Nagas in truce somersault BHARAT BHUSHAN The Telegraph Bangkok
Nagas in truce somersault BHARAT BHUSHAN The Telegraph Bangkok
With the Nagas withdrawing their offer of a truce without any time limit, the ceasefire with them was extended by only one more year today.
While Indian negotiators described it as “an opportunity missed”, the Naga negotiators thought they were exercising abundant caution.
“The suggestion for the ceasefire being coterminous with the peace talks had come from the Nagas themselves. They have now withdrawn that offer. But a one-year extension is fine with us,” said Union minister of state Oscar Fernandes, who is leading the negotiations on behalf of Delhi.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s special representative to the peace talks, K. Padmanabhaiah, made no bones about what India would have liked. “We would have been extremely happy if the ceasefire were to be coterminous with the talks. But everyone has their compulsions.”
Senior leaders of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) are believed to have impressed upon their general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah not to opt for a long ceasefire. They insisted that Delhi be asked to first prove its sincerity in maintaining the ceasefire on the ground. Muivah had no option but to fall in line with his commanders and ministers back home.
Muivah, who was keen on extending the ceasefire till the peace talks last, tried to explain his position, saying: “I am conditioned by circumstances. Both parties should use this one-year period to prove themselves. We would like to move by deeds and not only by words.”
As a result, the Naga representatives told their Indian counterparts that among other things, they wanted the strengthening of the ceasefire monitoring mechanism on the ground, the empowerment of the chairman of the Ceasefire Monitoring Group to directly deal with the Eastern Army Command, the nomination by both side of eminent persons from NGOs as ceasefire observers and the Centre’s firm commitment to “contain” rival groups intent on disturbing peace.
Responding to this, the government, in the joint communique issued today, while extending the ceasefire by one year, asked the NSCN (I-M) to table proposals on strengthening the ceasefire with the promise that decisions on them would be taken “promptly”.
Muivah claimed that a one-year extension of the ceasefire did not rule out “an indefinite ceasefire”. Did he not see this as an opportunity missed? “No. We want the Indian negotiators to show that they value this period. Let us prepare ourselves for an indefinite period of truce. Am I not taking a step in that direction? I think I am,” he insisted.
Despite this setback, both sides claimed that the talks this time were more significant than in the past. While Padmanabhaiah said the talks had taken “a quantum jump”, Muivah claimed to have “experienced extraordinary effort from the Indian side”. He described the meeting as “historic”.
“Nothing significant emerged in the past despite efforts. But this time we have accepted a framework to seek a solution and the Indian posture has been positive,” he said.
The Indian side was, however, quick to point out that differences still remained. “There is still a gap between their understanding and ours. That distance still has to be covered,” Padmanabhaiah said. Nagas in truce somersault
1-Year Road Map The Morung Express editorial
Finally a road map appears to have been sketched for an amicable solution to the Government of India-NSCN (IM) dialogue process. Concurrently, both sides have now agreed to extend the ceasefire in Nagaland by one more year and in the process promising to move “expeditiously” discussing all “substantive” issues there is. If one is to analyze the current talk status wherein both parties are reported to have agreed on a broad framework to resolve the Naga issue politically, extension of the ceasefire by a comfortable one year period will now allow them to reach a settlement during this time frame. Earlier there were reports about the option of making the ceasefire irrevocable and coterminous with the peace talks. Although this has not taken place, the understanding emerging out of the latest talks table appears to be that both the GoI and the NSCN (IM) will now try to make the one year extension of the ceasefire as a time bound period to work out the concrete details of a settlement. From all indications, the outcome of the latest talks in Bangkok will go down as a defining moment in the long and intricate process spanning over nine years.
There are some pointers that can be drawn in from the latest agreement to extend the truce period. Firstly, negotiators on both sides have surprised many analysts and the public in general by extending the truce period by one year. One common argument was that by extending the truce period by only six months the last time round, the NSCN (IM) would get better results out of the process by putting the necessary pressure on the Indian side. This ploy appears to have worked well in certain aspects. So no one would have guessed that the ceasefire would be extended by one full year. Though surprising and unexpected, by stretching the truce period, it shows that both sides have now full confidence on each other’s expectations and ability to make the dialogue process reach a logical conclusion. In particular, by agreeing to go for a one year truce period, the NSCN (IM) may have won some major concessions to be able to reiterate its commitment and investment on the nine year long peace process.
Another noteworthy aspect is that both the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) may finally have a clear enough road map to see. This should also allow both entities to work in a time bound manner. In a way, the one year period works well for both sides and also for the process itself. More significantly, the State of Manipur goes to polls within this particular truce period itself. As far as New Delhi’s failure to address the Naga people’s aspiration for integration is concerned, election time in Manipur can be used simultaneously as an official exercise (referendum) to allow the people themselves to decide their own destiny. One year is likewise significant for the State of Nagaland as the next Assembly Election is due in early 2008, which is in fact only a little more than a year away. If both New Delhi and the NSCN (IM) is able to manage the intervening one year period judiciously, there is every possibility that the present DAN government under Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio may, instead of calling for the next elections, step down to hand over the reins of power to a new dispensation and one that is hopefully a national government that is broad based and representative of all sections of the Naga people.
The Future? The process of nation-building is greatly influenced by intergenerational perspectives and opinions. Issues surrounding how different generations approach this are critical in the making of a nation. While older generations feel they have earned the right to determine the course of the future because they have lived the past, younger generations feel they are better equipped with current realities to decide what is best for their own future. What is needed is a process of consistent in-depth dialogue between different generations. An attempt to close the generation gap is always fundamental in the re-examination of any situation.
Can there be an honest and free inter-generational dialogue amongst Nagas? Are Naga elders only too concerned about their own experiences that they give little or no room for the youths to take ownership of their future? Are Naga youth indifferent to the experiences of their elders? An interesting observation reveals how elders so wish to make their own personal experiences that of the youth as well. If not put into perspective, it could have detrimental consequences on the youth. Perhaps the task is to facilitate a space where both elders and youths can share their experiences and create a common experience that will propel the people into the future.
When envisioning the future, Nagas are compelled to not just wish for freedom, they need to think about how they will exercise their freedom. In the final analysis, the question of how one exercises freedom is essential for the survival of a people. A realistic shift of focus from ‘status’ of right towards ‘exercising’ of right is required to fully experience and live out the values of freedom. It may therefore be helpful to start a public discourse on how do Nagas exercise their freedom? We need to start wrestling with the many issues concerned with nation-building, so that there is at least an iota of preparedness and conscious awareness that will prevent any misuse of freedom.
In a new world-order of monoculturalism, militarism and globalism it will take enormous will and resolve for Nagas to march undeterred. It will require a clear vision to reorganize and evolve policies and structures around values of democracy, human rights and self-determination that are comprehensively woven into the process of nation-building and governance. Can the Naga vision carry the beacon of the human spirit to live in freedom, dignity; respect and to stand for the liberating truth founded on a worldview that recognizes the indispensability of common humanity? At this core lies the need for trust. In creating trust it helps remove fears of uncertainties. It is told that great changes have occurred only when people believe it was for the better. Indeed to build a dignified future, one is required to shed the feelings of mistrust, suspicion and hate that they carry within themselves, and to take the profound risk of believing and trusting one another. Can Nagas do that?
Revive culture for unity: Tiameren Staff Reporter Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR, AUG 1 (NPN): BJP legislator and Chairman of NIDC, Tiameren Aier, on Tuesday attributed the division among Nagas to factionalism and nationalism and separation of denomination among the Christians. Stating that political separations have also caused hatred among the people, Tiameren said the only platform to bring about a change in the Naga society could be through 'revival of culture' which, he said, could also bring about peace and unity among the Nagas. He was addressing the Dimapur Japukong Senso Telongjem (DJST) at Tsüngremmong celebration held at Dimapur Club.
Tiameren said though the citizens were enjoying the freedom of democracy yet they were not performing their responsibilities. Lamenting that Nagas have of late embraced the attitude of keeping aside their own culture and identity, he said a time has come for them to revive their attitude to in turn revive their culture. He lauded the DJST for making a difference among the denizens of Dimapur, where people from different communities and tribes have settled down, with constructive ideology and urged the union, particularly the Ao community, to preserve its distinct culture that could revive the bond of oneness among the Nagas.
Regretting the poor turn out of revelers, the chief guest, who hosted the feast, opined that the festival should be celebrated as a time to repossess the origin of the festival, which could be passed on to the next generation instead of celebrating it lavishly. Later, he donated Rs.5,000 each to all the cultural troupes including Nokpu Union, Dimapur; Lakhuni Union, Dimapur; Lirmen Union, Dimapur; and Japukong Watsu Telok.
Representatives of Ao Union Dimapur; Ongpangkong Union, Dimapur; Asetkong Union, Dimapur; Changkikong Union, Dimapur; and Ao Students' Union, Dimapur attended the function among others. Various cultural programmes marked the celebration.
Rio pats Naga women Nagaland Post
Dimapur, Aug 1 (NPN): State Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio said the Naga women of today were faring much better than their male counterparts in various fields due to their sincerity and dedication. Launching the Lady Bug Toy Production Unit here on Tuesday, Rio pointed out the need to make efforts towards transforming the consumerist Naga society into a producing one. Referring to the DAN government's concern for the Naga youth, the chief minister stated that various programmes of the government had made it possible for many Naga youths to be trained in various fields, who were now successfully engaged in the service sectors.
He appealed to the people to judiciously utilize the schemes and funds made available to them by the government. Describing Nagaland as a land of opportunities, Rio urged the youth to wisely decide on their career and to sincerely work stating the government is ready and willing to assist them. He appealed to the people to increase local production thereby learning the art of business and quality control.
The programme was chaired by OSD, Planning, Kevileno Angami. Minister of Transport, Labour & Employment, Imtilemba Sangtam, Nagaland Chief Secretary, Lalhuma, Director of ITMT, Rjarshi Chakraborty besides other government officials and public attended the function. A demonstration of toy-making was also presented on the occasion.
War against the Nagas to hijack the credit By L Palang Khiamniungan Sangai Express
On July 21, 2006 through my article 'NNC does not belong to Nagalim' I asked Eno Kedistsu Tsuzu Chakhe-sang to list down about a hundred names of Naga national workers who were killed in 1978 when military coup was carried out as alleged on 20th July, 2006. But he failed to list down the names, instead he shifted the date of killing from August 1978 to September 1980, on which day more than 30 of the NSCN men were killed in the fighting when NSCN headquater Langnuk camp was captured by the Fgn Army. His article appeared in Nagaland Post on July 29, 2006 under the caption 'NSCN-IM ridicules NNC statement' in response to my question was irrational and exposed to the Naga people that he is telling lies.
It is good that he once again stated a new formation of Govt which Muivah and Isak group always admitted the truth that they made NNC president AZ Phizo as the president of the Federal Govt of Nagaland (FGN) as well, when they had formed centralized Govt on the pattern of socialism. This was done on August 16, 1976 at Supao village in the absence of senior leaders.
When the senior leaders like Eno T Venuh and Ngathingkhui Ahum came to headquaters at Tson-khao village, they pointed out as follow:
i) A new formation of Government in 1976 was a gross violation of Nagal-and Yehzabo (Constitution).
ii) Th Muivah and Isak Swu have no authority to summon the national assembly (Tatar Hoho), because they were at that time NNC general secretary and Chaplee-Kilonser (Finance Minister) of the FGN.
iii) Since the beginning NNC and FGN are two entity heads, therefore these two offices should not be put on a single head.
iv) The office of the FGN President should not be in the foreign land.
v) We should not adopt socialism, if we adopt it, another division among the Nagas will take place and the blood of Nagas will flow like a river. Because the Nagas will not accept socialism as the living of the Nagas is democracy from time immemorial and now 95% are Christians.
But Muivah rejected all the points and adopted a resolution to overthrow the leadership of AZ Phizo on 2nd August 1978. Which triggered to declare Martial law on 30th August 1978 by the Naga Army for they opposed dictatorial rule of Muivah. So Muivah and Isak were detained under house arrest but were released unhurt in May 1979 by Eno Khaplang, (the then he was made as FGN President). After they were released, they started to kill NNC/FGN leaders in 1979. Since then the killing started among the Nagas.
In 1977, I was in China along with 300 Naga army under the leadership of Th Muivah, general secretary, NNC. In China he warned us, 'Phizo pitch te khara kura kan guli ekta ekta khabo' (who stand behind Phizo, one bull each will be given to them). Accordingly Muivah started to kill the supporters of the NNC and Phizo in 1979. At first he killed Lt Col Yamtse-thong Khiamniungan on 15th July, 1979 at Tsonk-hao village, and then mass massacres were carried out in the last part of 1979, where all NNC/FGN leaders in Eastern part of Nagaland were killed.
After eliminating NNC/FGN leaders, Muivah and Isak formed the NSCN on 31st January, 1980. Because Muivah might have had in his mind that, if he upholds the NNC office and works for the nation, even he would shake the world for the right cause of the Nagas, but the credit will go to Phizo. So, Th Muivah defected from the NNC on January 31, 1980 and formed NSCN for the interest of his own credit. Hence he is fighting against the Nagas to hijack the credit.
After they had formed a new organisation, Muivah and Isak launched a 'razed down operation' against Khiamniungam people. They first attacked Kingphu village on 15th February 1980 and killed Eno Pingland and Eno Muno. As they sent more NSCN armed men to Khaimniungan region and carried out heavy operation, the fighting took place for the first time between NSCN men and the FGN army in March 1980 on the way between Chukie and Asheiking village.
In this razed down operation, they burned down ten villages including grenaries and churches. All domestic animals were consumed by them, and hundreds of villagers were made to die of starvation. The FGN army were also compelled to retreat to Chuklangan village, western side of Saramati Range. They were around 70 or 60 cadres, yet they never discouraged, but planned to capture the NSCN's headquaters at Langnuk. The plan was successfully carried out on 27th September, 1980 as mentioned above.
It is very clear that, Th Muivah upheld the office of the NNC general secretary upto 31st January, 1980. On 29th January, 1980 Muivah and Isak signed a merger of the Eastern Naga National Council (ENNC) with the NNC with Eno Khaplang and Brig Thungbo where they gave their initial as general secretary and vice president of the NNC. But surprisingly on the next day they announced that NNC has failed. In this way they have mislead some young Nagas who have poor knowledge and naive in the Naga national politics. Eno Keditsu is one of them. How pitiful you are, for you are unfortunately mislead by others. It is the need of hour to ask the following questions for your own interest and in the interest of Naga people.
i) If the NNC and FGN were finished in 1975 by signing the Shillong Accord as you said why then Muivah made AZ Phizo as president of both the NNC and FGN on August 16, 1976? Why Muivah upheld the NNC General Secretary office upto 31st January 1980?
ii) If the NNC is a dead organisation as you said; why are you fighting against the NNC since 1980? For what purpose or reason? Why Th Muivah praised the NNC on 20th January, 2005 at Hebrun camp saying 'It is the NNC that gave us leeway, not me Isak. If it was the NNC, it was Phizo. And who can deny that. The NNC leaders laid the foundation'.
iii) If you said that the NSCN men were killed on 27th Sept 1980 was the first ever killing among the Nagas, then who had killed Brig Ngamlao Konyak in December 1975 in Kachinland? Who killed NNC/FGN leaders in 1979? Who burned down Khiamniungan village and tortured Khiamniungam people in March and April in 1980?
iv) The NNC and FGN had stated time and again that the Shillong Accord was rejected by the FGN in the national assembly held at Dihome Oking in December, 1975, and made clear the Naga national stand. So also Muivah group always stated that the Nagas have rejected the Shillong Accord. Why then you mean by accor-dist? Who claimed that they have accepted Shill-ong Accord? Who had crossed over to constitutional floor of India? You should disclose their names and show the document?
v) If you said, the Shillong Accord was the main factor for the division and killing among the Nagas, why did the NSCN-IM was involved in the India State elections? Why did its leaders submit 30 point competencies proposal to demand an autonomous state/federal relationship with India and why the talk is going on for the integration under Indian union and not for sovereignty?
vi) You may think that you are giving much contributions to the nation, even in the international level. But indeed you are destroying what the NNC had founded. In home you are giving great destruction to the Nagas and in abroad you said the Nagas/NNC had surrendered or accepted the Indian Constitution, thus you are confusing the world on the Naga National stand. Also your leaders are propagating to the world that the Nagas are demanding self-determination from India, through/which you made the Nagas as Indian subject or colonised by India. Is it not you who is distorting Naga national history? Once you have boasted you are going to internationalise the Indo-Naga case. But then why did your leaders came back to India and accepted Indian Passports/Indian citizenship
vii) You have violated Naga National Law (Lakhuti Resolution) and moreover now you had already given your stand for sovereignty. Again you have peace with the Indian Army and fighting against the Nagas. Even then you accused the Nagas as traitors. What you mean by traitor?
If you think you are on the right path the above mentioned question will not be hard to answer for the interest of our people.
The writer is a worker of Naga National Council (NNC)
MASS RAPE IN MANIPUR Women in the line of fire
The rape of 21 women and girls has exposed deep-rooted ethnic divisions as well as fissures in Manipur's civil society. As every tribe has rushed to arm itself, women find themselves embattled between warring groups, and their bodies are the terrain the war is fought on. Linda Chhakchhuak reports.
22 July 2006 - In situations of conflict, women's bodies become the terrain that wars are fought on. This is amply clear in the raging controversy around the rape of 21 women and girls, some of them minors, from Parbung and Lungthulein - two remote villages in Churachanpur district in Hmar hills of Manipur. The allegations of rape, their denial by the accused and the reaction of civil society have exposed both the deep-rooted ethnic divisions in the state and the fissures in the state's civil society.
This time, the arrow points not to the Indian army as is usually the case, but to the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and the Kanglaipak Communist Party (KCP) - two of the more respected valley-based armed organisations demanding freedom from the Indian State. UNLF and KCP refute the charges point-blank, claiming it is an "Indian intelligence ploy to defame" them. Sana Yaima, chairperson, UNLF claims that an internal inquiry has found the charges false. He refuses to acknowledge the authority of the Manipur government-appointed Rajkhowa Commission, and demands an 'independent' probe by an entity like the International Red Cross.
Organisations in the Hmar region - such as the Hmar Women Association, Hmar Students' Association and Hmar Inpui - that have been seeking justice for the 21 women who were raped, are outraged. They say that the UNLF/KCP men had vented their anger and frustration at the Indian Army's operations to flush out militants from the hills on these tribal women. The women were raped on January 6 and January 16, 2006, and more than a thousand people fled in fear, they assert.
As the matter heated up, some human rights groups and women's organisations decided to take matters into their own hands. They formed a 'Civil Society Fact Finding Team on Internally Displaced People'. This comprised representatives of the Hmar Students' Union, Rongmei Lu Phuam, Human Rights Law Network, Human Rights Alert (HRA) and Naga Peoples' Movement for Human Rights. The team conducted a six-day study in Mizoram - where the people who had fled the villages sought shelter - and in the two villages. This exercise came a cropper because the team was divided not along facts, but along ethnic lines.
"We have been trying to bring women together, but it is difficult. The leaders of ethnic groups control the response of women in their communities."
• When the media are silent
• Special powers, mixed results
A deep divide already exists between the various hill communities - like the Nagas, Kukis, Hmars etc - and the valley-based Meiteis over issues such as neglect by the predominantly Meitei-run government and the historical cultural prejudice between the hill and valley people. The chasm was further widened by political rifts created by various armed homeland movements. Every tribe has rushed to arm itself, pushing the region to the brink of open ethnic war. This is where the women find themselves, embattled between warring groups, with the Indian Army as the largest and most powerful armed group.
Valley-based activists were inclined to doubt the women's statements, and representatives of the hill peoples unquestioningly believed the women. Hmar activists point out that HRA, usually a frontrunner for such causes, has demanded that it be allowed to cross-examine the women before the Rajkhowa panel, before whom the women had given their statements earlier. They say that HRA is quick to take up issues when the victims are valley people.
Even the words to be used are a matter of contention. Hmar activists say that prefixing 'alleged' to 'rape' is an insult to the women who have spoken out about their ordeal. They also point to a bias in the valley-based newspapers' reports, which refer to the Naobi Chanu rape case as 'rape' and to the Hmar rape case as 'alleged rape'.
Malini Bhattacharya, Member, National Commission for Women (NCW) investigated the matter on behalf of the NCW. Deeply disturbed by the hubbub surrounding the case, she says, "I spoke to the rape victims. I believe them. Quite a few of them were minors. The case of minors is particularly sensitive. In past rulings, the Supreme Court has laid down the rule that when a minor says that s/he has been raped, his/her word is to be taken as the truth, because minors are not equipped to lie about such things."
The people of Parbung and Lungthulein told her that their villages were too remote to have functioning administrative set-ups, and so militants felt free to heap all sorts of atrocities on them. Since October-November 2005, the atrocities became worse and they could not even cultivate their jhum (rotational agriculture) fields. "They even had to feed militants," Bhattacharjee says. Then the army stepped in as part of its operations against armed outfits. It is in retribution for this that the UNLF-KCP men raped and molested the women, she surmises. Bhattacharjee regrets that the protests are divided, but says that this is not a "battle between the hill and valley people", but a "situation of terror" where the valley people are afraid to speak out.
Whatever the explanation, the civil society's lack of unity on an issue as grave as the mass rape of 21 women has shattered the image of solidarity among women's groups in the northeast. The most telling example is the silence of Manipur's Meira Paibi - a network of women celebrated as one of the strongest women's movements in the country - even as their sisters in the hills are struggling for justice. Ksh Bimola Devi, a well-known women's rights activist in the northeast region, and Professor of Political Science in Manipur University, believes that in the context of the intense militarisation of the state, "women's issues often fizzle out in the face of ethnic considerations". She says, "It is not enough if women from one ethnic group come out. We have been trying to bring women together, but it is difficult. The leaders of ethnic groups control the response of women in their communities."
Meanwhile, the Manipuri people repose little hope in the Rajkhowa Commission or the other commissions set up to investigate rape charges against the Indian army and the armed insurgents. And the state government remains an inconsequential spectator in this highly charged situation. (Women's Feature Service) Linda Chhakchhuak
Nagaland govt. NGOs welcome extension of Naga ceasefire The Hindu
Kohima, Aug 2 (PTI): Nagaland Government and prominent Naga NGOs yesterday welcomed the extension of ceasefire between the Centre and NSCN(I-M) by another year and said both parties should work sincerely for a lasting solution to the vexed Naga problem.
After three days of parleys between representatives of the Centre and NSCN (I-M) at Bangkok, both sides yesterday agreed for extension of the nine-year-long ceasefire for another year, effective from today and resolved to carry forward the peace process.
Welcoming the decision, chief minister Neiphiu Rio said the extension showed the concern and desire of both the sides for maintenance of peace and non-violence inspite of "many hurdles" in the progress of the ongoing peace talks.
The chief minister said the extension of the truce indicated the commitment of the negotiating parties in finding a solution through peaceful means and hoped that both the parties would seriously pursue the negotiations to arrive at a definite outcome before expiry of the ceasefire period.
Apex tribal council Naga Hoho described the extension of ceasefire by one year from the previous six months as an "indication that some progress had been made during the talks in Bangkok".
Leader of opposition I Imkong said the news (of extension of truce) came as a blessing, "Because we were a bit apprehensive about abrogation of the cease fire".
The NSCN-IM and security forces in Nagaland have been observing a truce since August 1997, when they agreed to a ceasefire. The truce has been extended by every 12 months since then except last year, when it was renewed for just six months at the insistence of the NSCN-IM and further extended by another six months in February.
Twists and turns in the Naga insurgency India eNews.com
Kohima - The genesis of the festering Naga insurgency dates back a day before India became a free nation Aug 15, 1947. Six decades later, the Nagas are seeking peace.
The Nagas were the first ethnic group in the northeast to revolt on Aug 14, 1947. Legendary Naga leader Angami Zapu Phizo and his Naga National Council (NNC) asserted that the Nagas were never a part of India.
By 1950 the NNC formally announced its desire to form a sovereign or independent Naga nation, marking the beginning of the insurgency. The NNC in May 1951 claimed that 99 percent of the Nagas — tribals and Christians — supported a referendum to determine their future as a free nation. New Delhi refused to accept the request.
By 1952, the NNC launched a guerrilla movement, attacking villages and security posts. This ignited a violent chapter in Nagaland. In 1956, Phizo formed a parallel government called the Naga federal government (NFG) and its armed wing, Naga federal army (NFA). The Indian government in April 1956 launched a military crackdown in the erstwhile Naga hills district in undivided Assam.
Phizo sneaked into then East Pakistan and then to London. Since then, until his death in 1990, Phizo led the NNC out of London.
In 1963, Nagaland attained statehood and India unveiled efforts at brokering peace with the NNC. People like Jayaprakash Narayan and Rev. Michael Scott were involved in the process. On Sep 6, 1964, a ceasefire was signed between the Indian government and the NNC. Six rounds of talks were held. Despite the truce the Naga rebels continued their offensives. The government abrogated the truce in 1969.
By then chinks had appeared in the Naga struggle. Members of the powerful Sema tribe broke away and formed in 1968 the revolutionary government of Nagaland (RGN) led by self-styled ‘Gen. Kaito’. Three years later, the government banned the NNC, NFG and NFA. India troops again launched a massive anti-insurgency operation in Nagaland. For the first time surrenders by guerrillas took place Aug 14, 1973. The RGN, under the leadership of Gen. Zuheto Swu, joined the Indian mainstream with a number of its cadres joining the Border Security Force.
The surrender apart, the army operations forced the NNC to talk peace with the Indian government. The Shillong Accord was signed Nov 11, 1975, with the Naga rebels led by Kevi Yally, the younger brother of Phizo, accepting the Indian constitution.
But some within the NNC opposed the accord. Prominent among them were T. Muivah, Isak Swu and S. Khaplang.
Muivah was then NNC general secretary and Swu a senior minister. Khaplang, a Burmese Naga, was president of the Eastern Nagaland Revolutionary Council, a wing of the NNC formed to protect Naga interests in then Burma (now Myanmar).
There was another twist in the Naga movement. The trio of Muivah, Swu and Khaplang decided to sever ties with their parent body and formed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980. Swu was made chairman, Khaplang vice-chairman and Muivah general secretary. The NSCN emerged as the most powerful and radical rebel army in Nagaland, sidelining the NNC and NFG.
The NSCN-led insurgency became bloody over the years. But soon the NSCN was mired in internal problems, with leaders differing on major policy issues on clan and tribal lines.
The NSCN split in 1988 with Khaplang forming a parallel NSCN (Khaplang). By 1992, the two NSCN factions were engaged in a fratricidal war over territorial supremacy.
This provided New Delhi the much-needed weapon to tackle insurgency by forcing the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) to come to the negotiating table. A ceasefire accord was signed Aug 1, 1997.
Since then at least 50 rounds of peace talks have been held between the NSCN-IM and New Delhi in Switzerland, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Thailand, Japan and Malaysia.
A similar truce was also signed with the NSCN (Khaplang) faction in April 2001 but formal peace talks with that outfit are yet to begin. Now, after prolonged twists and turns, the mood is one of guarded optimism with the Nagas in general clamouring for peace and an end to all forms of violence and bloodshed.
Nagaland govt, NGOs hail extension of Centre-NSCN truce Assam Tribune
KOHIMA, Aug 1 – Nagaland government and prominent Naga NGOs today welcomed the extension of ceasefire between the Centre and NSCN(I-M) by another year and said both parties should work sincerely for a lasting solution to the vexed Naga problem, reports After three days of parleys between representatives of the Centre and NSCN (I-M) at Bangkok, both sides yesterday agreed for extension of the nine-year-long ceasefire for another year, effective from today and resolved to carry forward the peace process.
Welcoming the decision, Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio said the extension showed the concern and desire of both the sides for maintenance of peace and non-violence inspite of ‘many hurdles’ in the progress of the ongoing peace talks. The chief minister said the extension of the truce indicated the commitment of the negotiating parties in finding a solution through peaceful means and hoped that both the parties would seriously pursue the negotiations to arrive at a definite outcome before expiry of the ceasefire period.
Apex tribal council Naga Hoho described the extension of ceasefire by one year from the previous six months as an ‘indication that some progress had been made during the talks in Bangkok’. Leader of opposition I Imkong said the news (of extension of truce) came as a blessing, “because we were a bit apprehensive about abrogation of the cease fire”.
The NSCN-IM and security forces in Nagaland have been observing a truce since August 1997, when they agreed to a ceasefire. The truce has been extended by every 12 months since then except last year, when it was renewed for just six months at the insistence of the NSCN-IM and further extended by another six months in February.
Hindustan Paper plans Rs 1,900 cr capex Press Trust of India / Kolkata August 2, 2006 PTI
Hindustan Paper Corporation has initiated a Rs 1,900 crore modernisation, upgradation and expansion programme for its paper mills, while eyeing a turnover of Rs 1,177 crore and a profit before tax (PBT) of Rs 150 crore in FY07.
HPC has started a Rs 660 crore modernisation and technical upgradation plan that would cover Cachar Paper Mill and Nagaon Paper Mill in Assam and includes 30% capacity expansion at Nagaon. The company is also working on a Rs 720 crore Expansion-cum-Diversification Project at Hindustan Newsprint mill in Kerala to increase production capacity to 3 lakh tonnes per annum from 1.2 tpa at present, a company release said.
Besides, it is planning to establish a greenfield three lakh tpa mill in north India. It is also overseeing the Rs 550 crore scheme for revival of the Nagaland Pulp and Paper Company at Tuli in Nagaland by doubling the installed capacity to 66,000 tpa.
HPC, which paid a dividend of Rs 15.20 crore for FY06 to Ministry of Heavy Industries today, has applied for 'Mini Ratna' status, the release said.
The maiden dividend cheque was presented to Heavy Industries Minister Santosh Mohan Dev by HPC Chairman Raji Philip. The company posted a 22% increase in its turnover to Rs 1,045 crore in FY06 as against Rs 855 crore in the previous fiscal.
HPC is targeting a turnover of Rs 1,177 crore this fiscal, with a profit before tax of Rs 150 crore.
Problems everywhre, but not a solution in sight By Khelsoril Wanbe Sangai Express
Myriad problems infest Manipur. It will be a difficult job for me to try to enumerate or prepare a list of the problems we face in this tiny state of North East India. The state, at present, is an integral as well as peripheral part of Indian nation. How long will it continue to be so is a crore rupee question to answer. I am proud to be a part or citizen of the Great Indian nation which is said to be well on its way to become a fully developed country in a decade or two from now; and it has already considered itself as a formidable regional power. It also happens to be the dream, attainable and feasible, of Dr APJ Abdul Kalam, the President of India for India to, very soon, become a fully developed nation; if I am not badly mistaken the dream year is 2010 A.D. So, why should Manipur be not proud of being a part and parcel of this going to be or would be super power and developed nation of Asia, next to China.
Mind you, I’m not joking. And now, coming back to Manipur, one thing is true that even though it is a tiny State, it (Manipur) has made India proud more than several times, especially, in the field of sports. Sports-persons like Kunjarani, Dingko, Mary Kom are a few of the many greats produced by Manipur in the recent time. .
Manipuris are, as a matter of fact, talented, brilliant and industrious; good at anything they turn their attention to. They are not inferior to others in any field, even in those negative areas. Incidentally, India is one of the most corrupted countries in the world; and in the field of corruption Manipur is not lagging behind other Indian States. The politicians and rulers of Manipur are players par excellence in the murky game of corruption. Not only the democratically elected people’s representatives, but also the electorate themselves with a few exceptions, are well versed in this game or sports, whatever we call it. But the problem is ‘that, in this highly competitive game of corruption, competitors are many but the winners are always few. So, the number of people who are unable to get State Government jobs are rapidly soaring high.
For instance reportedly, more than five lakh educated unemployed youth are littering the State. There are no worth-mentioning industries in Manipur. In this context, may be, India can be held responsible to some extent; may be India hasn’t given proper attention, as we often hear, towards paving way to bring about development and industrilization to North East region, in general and Manipur in particular. What a very sad situation! India knows well, Manipur can serve as a corridor to the Southeast Asia; but why is this tiny State being apparently neglected in one way or the other? Maybe we, Manipuris should now turn our minds towards solving our own seemingly unsurm- ountable problems, if necessary, by grinding our heads together to hammer out solutions to the many problems that has been bogging us down for so long time now. Financial problem, electricity problem, communication problem, unemployment problem, law and order problem and other overlapping problems. We have now already crossed the threshold of the new millennium; we are now well inside the third millennium A.D, or should we simply call it the 21st century. In any case, what I mean to say is that, the world is in its highly advanced stage; we have come a long way from the stone age, if there had ever been any, long time in the past. The world is said to be rapidly becoming small global village; but in the case of our state, the problem of communication is still gigantic - surface connectivity or roads connecting different parts of the State, I mean we don’t have railways; we don’t have chopper service either; of course, there are few exceptions, like in the case of the Governor or the Chief Minister. For them ‘to’ no problem; but for the poor people in the hilly districts and the sub-divisions, just close your eyes and imagine yourself walking miles and hours carrying heavy sack of rice or vegetables. The lives of the people living in the interior remote areas of this remote State ain’t any better than those living in the corner of the dark continent that Africa is still known as, till these days. The continent of Africa, incidentally, is said to be still far behind Asia and south America, forget about north America and Europe, in the field of scientific and technological advancements, but, surprisingly we still have got such kind of backward areas right here in our backyard in India - in Manipur; to be precise in the hills of Manipur; even some civil organizations of the valley have corroboted to this undeniable fact.
Lack of unity is another problem facing India. And Manipur too faces the same problem, only to a greater degree, perhaps. Many tribes and communities are living together in the State. They are highly competitive among themselves, but the spirit of co-operation is conspicuous by its absence in the absence of mutual respect, love and co-operation, there can be no any development, as we say in Indian English, sometimes.
Well, so, maybe, its high time now that all the NGO’s, civil societies and what not in the State of Manipur took one more careful and spiritual look at Bapuji, the Mahatma and followed the footsteps of ahimsa, mutual respect and co-operation and tried to establish a great co-operation, nay, society in Manipur, jokingly but seriously said it is because no one enjoys power cuts and load-sheddings, bad roads and un-employment, water crisis, political crisis and under development Let us now look at Japan, Korea, South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, Bangkok Shanghai, Bangalore etc, and try to imitate them in our lifestyles and behaviour. Let us try to become advanced and development like them, not only in appearance but inwardly too. Let us feel ashamed of corruption taking bribes from helpless people-for an example, and many other evils that we practice in our land. Old habits die hard but they can definitely be booted out if we are determined and stand up in unity
. ULFA calls for I-Day boycott By A Staff Reporter Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, Aug 1 – The banned United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) has called for the boycott of the ensuing Independence Day celebrations on August 15. It has also declared a state-wide road blockade from 6 am to 6 pm that day and called upon the people to boycott all official functions. It has, however, exempted water supply, electricity, milk supply and health services from the purview of the blockade. The ULFA call for the boycott was made in its fortnightly mouthpiece Swadhinata that was released through e-mail today. Reiterating its stand that sovereignty must form the core issue in the proposed talks with the Centre, the ULFA made it clear, in the editorial of its mouthpiece, that it had not imposed any new condition as sought to be portrayed by the government through newspapers in the last few days.
The outfit said that it was never responsible for any complexities cropping up on the issue of talks and alleged that the Centre has grossly ignored the three conditions set by it. Taking exception to the Centre’s demand that the ULFA should give it in writing their willingness to come for direct talks, the outfit said that it is not fair to expect the ULFA to name its representatives for the talks right now. It questioned why the Centre is insisting on the list of names now itself when it is known that the list would be submitted once formal talks start. It termed this insistence as an insult. Asserting that it was very much interested in resolving the national conflict the ULFA said that the release of five of its top leaders is a must because without the full sitting of the central executive it is not possible to take a final decision regarding direct talks. “We had conveyed this particular aspect of the matter to the Indian rulers much earlier but the latest stand on its part has put the prospects of direct talks in danger,” adding that the outfit was awaiting the release of its leaders as promised by the Government of India. The ULFA said that it was not just in favour of a ceasefire but a complete end to all hostilities, which would be possible when the Army is withdrawn from the state. The government stand that the Army offensive against ULFA would continue till it announces ceasefire smacks of arrogance and insincerity, it said.
Ridiculing the compensation of Rs 1 lakh paid to the family of those killed by the Army as an insult to the people of Asom, the ULFA said that the life of an Assamese could not be so cheap. It termed it as an insult to the people. Meanwhile, “Colonel” Paresh Barua warned through Swadhinata the “colonial Indian rulers” that they were completely mistaken if they thought that they could subjugate the ULFA through suppression and atrocities. “The People’s Consultative Group (PCG) was formed and sent to New Delhi only because the ULFA was interested in solving the long standing ‘Indo-Asom political conflict’ through negotiation but the government has failed to reciprocate this major gesture and started indulging in exploitation and killing of the ULFA cadres even when they could have been captured alive,” he said.
The ULFA also decried the failure of the government to come out clean on the whereabouts of the ULFA leaders missing since the Bhutan operations and said that this was an insult to the people of Asom because the whole state had been demanding that the government make public the fate of these men.
ULFA talks in danger with New Delhi dilly-dallying By IANS
Wednesday August 2, 11:42 AM
Guwahati, Aug 2 (IANS) A fragile peace in Assam is under threat with security forces killing at least 15 militants of the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in the past three weeks. There are fears that the much hyped peace process initiated by the ULFA could break down with the outfit getting restive by the day as reports come in regularly of casualties suffered by their cadres at the hands of security forces.
The security offensives against the ULFA were launched even as union Home Minister Shivraj Patil called for restraint to facilitate a bilateral ceasefire and then direct talks between the rebel leadership and the government. The minister said this after chairing the last round of talks held in New Delhi June 22 with a team of civil society leaders chosen by the ULFA for exploratory talks with the government. 'We are very disturbed and the government of India is to be blamed if the peace process breaks down. 'The security offensives have come at a time when we are trying to facilitate direct talks between the ULFA leadership and the government of India,' noted Assamese writer Indira Goswami, sought by the ULFA to mediate for talks, told IANS.
Goswami is heading the 11-member People's Consultative Group (PCG) nominated by the ULFA in October last year to initiate talks with New Delhi. The latest in the string of encounters by the security forces took place Monday night - so far five ULFA rebels have been gunned down in separate clashes in the past three days alone. 'On the one hand, the government is talking of peace talks and, on the other side, they are continuing with security operations. We are still committed to the path of peace although we doubt the government's sincerity in resolving our problem politically,' the ULFA said in a statement.
The PCG is now confused after three rounds of talks with New Delhi - the first meeting chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in October last year where he said his government was ready to discuss 'all issues' with the ULFA. 'The anti-insurgency operations against the ULFA at a time when talks are on have surprised us,' said senior PCG leader Dilip Patgiri. The home minister during the June 22 talks took a considerate stand by removing one of the biggest stumbling blocks between peace and violence by agreeing to release five top jailed ULFA leaders.
ULFA's demand for releasing five of its senior leaders currently in jail was seen as one of the last big thorns on the road to peace. 'Why the delay in releasing the jailed leaders if New Delhi really wants talks with the ULFA leadership?' asked Goswami. The question is why the sudden security offensive when the two sides were already talking peace? 'There is no ceasefire yet and we cannot let our land be used for subversive activities,' said a senior Assam police official.
There seems to be a clear communication gap with the home minister calling for restraint and the Unified Command Structure headed by the Assam government launching a full-scale military offensive against the rebels. Both New Delhi and the Assam government should do some serious rethinking before the ULFA lets loose a reign of terror to prove they are still a force to be reckoned with - if that happens, it would set in motion a spell of fresh turmoil in the region.
Indigenous people may turn minority: UCM The Imphal Free Press
IMPHAL, Aug 1: There is every possibility that all the indigenous communities inhabiting Manipur from time immemorial could be reduced to a minority in their own land due to the ever increasing influx of people from other parts of the country. Hence, the Manipur government should consider reimposition of the Inner Line Permit System so as to check the influx of outsiders and to save the indigenous people. This was stated Y Chitaranjan, vice-president UCM while speaking at the one day farmers training programme held today at Haraorou, Khundrakpam. People from mainland India are flowing into Manipur uninterrupted and without check since the past few years for reasons best known to them, the UCM leader said expressing strong apprehension that this was the hidden policy of the government of India to reduce the indigenous people inhabiting Manipur to a minority.
This policy of subjugation has already succeeded in Tripura where the indigenous Tripuri community have been reduced to a minority, the UCM leader said and appealed to the people of Manipur to be aware of the hidden game-plan. Urging the Manipur government to take immediate measures to control influx of outsiders in the best interest of the indigenous people, the UCM leader stressed immediate need for reimposition of the ILP system.
Today`s farmer training programme was presided by Arambam Amuthoi, vice president, Village Development Committee, Haraorou. M Priyobrata, a rodent specialist from the state agriculture department talked about the rodent menace while L Sanatomba and Ng Nabakishore, both experts from the state agriculture department talked on `Soil and fertilizer management` and `Green fertilizer management` respectively. About 70 farmers of Haraorou and neighboring villages including Maibung Kom took part in the programme and gained exhaustive knowledge on modern agriculture practices and management. The programme was organised by the UCM in collaboration with the state agriculture department. At the end of the programme, farmers were provided with different types of foodgrains for cultivation.
What does Accord Implementation dept do? By a Staff Reporter Sentinel
GUWAHATI, Aug 2: What actually does the Assam Accord Implementation Department do? So far as implementation of clauses of the Assam Accord is concerned, border fencing and construction of border roads are with the PWD, Ashok Paper Mill is with the Industries Department, constitutional safeguard for indigenous Asomiyas is under the Home and Political Departments, Srimanta Sankardev Kalakshetra is under the Cultural Department, second line of defence is under the Home Department, NRC update is with the Home and Political departments, birth and death registration is with the Health Department etc. The nodal department for implementation of the Assam Accord is Home, and not Assam Accord Implementation Department. If this is the actual situation, what else remains to be done by the Assam Accord Implementation Department, which has, besides a minister, a huge staff strength, from secretary to peons. If monitoring of implementation of various clauses of the Assam Accord is the only job to be done by the Department headed by Dr Bhumidhar Barman, then even a layman would say that the department has utterly failed to serve the very purpose for which it was set up by the erstwhile Prafulla Kumar Mahanta-led AGP Government in 1985. The department was set up to look after the implementation of various clauses of the Assam Accord.
This is the general assessment of the people in general and the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), a signatory of the Assam Accord, in particular. The AASU is of the view that the Assam Accord Implementation Department is nothing but a white elephant, and it should be wound up, and the responsibility of implementation of various clauses of the Assam Accord should be given to the respective departments.
According to sources, the Assam Accord Implementation Department is never equipped with up-to-date data on Assam Accord implementation since it has to collect the data from the respective departments, and on this very pretext, the department always passes the buck for non-implementation or slow implementation of various clauses of the Accord to the implementing departments during the tripartite talks. In this context, the recently-held tripartite talks were no exception.
Circles concerned feel that the Department (Assam Accord Implementation) has no teeth. The then Prafulla Kumar Mahanta-led AGP Ministry, comprising a set of political novices, was totally confused about what to do and what not insofar as the implementation of the Accord was concerned, and it had set up the department without giving it the required teeth. The then Mahanta Government failed to give the required power to the department, and his successor Tarun Gogoi too preferred to follow the footsteps of Mahanta, insofar as his policy on the Department was concerned.
According to sources, during the recently-held tripartite talks on Assam Accord, the AASU leaders openly criticized the State Government for, what they called, total non-functioning of the Assam Accord Implementation Department.
What is surprising is that since the days of Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, the Assam Accord Implementation portfolio is given to ministers as an additional charge. While Biraj Sarma held the additional charge of Assam Accord Implementation besides Municipal Administration Department, Dr Bhumidhar Barman is now holding the additional charge besides Revenue.
When contacted, AASU president Sankar Prasad Roy said: “The Assam Accord Implementation Department is not performing at all. It has failed to send any proposal to the Centre on the implementation of various clauses of the Assam Accord.” He said that Mahanta had kept the department aside, and Gogoi should not repeat the same.
Frans on 08.02.06 @ 09:00 PM CST [link]
