of the Assam-Nagaland border. The question of setting up a new police post does not arise and there is no such plan of the Nagaland Government to set up any new sub-division in the so call Sarupathar area, the commissioner stated. The commissioner also sought explanations on why the Staff Correspondent was “so interested in one police post of Nagaland whereas Assam has 44 AAP posts set up all along the Assam-Nagaland Border in violation of the interim agreements.”
Khulu then referred to the accusation of the Correspondent that Nagas are setting up “madrassas at Gelajan, Bidyapur and Dayalpur” areas with more than “500 suspected Bangladeshi students taking religious teaching every year and regularly being shifted to various parts of the state for religious purposes.” Khulu made it plain: “In this regard if the report of your Staff Correspondent is correct than perhaps the onus of this state of affairs squarely lies with the Assam Government for setting up such villages for illegal Bangladeshi in the disputed Rengma Reserve Forest areas under sector-C despite strong objection from the Government of Nagaland”.
The commissioner reminded The Sentinel that the Nagaland Government was aware of the state of affairs and illegal activities being taking place in Bidyapur areas and the Border Magistrate of Nagaland has pointed out these facts to their counter-part in Assam and even suggested joint operations against the illegal settlement and trade. But, the official reminded, it was in fact the district administration of Assam that opposed such a move.
Further, the Staff Correspondent accused Nagas of “violation” of the interim agreement signed in 1985 to maintain status quo. Khulu stated that the terms of interim agreements signed in 1972 provided for a neutral force to be deployed under mutual understanding between the two state governments. However, he stated, instead of pursuing a mutually acceptable deployment of neutral forces in the disputed border areas the Assam Government unilaterally started deployment of its own forces (CRPF/Assam Armed Police) all along the disputed border areas with a unilateral Standard Operational Procedure (SOP). This so-called neutral force has to take the command from the Thanas (Police Station) and district administration of Assam only, the official reminded.
Explaining the terms of the Interim Agreements of 1972, the commissioner informed The Sentinel that the Government of Nagaland agreed to temporarily allow the management of all the reserve forests to the Assam Forest department. But “over the years due to the mismanagement of the Assam Forest department, peoples from the Assam side and Nagaland side had settled in this disputed forest areas and subsequently both the Government of Assam and Nagaland has given recognition to this settlement,” he said.
For this, any arbitrary and unilateral action on the part of Assam to evict Naga settlers only from the disputed areas will amount to violation of the agreements and will also tantamount to infringement on their rights as citizen of India and their rights to settle anywhere in the country as guaranteed by the Constitution of India.
The Nagaland Commissioner has also reminded that a local commission has been appointed to identify the boundaries between the states of Assam, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh for which the hearing is in progress. “Since the above matter is subjudice in the Supreme Court matter may be left for the court to adjudicate and to the Government of Nagaland and Assam to decide and not left to some cheap correspondent from Jorhat”, the Commissioner’s letter stated. The commissioner also advised that the correspondent should not decide nor come to any conclusion which portion of the disputed border areas of Assam-Nagaland will fall under whose jurisdiction.
The commissioner has appealed to the Editor of The Sentinel to restrain the correspondent from cheap and irresponsible reporting. The interest of both the states and the people specifically living in the border areas along the disputed border belt should be considered, Khulu stated.
A layman’s view on CFMG Chairman’s comment Kenzieding Elunglung Morung
•–In regards to a statement made by the Chairman, Ceasefire-Fire Monitoring Group, Gen. Mandhata Singh that my jurisdiction is limited to Nagaland state only, so I do not know anything about an incident out there in Ukhrul on 12 August where a heavy gunfight reportedly took place between NSCN (IM) cadres and 23 Assam Rifles.
It is pertinent to mention here that there are no such words or sentences mentioning that his jurisdiction is limited to Nagaland alone in the agreed ground rules of Cease-Fire made between NSCN (IM) and GOI. Whereas he (Chairman) is officially in person designated and assigned by the GOI to look after the Cease-Fire Monitoring Group and at the same time, to assess and monitor anything or problem related to ground rules of Cease-Fire like that of Ukhrul incident for which he can not afford to deny or pretend so. It was really dismayed to hear such an irresponsible utterance from him. In-fact, he is well versed with his responsibility vested on him with no specific jurisdiction and also is capable of getting latest information whatsoever about such incidental development arises from any part of this region, and as such, his denial statement is not justifiable and convincing.
Dealing with such sensitive situational problem with pretension, elusion and deceptive by a person like Gen. Mandhata Singh will not be able to deliver justice and work efficiently, as though Nagas are not that naïve. Nagas are now well aware of their rights and assertive to their position whenever or wherever problem arises related to their political issue.
Gen. Mandhata Singh as a Chairman of Ceasefire Monitoring Group should initiate to develop himself positive mind and more co-operative rather than pretension and deceptive for the interest of the peace process which is underway between the two entities as such.
Kenzieding Elunglung
Kohima
STATEMENT ON THE POSITION OF CURRENT INDO-NAGA PEACE PROCESSS.
The statement of the Union Home Secretary G.K. Pillai in Imphal on the Indo- Naga Peace Talks is so compelling that NSCN felt constrained to issue counter- statement to clear such misleading statement. Nothing of what Mr. Pillai said correlates to anything that was discussed during the last 12 years between Govt. of India and NSCN, and in this is a serious dilution of the factual position of the Indo-Naga peace process. Moreover, such statement to emanate from Home Secretary can only be taken as undermining the talks on Political issue that was agreed upon at Prime Minister Level and never at the Home Ministry level. It is however to be noted that since G.K. Pillai has not been involved in the Indo- Naga peace talk he should not be knowing much. But as the Naga political issue is complicated and sensitive, to speak in such unguarded manner is politically immodest. It is highly unethical on the part of Mr. Pillai to distort or misinterpret Indo-Naga peace process at his own whims. This will only cause consternation to the Nagas.
That at no point of time NSCN accepted the importance of the Indian constitution to form the basis for the Naga Solution. No autonomy of any kind was also discussed and understanding reached. Mr. Pillai cannot take such malicious pleasure in feeding the Press that will only create confusion to the public. Such ill- conceived statement stands to be treated as nothing but libelous.
For the Nagas, talks between the Government of India and the NSCN signify two entities. It is a talk between two people at the Prime Ministerial level. The talk is also without condition, which means outside the parameter of the Indian constitution, and talks in Third countries which implies the involvement of a third party that hosts and facilitates the talks.
The recognition of the unique history and situation of the Nagas by the Government of India means the Nagas are not part of the Union of India and the situation in Nagalim is political, not that of law and order under the Indian constitution.
Ceasefire area coverage without territorial limit as affirmed by the then Prime Minister of India Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee in Osaka,Japan stating that “wherever there is fighting, there is ceasefire. It covers everywhere” is a political standard to govern the Indo-Naga Ceasefire Ground Rules.
Much to the indignation of the Naga people the Govt. of India proved unscrupulous in more than one occasion when the Naga Political issue was entering a critical stage. In this context it may be pointed out that in one particular occasion Dr. Michael Van Walt Van Praag, Executive President of ‘KREDDHA’ (The International Peace Council for States People and Minorities) submitted proposal to the Indo-Naga talk teams for a probable solution. Both the parties agreed to study and work out a solution on that basis, but the Indian team backed out from its commitment the next time. Recently, the Indian representatives proposed an “Interim Arrangement” but again they went back upon their words in the next talks.
NSCN has tabled two proposals to the Govt. of India on substantive issues. However, till date there is no response from the Govt. of India. Time and again NSCN have stated that it does not view India or Burma as the enemies of the Nagas but as potential neighbours in all fields. Accordingly, it looks for a solution that recognizes the identity/rights of the Nagas and safeguards the security of India. However, it is strongly opposed to the merger of Nagalim into the mainstream of India. To the Nagas the history of Manipur is very clear. It is simply the creation of the colonial power that is remotely connected with the Nagas’ political aspiration. And since the inception of Manipur Nagas have been resisting till date. Meiteis are free to go for their own unity but they have no right to oppose Naga integration.
Taking strong exception to the wavering stand of the Govt. of India it is pertinent for NSCN to rue the un-eventful year’s gone bye and the unbecoming statement of Union Home Secretary Mr. G.K. Pillai that miserably failed to carry weight of political correctness. Unfortunately, NSCN’s experience with the Government of India reflects only insincerity, lack of political will and seriousness.
N-E India: small, but with great prospects ahead Wallstreet Journal
This region is moving into the national spotlight, with some states performing better than the national average both in terms of economic growth as well as socio-economic progress
States in the North-East (Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Tripura, and we also include Sikkim) have not been typically at the top of the mind of marketing professionals. But this is about to change. The region has been grappling with problems of geography and ethnicity for many years, but with liberalization and technology, high economic growth has been unleashed in the region as well. Steadily, this region is moving into the national spotlight, with some states performing better than the national average both in terms of economic growth as well as socio-economic progress.
Also See On the path of progress (Graphics)
While markets in the North-East are much smaller than other regions in India, this region has been attracting interest recently as communication and transportation links improve. Its economic structure is also changing. The region has traditionally been more primary sector dependent than the rest of the country—but this will change rapidly in the coming years. The Union government has been trying to build a stronger manufacturing base in the area, but its distance from demand centres in the rest of country and the lack of close access to a port have been impediments.
Investment has been coming in on various fronts in recent years. Nagaland is all set to have the North-East’s first special economic zone (though it is unlikely to be a major success), an agro-processing complex that will build on the state’s remarkable agricultural and horticultural achievements in recent years. Last April, the biggest steel plant in the North-East started operations in Tripura, while JSW Steel Ltd is expanding retail outlets all over the region as well. Meanwhile, Meghalaya has become a cement production hub as its limestone deposits have attracted cement manufacturers, thanks to the latest boom in construction. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) recently put up a $200 million (Rs978 crore) loan for improving basic infrastructure in the capitals of these states—the first time that ADB has shown interest in this region.
The North-East is a large region, but constitutes a small share of total consumption expenditure. Its largest and most important cities tend to be capitals that have been built and sustained through government expenditure, much of it flowing from the Centre. Given the low population density and topography, consumer markets are scattered and small in size. Only two cities make it to India’s top cities in market size—Guwahati at rank 53 and Agartala at rank 97.
Of the other major cities, Shillong and Imphal have expenditures of less than Rs2,000 crore, and Aizawl, Itanagar, Kohima and Gangtok all have market size of less than Rs1,000 crore. These are not large markets yet, but they will grow steadily. There are many reasons for that. First, the region’s strategic location makes it imperative for the Indian government to develop it as a major hub. It is at the centre of a triangle formed by large markets in the rest of India, southern China and South-East Asia. It is only a matter of time before Bangladesh and Myanmar will allow transportation networks to West Bengal, South-East Asia and the Bay of Bengal.
Moreover, the aspirations of the youth in the region, like in the rest of the country, are oriented towards joining the international mainstream. Already, the region’s educational attainments surpass those of many economically advanced states of India. Many more higher education and professional institutions are being set up, and quality centres of higher learning are now not just limited to Shillong.
Graphics by Ahmed Raza Khan / Mint Demand Curve is a weekly column by research firm Indicus Analytics Pvt. Ltdon consumer trends and markets. Your comments are welcome at demandcurve@livemint.com">demandcurve@livemint.com
GPRN/NSCN slams 12 IRBn, (NPN):
DIMAPUR Slamming some personnel of the 12 IR Battalion stationed in Kohima for acting in a “thuggish behavior” while accosting the GPRN/NSCN ‘secretary chaplee’ Sunday at around 6. 30 p.m. at the Agri-Forest colony Jail junction Kohima, GPRN/NSCN kilonser alee and supervisor CFSB C. Singson demanded that those in command discipline their men and warned that such provocation would not be tolerated in future.
Narrating the incident, Sinsgon said the ‘secretary chaplee’ along and his bodyguard with another civilian were confronted with “a barrage of abusive words” while being frisked by the 12 IRB personnel at Agri-Forest colony area Kohima Sunday evening.
He said the jawans allegedly displayed acted arrogantly and “in the most repulsive manner” despite the ‘secretary chaplee’ producing the identity card issued under the cease fire agreement that allowed the card holder to also carry one firearm. Singson alleged the jawans searched the vehicle and took away the arms and that one of them even threw the identity card into the “muddy footpath” shouting “You think you can do as you like with this ID card?”. Singson asked whether IRB personnel have the authority to throw away the ID card issued jointly by GPRN/NSCN and the government of India?
He also said another IRB constable, who allegedly beat up the bodyguard, arrogantly claimed he too was in the “underground for 4-5 years”. Singson said the incident was a clear violation of operational procedures. He said the incident came close on the heels of the CFSB meeting a week ago, which dwelt on the excesses committed by paramilitary forces and state police forces. At a juncture, when Nagas were inching towards peace and reconciliation for a breakthrough to the prolonged “Indo-Naga political imbroglio”, such provocative actions would not go down well either with the GPRN/NSCN or the Naga public, he said. Singson demanded that those IR jawans involved should be identified for causing physical injury and mental trauma to its members including a civilian.
Whatever may be the case, Nagalim belongs to the Nagas. URRA UVIE! Issued by: MIP/GPRN
Hebron FIGHTING THE ENEMIES WITHIN ANCIENT WISDOM India needs to focus on its faultlines to prevent division within the states The Telegraph
A Chinese strategist, Zhan Lue, has reportedly propounded in a recent article the need for Beijing to break India up into 20-30 independent states with the help of friendly countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan.
Who is Zhan Lue? What are his credentials? Going by the English translation of the Chinese text, the mind of Lue seems to be guided by a nation in the midst of a long-term war with an adversary, which, if not cut to size now, is likely to pose a serious threat to the very existence of the nation in the near future. And, as the ‘enemy’ still appears to hold its own despite odds, a revised strategic planning is being thought of to end the hostilities once and for all. Lue’s ideas are in tune with those codified in the classic, The Art of War, by the sixth-century Chinese philosopher-general, Sun Tzu.
In consonance with the principles of Sun Tzu, Lue thinks warfare to be the “greatest affair of the state, the basis of life and death, the way to survival or extinction”. Understandably therefore, the “primary objective” of the state is to “subjugate other states”, without actually fighting, thereby realizing its ideal of complete victory. Hence the need to operate against India through friendly and “vassal-type states”. The aim is to achieve maximum result with minimum risk, limiting destruction as far as possible. Lue does not seem to propound direct warfare with India, but speaks of its dismemberment through the “Strategy, Indirect Approach” of Basil Liddell Hart, whose ideas too were greatly influenced by those of Sun Tzu.
The history of 20th-century South Asia is too well documented to be re-described. India has learnt to live with the threat of terrorism, turbulence and fundamentalism posed by the neighbouring countries. But the internal dynamics of the Indian polity should be recapitulated. Jane’s World Insurgency and Terrorism (2008) has identified at least 10 non-state actors constituting an important threat to the Indian State.
The Communist Party of India (Maoist) poses a challenge because of its “objective to overthrow the perceived repressive state governments through peasant-based guerrilla warfare”. The Gorkha National Liberation Front, operating in Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan and China, is a group of “national separatists” which began campaigning for a Gorkha state in 1977. Although Nepal has been scrupulous in “never” openly showing “any official support for militants attached to the GNLF”, there occurred several “diplomatic rows following incidents where Indian security forces pursued militants across the border into Nepal, where the latter are believed to have safe houses”.
Two formidable “national separatists”— the Isak-Muivah and the Khaplang factions of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland — “aim to establish an independent state, Greater Nagaland or Nagalim, consisting of Naga populated areas in India and Myanmar”. The Sikh extremist movements may be dormant but are not dead yet. Their aim continues to be the establishment of “an independent Sikh state in the Punjab (including Pakistan Punjab) called Khalistan”. The objective of the United Liberation Front of Asom is “to liberate Assam through armed struggle... and to establish a sovereign independent Assam”.
The above discussion would give some idea about Sun Tzu’ strategy, Lue’s analysis, and the political situation within and without India. Lue has brought a sensitive subject into open by focusing on the faultlines, which might be exploited by outsiders in the future. Since to be “forewarned is to be forearmed”, one should thank Lue for his article.
ABHIJIT BHATTACHARYYA
To appease Nagas, autonomy on table Vishwa Mohan, TNN
NEW DELHI: In a bid to resolve the vexed Naga insurgency, the Centre has come up with a proposal to give some more financial powers to the state
along with additional control over socio-cultural issues.
The proposal was drawn up following apparent feelers that militant outfits — NSCN (IM) and NSCN (Khaplang) — would go with it. Though the final nod from the Naga outfits is still awaited, the government will soon put the proposal for consideration before the Cabinet. A senior home ministry official said, “The comprehensive proposal will be submitted before the NSCN (IM) after getting it vetted by the Cabinet. Instead of taking up the matter of Greater Nagaland and sovereignty (demands of Naga outfits), the proposal enlarges the scope of Article 371A of the Constitution.”
Under Article 371A, Nagaland already enjoys special status which ensures that “no Act of Parliament shall apply to Nagaland in relation to religious or social practices of the Nagas, Naga customary law and procedure, administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to the Naga customary law and ownership and transfer of land and its resources”. “The new proposal, however, talks about amendment in the Constitution to ensure financial powers including greater rights over natural resources, one of the 30 demands submitted by NSCN(IM) during talks,” the ministry official said. He added that though the Nagas were keen on a separate constitution like J&K, the Centre was in favour of enlarging the scope of Article 371A.
Although there has not been any official word from the government on the proposal so far, a hint of it was dropped by home secretary G K Pillai who, without disclosing the contents of the proposal, told the media in Manipur on Sunday that it would provide a ground for friendly negotiation. Asked whether the proposal would work or not, he said it would depend on how NSCN (IM) leadership received it. Pillai’s statement came when he was on a three-day visit to Manipur.
In response to questions, the home secretary also made it clear that the “territorial integrity of Manipur would not be disturbed under any circumstances”, a clear indication that the issue of Greater Nagaland will not find place in the proposal which talks about autonomy for Nagaland.
Peace, unity not at the cost of historical and political rights: FGN morungexpress
Dimapur, august 25 (MExN): The FGN today declared that peace and unity should not come at the price of selling out the historical and political rights of the Nagas and that the people should know sovereignty, freedom and liberty can by no means be compromised.
A press note received here today from FGN “kedalio” Zhopra Vero, which group not specified, responded to the reported statement in some local dailies recently that the Naga Consultative Meet (NCM) held in Kohima March 5-7 was attended by all sections of the Naga civil society, political parties, overseas Nagas and the underground groups. The note declared that the FGN did not attend the meet. It said that the FGN “did not see the necessity to attend the meet organized by the state government” as, the note alleged, the state government owes allegiance to the constitution of India and that the FGN had ‘apprehensions of hidden agenda to compromise the rights of the Nagas.’
In this regard, the FGN, while asserting that the 16th Point Agreement, 1960 signed between the Government of India and the Naga People Convention (NPC) sowed the ‘seeds of distrust and disunity and brought fratricidal killings among the Nagas,’ stated that the Nagas for the last decades have been shedding tears and blood “not for a state within India nor to have some concessions in the Constitution of India of India” but have been defending “our natural and historic right.”
Saying that “it is the unified desire to protect and shield what is ours that has given us the courage to go on despite deliberate, concerted attempts by the Government of India and her mercenaries to obliterate Naga nationalism”, the note however said that many Nagas have failed to understand this and “have fallen prey to the policies of India who after realizing that Naga nationalism cannot be wiped out through guns have chosen a more covert ways of obliterating our goal”.
“By propagating statements like “not losing sight of the realities of the day”, “changed global scenario”, “the might of India”, while talking about solution to the Naga political problem, they seek to confuse Nagas,” the FGN Kedalio, Zhopra Vero stated. However, the release stated that the “reality” is that the Nagas are a peace loving people and that the Nagas are not the initiator of the conflict with India or Myanmar. “We desire peace with all our neighbors whether mighty or weak and have been making every effort to settle out issues by peaceful means.”
Just because India or Burma is mighty or the world is changing, the Nagas cannot afford to compromise their rights or their land be occupied by sheer military force “of the aggressor”, it said and asserted that the Nagas would be forced to resist the invading forces so long as they are there. Besides, the FGN also stated that money in terms of thousands of crores are being poured in to “entice greedy Nagas” who in turn try to falsely educate the Naga mass that the Nagas will not survive without India’s financial assistance. In this connection, the release stated that “this question” can be openly answered by “the Father of our Nation” AZ Phizo who said and the release quoted: “Money, Finance and Economy viability: These are frightening words for the educated man who never realized that their illiterate - forefathers never worried these things. Only a clerk-minded personality worries because he cannot see one end ahead of his writing-hand.”
Clarifying on the terms like “underground”, “hostiles”, “insurgents”, “Rebels” etc by India and the FGN said that none of these terms apply to “us” as the problem between Nagaland with India and Burma is not a dispute, nor is it an issue as the Nagas are not demanding or claiming Independence from India and Myanmar, and that “these imperialist” forces have no legal claim over the Nagas.
“Our problem is against the invasion of our land by these imperialist forces and their contention is to obscure this basic fact. Nagaland is a sovereign Nation whose rights over our own land are historically unquestionable and is a universal fact and therefore the question of negotiation on India’s favour or to accept solution under the Constitution of India does not arise,” the release declared.
In this regard, the FGN declared that whatever the circumstances may be, Nagas must know that some things can be changed by things like sovereignty, freedom, and liberty can by no means be compromised. “These were the foundations of which led to the Declaration of Independence of 1947, and the Plebiscite of 1951 by our forefathers, for which tears were shed and thousands of lives were sacrificed here and in foreign lands,” the release declared.
The FGN, while acknowledging that every Naga is yearning for peace and that the Naga needs need to reconcile and unite and collectively march forward to their envisioned destiny, asserted that peace and unity should not come at the price of selling out “our historical and political rights” but rather it should be based on “these rights”.
Reminding the people have to beware that they do not betray the aspirations of the people and the pledge made by the people more than six decades back and the sacrifices that have made and hardships they have endured, the release stated that in Naga tradition and customary practices if the people betray and forget the pledge that binds them, then the curse of our ancestors will fall upon us and out future generations.
Political neglect stealing NE beauty Nagaland Page
Guwahati, August 30: Environmentalists and wildlife experts in India's most biodiverse region, the Northeast, have sounded a grim warning.
Calling for the setting up of a permanent monitoring committee to ensure that economic development and business interests do not jeopardize survival of wildlife, they have cautioned that several rare species of plants and animals of global renown, endangered as well as endemic, will undergo extinction unless the Government rises to the occasion.
"Strong measures are necessary now more than ever as the region is witnessing a spurt in development activities in every sector, including power generation, road, commerce and industry. Exclusive economic zones are being set up with little planning and less perception," said Bibhab Talukdar, director of Aaranyak, one of the most active conservation groups in the region.
It is the lack of political will to protect and conserve the hills and the rainforests and those dependent on the same that is proving lethal, according to ecologists' opinion.
There should be an institutional mechanism via a State or regional level autonomous think tank for impact analysis and evaluation of development projects especially those related to environment, forest and wildlife, some felt.
Ironically, it is the conservationists' fear that the way the Central Government is pushing hydel power projects will have serious consequences on the ecology, wildlife and sociocultural life of the indigenous population of the States.
There are 168 projects in the pipeline in Arunachal Pradesh, the second richest region on the globe in terms of flora or plant life. World Wildlife Fund research rates the State as "among the most diverse in the wild, ranking second only to Sumatra in Indonesia" but "greater than Borneo, Brazil and Papua New Guinea" as far as plant life is concerned.
Manas, Kaziranga, Karbi Anlong- Borail in Assam, Namdapha in Arunachal Pradesh, Nokrek and Balpakram in Meghalaya are critical to the survival of these keystone species.
Local NGOs say massive dams on the Subansiri and Siang rivers will submerge large forest tracts, displace local population and bring influx of outsiders to the project site, thereby causing demographic tensions in the area.
"Unfortunately, wildlife and environmental issues receive the scantiest attention in both the political and business classes in our country. Those at the helm of power either fail but, more likely, refuse to see the huge social and ecological costs of some 'development projects,'" PC Bhattacharjee, professor of zoology at Gauhati University, who was the North-east coordinator for the National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan, said.
Environmental scientists and conservation experts can research and come up with findings on any given subject but 'it is the politicians as people's representatives who must implement them,' Bhattacharjee said. "But when big money is involved in any development activity, environmental concerns are pushed to the background," he said.
"Those at the helm of power either fail but, more likely, refuse to see the huge social and ecological costs of some 'development projects,'" Prof. Bhattacharjee said.
He cited how thoughtless construction of dyke and embankments as anti-flood measures in Assam choked a number of water bodies, wetlands and beel that led to the disappearance of fresh water fish species and other aquatic flora and fauna.
"The Government involved only the engineers who simply closed all water inlets to the wetlands and fresh water bodies, the breeding ground for fish. As a result, the wetlands went dry, killing their aquatic life," he said. Katla beel and Sone beel are among numerous wetlands that are grim examples of ecological death. A similar fate is awaiting Deepor Beel, an internationally recognised Ramsar protected site and a bird sanctuary, as encroachment and dumping of solid waste pose grave threat to the wetland, Bhattacharjee said. Despite public outrage, the State Government showed no urgency in taking corrective measures, he added.
The situation is worse in the tribal States of Nagaland and Meghalaya where land and natural resources are owned by people, clans and individual tribal families. The State has little control over the land use and any land based activities including shifting cultivation, forest felling and even mining activities.
In Meghalaya, indiscriminate and unscientific coal mining done on the private land is posing great environmental concerns, particularly, pollution of land and water. Loss of agricultural land has forced many to migrate to urban areas and mining sites in search of jobs.
Citizens have been demanding a mining policy but the State Government has not been able to deliver owing to pressures from the powerful coal lobby. Some of the ministers in Meghalaya own a number of coal mines.
A week ago, some unscrupulous interests tried to open a coal mine close to the Garo Hills' Balpakram National Park, a critical elephant sanctuary. The move was resisted by the local civil society groups, experts said.
But the local people know that in absence of a regulatory authority and political will, it is a matter of time that the mining operations will resume, paving the way for another ecological disaster. (Courtesy: Pioneer)
Imphal remains on war pitch - Protesters take out rallies and continue to demand resignation of Ibobi Singh The telegraph
A woman runs for cover after police fired teargas shells to disperse protesters at Khurai on Sunday. Picture by Eastern Projections
Imphal, Aug. 30: Five weeks after the July 23 “fake encounters”, Imphal streets today continued to wear the look of a battlefield, with vociferous protesters showing more tenacity than the Okram Ibobi Singh government had probably bargained for. Khurai and Singjamei erupted again today, demanding the resignation of chief minister Ibobi Singh and rejecting his probe into the encounter having “seen” the true sequence of events in photographs released in a Delhi-based web portal and later published by newspapers.
A former militant, Ch. Sanjit, was gunned down by police commandos in the “encounter” in Imphal city on July 23. Rabina Devi, a pregnant woman, was also killed in indiscriminate firing when the commandos were allegedly chasing the former rebel.
Though protests against the “fake encounter” began rending the air soon after the deaths, the agitation heightened after newspapers in Manipur published pictures released on a web portal showing police commandos dragging a calm Sanjit into a medicine store and emerging with his body.
Since then, hundreds of people having been marching down streets in Imphal everyday led by Apunba Lup. Apunba Lup has now warned ministers and ruling MLAs that they would be boycotted if they failed to withdraw support to Ibobi Singh and replace him by September 2. The working committee of the Apunba Lup in a statement also urged citizens’ organisations not to attend programmes graced by ministers and ruling MLAs and also not to invite them to any programme. The organisation had earlier rejected a judicial inquiry panel constituted by the Ibobi Singh government to probe into the July 23 shootout.Retired Gauhati High Court judge P.G. Agrawal is yet to come to Imphal to hold the inquiry. The panel has been given two months to complete the probe.
“No judicial inquiry is required now as photographs published by newspapers have proved beyond doubt that the two were killed by the police in a fake encounter. We want Ibobi Singh to resign and the guilty police commandos to be punished,” Sakton Devi, a meira paibi (woman activist) leader of Khurai, said.
Protest rallies in Singjamei and Khurai today were followed by mass sit-ins by women groups in various pockets of the two localities supporting Apunba Lup’s demand for resignation of Ibobi Singh. Apunba Lup’s supporters staged a sit-in along Imphal-Ukhrul Road before they hit the streets.
Though the protesters defied prohibitory orders under Section 144 CrPC, the police did not make any attempt to prevent the sit-in. The police did not stop the marchers till they reached Lamlong bazar. When the protesters continued to insist that they would proceed, the police fired tear gas shells and burst mock bombs.
After the police scuffle, traders at Lamlong bazar closed shops and went home. The protesters at Singjamei planned to march to the private residence of Congress legislator Irengbam Hemochandra Singh but were stopped about half a km from the house.
“We demand that all ruling MLAs should stop supporting Ibobi Singh. Our local MLA Hemochandra Singh should not support the chief minister,” Ibempishak Devi, a meira paibi leader, said. Imphal city police have registered a case on the basis of a complaint lodged by Sanjit’s mother Taratombi Devi, following a directive by the Imphal bench of the Gauhati High Court. However, the police are yet to record her statement.
Photojournalists in front of Raj Bhavan in Imphal. Picture by Eastern Projections
Media’s complex role PATRICIA MUKHIM The telegraph
These days mediapersons not only report news. They are called upon to express their views on a diverse array of issues. The topics range from media and the environment to media and violence against women, to media and the reportage of HIV/AIDS, among others. This makes it mandatory for media persons to familiarise themselves with issues confronting society because they are increasingly being called upon to propose solutions to these issues. The key phrase used is “media can create awareness”. Perhaps there is lack of understanding about the prime role of the media, which is to disseminate information as factually as possible within the constraints under which they work. But maybe the role of the media is itself being redefined by the needs of the times.
Firstly, media is a very broad category encompassing everything that represents reality. Newspapers, television, talk shows, magazines, Internet, movies, novels, poetry and art works, all constitute elements of media. Anything that conveys a message is media. The media is said to be the fourth pillar of democracy, placing on us media practitioners a huge onus of being the watchdogs of this amorphous, highly complex, highly flexible thing called democracy.
In India, democracy has reinvented itself several times over and attained almost unrecognisable features. Voting no longer gets us the leaders we want because votes are up for sale. The media is expected to be the stopcork to such manipulative undemocratic practices. But we ask how? The media is neither a moral policeman nor a crusader. It brings to light unsavoury facts about how voters are today being bought like dumb cattle. But the media cannot be expected to campaign against the abuse of democracy. There are other actors who have to take on that role. Who those actors are is not for the media to decide.
Utility The media lends itself to being used by different forces. Here one is not demeaning the word “used” as in “being had” but the use of media space by different actors in society and certainly by those whose mission it is to bring about some or a large dose of social and political transformation. People need to use the media by contributing their views and also their critiques about how we function. Many readers have a litany of complaints about what media writes or how it portrays events. Each time we attend a workshop on the Role of Media in … we are given a long lecture about what media should or should not do. If people want the media to write in a certain way or they do not like what the media writes, they need to engage the media actively.
Feminist Gloria Steinem says engaging the media means monitoring what it writes and portrays. It means infiltrating media houses, replacing views with what is considered appropriate and more democratic. Engagement above all means to protest what the media does wrong and to show how things could be better addressed. Steinem says engaging the media is a full-time job but one that is imperative in a democracy. More so, since the media is the only institution left to its own devices. In other words, the media is still left to regulate itself. If we talk, for instance, about violence against women, there is a general complaint that the media slights the issue.
At a recent seminar at Lady Keane College, Shillong, a young college student stood up to challenge this writer about why the electronic media made mincemeat of Lakshmi Orang, the Adivasi girl who was stripped in Beltola a couple of years ago. Her question made eminent good sense. Why indeed did the media feast on the display of animal instincts by some hoodlums instead of rushing to her defence? This will always remain a question because the journalist/journalists in question who covered the event was/were never questioned. The entire media was labelled as crass and insensitive and playing to the gallery. Is this fair? One has no answer.
Gender roles Another question that is a corollary to this one is whether a woman journalist would have zoomed in on the unfortunate victim of a resistance movement or would she have dropped her camera and come to the rescue of the young woman to cover her womanhood. It is difficult to presume how one woman would have reacted to the plight of another woman. Or, whether being a female journalist would bring in elements of sensitivity in reporting issues related to women? My suspicion is that for a television journalist, pictures are important and when she returns to the studio after a day’s toil, she would be thrashed by her director, a male as always, if she were to miss that newsy picture of Lakshmi Orang being stripped.
But the very fact that we have many more female journalists today than we had 20 years ago and that they are actually reporting hard news shows that we have come a long way. Twenty years ago, in the United States, women were not even hired to read the news because it was said “anything read in a female voice would not be taken seriously”. Although we never really had a women’s media movement as we have a women’s health movement or a women’s political movement, I believe it is time women looked at themselves and the role they are playing in the media.
A look at the leading television channels in this country will inform us where women stand. They may read the news but it is not directed or scripted by them. News directors are usually men. The media anyway is not neutral. It was born in the lap of patriarchy. And men seldom wear gender lenses while scripting news. They are gender neutral which is not at all a good thing. In this day and age mediapersons are expected to be gender sensitive at all times because that is also a politically correct thing to do. But the next question is, what is gender sensitivity and gender-sensitive reporting? Gender sensitivity means recognising the differences and inequalities — the specific needs of women and men and acting on this awareness. We need to understand that gender comes from the socialising processes in society and that it is a socially constructed idea that is lived out by women and men because they are conditioned to live out those gender roles. If gender is socially constructed, it follows that such construction is not inflexible and can change. There are so many professions that used to be a taboo for women at one time but are no longer so at present. Hence, the roles expected from women and men can also change. When a journalist deals with issues of gender, he/she is expected to understand the nuances of gender such as gender roles, gender division of labour, gender mainstreaming and so on. Only such a reporter can be called gender sensitive.
Faulty practice Reportage on rape is particularly offensive because even the media sees rape as a crime motivated by lust. But rape is more than that. It is about power relations between men and women. When a man feels his manhood threatened on whatever account he tends to assert that through the act of rape. Hence, it is wrong to place the onus of preventing rape on women by asking them to dress decently, not to move around at night, not to attend night clubs and impose all other don’ts on them simply because a man cannot control his animal instincts.
Why do soldiers rape women in enemy country? They do it not out of lust but to utterly humiliate the manhood of the enemy soldiers through their women. These intricacies need to be understood by those who report rape. The point is we do not have such reporters simply because we have no training facilities and few opportunities for gender sensitisation. The media, therefore, ought to understand the feminist movement and where it comes from. Media ought to employ more gender-sensitive language and if they are illiterate about such language journalists have no option but to learn it. Journalism schools should recruit women educators who understand gender. There is an urgent need to remove the patriarchal lens from the vision of media trainers and teachers so that the people they train will look at the world as if everyone mattered. Perhaps only then will the media become a gender-balanced, gender-sensitive means of communication.
(The writer can be contacted at patricia17@rediffmail.com">patricia17@rediffmail.com)
Fight till Ibobi is ousted: Apunba Lup The Imphal Free Press
Imphal, Aug 30: Intensifying its ouster campaign of chief minster, Ibobi, the Apunba Lup today informed that they along with the people would take up social boycott against congress MLA and also the MLAs of the the SPF Governement partners if they failed to withdraw their support and also to take consensus decision to replaced Ibobi, by September 2.
In a statement today the Apunba Lup, asserted that since 2002 after Ibobi regime assumed office, the state numbers of innocents lives lost in the name of encounter have taken a quantum leap and the people has suffered untold miseries under the state terrorism unleashed. It said that at least 4 to 5 men are killed daily at the the hands of Ibobi`s security resulting in the increased in number of widows and children with only one parent. It said that today over 5000 widows and 10000 children are left with only one parent. The July 23 incident was a glaring example how the security forces raised under the Ibobi regime has been unleashing terror and killing people in fake encounters, looting and bombing even at crowded area.
The Lup further asserted that the Lup in every possible way would fully support the 59 MLAs if they confronted Ibobi for his misleading statement given on the floor of the House. It further revealed that amidst such situation of insecurity even students have fallen victims of the killing rampage.
The Lup held that it was not the right time for the powerful students communities to keep themselves busy in study but to stand together against the state terrorism which is gradually taking over the entire state. it said that due to the agitation of the Apunba Lup after the July 23 incident the daily basis killing reports of encounter has been stopped which according to the Lup is that the movement of the people has save precious innocent life from the hands of the criminal security forces. It said that notwithstanding the hue and cry for taking up necessary demands of the people chief minister Ibobi kept on lobbying various central leaders, state MLAs and minister including the SFP partners MLAs and kept them mum making life more insecure in the state.
The Lup, urged the people, CSO, private NGOs, clubs and students, organization etc to stay away from any celebration or observation organized by the Congress MLAs, Minister and MLAs of SFP partner who are supporting Killer Ibobi and added that if anyone failed to do so the Apunba Lup and the people would take up social boycott against them and would consider them as endorsing the killing carnage of Ibobi and any untoward incident to them would be there own responsibility. It also urged the mentioned MLAs and Ministers to stay away from programme organized by the CSO, NGOs and students organization etc.
Vigil on Myanmar border to block entry of rebels Sources: The Hindu
August 31, 2009: Vigil has been intensified along the 365-km Manipur-Myanmar border to prevent infiltration of the ethnic rebels escaping the military crackdown in Myanmar. More than 10,000 villagers have already fled to China.
Reported by: Iboyaima Laithangbam
Official sources said rebels were present in many towns and villages along the border. Further, some military camps of these rebels are believed to be sited in the no-man’s land between the two countries.
Look East, Harder: Articles Sources: The Times of India By: Baladas Ghoshal
August 31, 2009: In early 2007, Ong Keng Yong, then ASEAN secretary-general, insisted that India, Australia and New Zealand be included in plans for a free trade zone covering 16 nations participating in the East Asia Summit.
ASEAN economic ministers agreed to study a Japanese proposal for a free trade area harnessing three billion people and an economic output of $9 trillion. But the Singapore summit in December that year recognised China's demand that only ASEAN+3 be included.
India's failure till then to sign a free trade agreement (FTA) with ASEAN facilitated China's attempt to keep it out of the big club. This highlighted India's failure to recognise that time and opportunity, once lost, are difficult to come by again.
Recently, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made a desperate attempt to recover lost ground by convincing his cabinet colleagues that India would suffer a diplomatic loss of face by pulling out of the FTA. It would also drive ASEAN into a tighter strategic clinch with China. On August 13, he asked his commerce minister to sign the FTA on the sidelines of the ASEAN trade ministers' meeting in Thailand.
While the FTA is an economic 'win-win' for both sides, its merit lies more on its political and diplomatic impact on ASEAN. During negotiations lasting over six years when India dithered many times, an impression gathered in ASEAN countries that India was not serious about engaging Asia.
Signing the FTA has signalled India's commitment to economic integration and political cooperation with South East Asia as a logical outcome of its Look East policy (LEP).
The main thrusts of our South East Asia policy being economic integration and energy security, LEP has less of a political, strategic or cultural dimension. Given India's effort to integrate with the global economy, diplomacy focuses more on trade and investment. India's success here is significant in terms of greater integration with Asia.
This, however, was not due to its offering any 'niche' in terms of creating a future economic or strategic architecture in Asia, as in the case of China which has seized the leadership in practically everything that happens in the region.
India's LEP lacks a strategic vision of a future Asia-Pacific that can inform its policies and actions, helping it establish its rightful place in the Asian balance of power. Such failure to articulate a vision is pervasive in foreign policy in its entirety as India faces new challenges and opportunities in its rise to influence in an uncertain international environment. No major power's foreign policy can be effective without a guiding framework of underlying principles reflecting its geopolitical requirements and values.
Instead of defining its role in an emerging economic and security architecture, India is almost depending on others to accord it a role. Our foreign policy and security establishments speak more about what the US, Britain or France says about India's rising power and potential.
A major power communicates status by articulating its own vision and role in the world. It shapes the strategic environment in a way that moves others to adjust themselves to its proclaimed world view.
But our policymakers are more prone to ad hoc policy decisions. India's South East Asia policy has been reactive, particularly to what China is doing, not proactive in terms of trying to influence regional developments in its favour.
Our interactions with ASEAN over the last decade were more a result of its eagerness to cultivate India in the post-Cold War and post-Asian economic crisis environment for its own strategic and economic compulsions. It now looks towards India because of its potential as an economic powerhouse and partly to balance China's overwhelming economic and strategic influence.
India's LEP was initiated not so much to 'rediscover Asia' and secure India's natural strategic interests, which historian K M Panikkar highlighted as early as the 1940s. While the ostensible reason was to promote economic interests, India's policy was fashioned more as a response to China's growing strategic depth in Myanmar.
The geopolitical reality of Myanmar as the only land-bridge to South East Asia and its strategic importance for India's security, particularly in the disturbed north-east, should have dawned on our foreign and defence policymakers long before the consolidation of Sino-Burmese strategic and economic relations.
India has not spelt out its strategic objectives in South East Asia. It has, however, sought defence cooperation with Myanmar, Indonesia and Vietnam and secured a role in the security of the Straits of Malacca as a likely insurance against Chinese hegemony.
While India hesitates to take a more assertive role due to its limited military and economic power and its desire to avoid direct confrontation with China, ASEAN is interested in India's active involvement in Asia's evolving strategic order.
Now that it has paved the way to regional economic integration, India should envisage a new strategic architecture for Asia and its own pivotal role in it. The ASEAN summit in October can be an ideal platform for articulating that vision.
The writer is a former professor and chair of South East Asian Studies, JNU.
Frans on 08.31.09 @ 10:51 PM CST [link]
