Nagalim.NL News

Saturday, July 31st

PRESS STATEMENT NATIONAL SOCIALIST COUNCIL OF NAGALIM Steering Committee


NATIONAL SOCIALIST COUNCIL OF NAGALIM

Steering Committee

PRESS STATEMENT

31st July 2010

The National Socialist Council of Nagalim, with an objective to end fighting among the warring Naga political groups and to carry forward the rest of the journey in one accord, declared Amnesty by Isak Chishi Swu, His Excellency the Yaruiwo of Nagalim on 21st November 1997. Similarly, for the same reason, Amnesty was declared to the entire nation, irrespective of one’s past and present standing, by His Excellency the Yaruiwo of Nagalim on 14th December 2004.

After undergoing 3 days of national fasting at the Council Headquarters, Hebron, on 13th January 2007, His Excellency the Yaruiwo of Nagalim, Isak Chishi Swu, declared “Unity through Reconciliation” to reach out to other political groups.

When Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) was formed on 7th May 2008 by Divine Revelation through the Shisha Hoho Prayer Center and with full blessing of the Naga people, the NSCN too gave its commitment for fullest support to it.

Accordingly, in the month of June 2009, the three top leaders representing each political group, Chairman Isak Chishi Swu, Chairman S.S. Khaplang and Kedahge Brig. (Retd.) S. Singya signed an agreement that, “covenant of reconciliation shall be based on the historical and political rights of the Nagas”. It may further be recalled that all the groups agreed on 22nd September 2009 Chiangmai meeting, “to facilitate the meeting of a summit at the highest level (the three top signatories) at the earliest”.

But, much to the shock of all concerned, the so-called Monyakshu Conclave of 15th July 2010 is back-stabbing FNR and total negation of the spirit of Naga reconciliation as agreed upon in the successive Chiangmai meetings and also other initiatives back home. The NSCN does not accept such irresponsible acts of sabotage.

However, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim once again re-iterates its firm commitments to the Naga reconciliation based on, “the historical and political rights of the Nagas” and also do uphold our continued support to the FNR whose good office was formed out of the deep and long desire of the Naga people for reconciliation and unity. We stand by the earlier collective decision to facilitate the highest authorities to finalize the detail modalities and the process after minute deliberation.

Sd/-

(Gen. Retd. V.S. Atem)

Convenor

Frans on 07.31.10 @ 10:50 PM CST [link]


Friday, July 30th

Co-ordination Committee GPRN/NSCN & NNC/FGN Invites Nagas To Thanksgiving Service


Co-ordination Committee GPRN/NSCN & NNC/FGN Invites Nagas To Thanksgiving Service

Following the unconditional reconciliation and unification of the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN on 15th July 2010 at Monyakshu Village in Konyak Region, under the Covenant of Reconciliation, signed by top leaders of Naga political groups. The Co-ordination Committee is organizing a thanksgiving service at Vihokhu Village, Niuland Road on 5th August 2010 beginning from 10:00 A.M.

The Co-ordination Committee of the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN appeals to all Nagas irrespective of party allegiance or affiliation to commune together under the Journey of common hope. The service is being organized not to celebrate human achievement; it is to acknowledge the Grace of Almighty God, the creator of Nagaland and the sustainer of the Naga people and their history, for offering the Naga people a small measure of understanding which could sprinkle the Nagas to greater glory. The merger of two political parties is the first answer to the prayer of the Naga people. In a Nation trying to heal itself of steep division and a blood splattered history, only a divine inspiration would urge tolerance and acceptance of all as brothers. The merger drew its strength from the fact that the destiny of the Nagas lies in the hands of God and without His intervention, the wisdom of humans will always be fount wanting.

GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN have in their own little capacity fulfilled what the Nagas asked of them. It is ready to listen and march forward, without fear, to fulfill the ardent wish of our forefathers.

The distribution of invitation cards and program leaflets to all esteemed organizations is going on. The Co-ordination Committee of the GPRN & FGN specially extends its invitation to the Forum For Naga Reconciliation (FNR), Naga Hoho and all units, ENPO and its units, JCC and its units, The DB’s and GB’s Forum, GB Federation, Naga Council, Naga Christian Forum, NBCC and its members, NSF and its federating units, ENSA and its Units, NPMHR and its units, UNC, NWUM, Non-Naga Communities in Nagaland, Senior Citizens, Village headmen/Village elders, Pastors, Youth Leaders, Women Leaders etc. The organizers specially request the media fraternity, local and national, both print and electronic, to cover the event.

MIP,GPRN/NSCN&
Rali Wali, NNC/FGN.

Frans on 07.30.10 @ 09:23 PM CST [link]


Thursday, July 29th

Naga talks fail to deliver OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT The telegraph



Naga talks fail to deliver OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT The telegraph

New Delhi, July 28: Another round of talks between the Centre and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) ended inconclusively today.
NSCN (I-M) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah met Union joint secretary (home) in charge of Northeast Naveen Verma and Centre’s interlocutor R.S. Pandey and other officials for over two hours.
“There was no new point raised by the NSCN (I-M),” said a government source after the meeting. An informal round is likely to be held with Pandey again on Friday.
Muivah, who had come here for the talks, also called on Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, home minister P. Chidambaram and held informal discussions with Pandey.
The Centre has attempted to convince Muivah about the compulsions of the government over the NSCN’s demand for a “special relationship with India” and on the adverse repercussions that could result from integration of the Naga-inhabited areas.
However, the rebel leader, who has stayed away from his native village in Manipur for 40 years, is unconvinced.
While Muivah had mentioned of late that he understood the constraints in a parliamentary democracy, he also iterated that the problem is New Delhi’s and not his.
“The problem is that the leader, however sincere he is, is still adhering to the philosophy that he upheld 40 years ago,” the source said.
While Union home ministry officials were tight-lipped about the deliberations today, they also maintained that the negotiations would continue.
Muivah, in the meantime, also held consultations with other leaders of the outfit.
He also expressed disappointment at not being allowed to visit his ancestral village of Somdal in Manipur’s Ukhrul district.
The NSCN (I-M) general secretary has been on a drive to reach out to the Naga population in Nagaland and give a recap of his outfit’s role over the decades.
No breakdown in talks with Naga group: Interlocutor Pandey IANS, IST
NEW DELHI: There is no breakdown in the ongoing talks here with the rebel National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah), the central government's interlocutor RS Pandey said Thursday.
"Talks are being held here in a cordial atmosphere. It will resume in the coming days," Pandey said.

Pandey's statement comes amidst media reports and speculation in security circles that the talks were "not moving ahead".

The interlocutor said there were talks Wednesday between him and NSCN(I-M) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah. "Today we had informal interactions. The talks will continue in the coming days."

"We have been able to reach agreement on certain issues. We have yet to agree on certain other issues. But the talks will continue," he said.

During talks Thursday, they reviewed the issues covered in the past few months, Pandey said. He said the two sides are trying to "narrow down the differences and reach better understanding".

Pandey said Muivah, who arrived here 10 days ago, had met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and home minister P Chidambaram. NSCN(I-M) leaders had met the prime minister and other leaders in March too, he said.

The NSCN (I-M), the major rebel group of Nagaland, has held nearly 50 round of talks in India and abroad with the centre's interlocutors, since the organisation signed the historic ceasefire agreement with the government in August 1977.

Nagaland had been hit by insurgency since the Naga National Council (NNC), led by AN Phizo, declared "independence" on Aug 14, 1947. The NNC entered into a peace accord - the Shillong Accord - in 1975.

However, those against the Shillong accord - led by Isak Chisi Swu, Thuigaleng Muivah and S S Khaplang - formed the NSCN in 1980. The organisation has been demanding integration of all areas dominated by the Naga tribal people and a "special relation with India" with more powers to the "Greater Nagaland".

In 1988, Khaplang broke away from Isak and Muivah and formed a new group NSCN(K). The rival outfits have been trading charges against each other.

Meanwhile, reports from Kohima said the United Nagaland Council (UGC) has threatened to resume the economic blockade on Manipur if the "demands of the Naga people are not accpeted by July 31 by the centre".

Pandey said that the "UGC threat and talks with NSCN, which are proceeding in an cordial atmosphere were two separate issues".

Reconciliation And Unity Is Hard But Possible: Co-ordination Committee GPRN/NSCN& NNC/FGN


The beat-around-the-bush concept of Naga reconciliation and unity has not helped the Nagas. Reconciliation takes place when two opposing camps do away with apprehensions, past bitterness and acknowledge each other as equals. History shows that it is very difficult for powerful men and women to let go of their high position, power and authority to accommodate and readjust with former enemies. Nagas are blessed for having leaders who are willing to meet, reconcile and work in tandem with once sworn enemies. Through the combination of unceasing prayer support of Church Leaders, peace loving Nagas and the tireless effort of the NGO’s, Civil Societies and Naga elders, the Good Lord bestowed wisdom and opportune time upon the top leadership of two political groups led by Chairman S.S Khaplang, General Secretary N. Kitovi Zhimomi and Commander-in-Chief Gen. Khole of the GPRN/NSCN and Kedahge Brig. (Retd) S. Singnya and Kedallo Zhopra Vero of the NNC/FGN, the sworn enemies reconciled and merged unconditionally. The signing of the ‘PLEDGE’ and a ‘JOINT DECLARATION’ on 15th July, 2010, at Monyakshu Village in Konyak Region may be the noblest act so far in our search for unity and oneness.

The two political groups, having merged unconditionally, have appealed to all other groups to pursue the path of Reconciliation. The Naga Reconciliation and Unity process has broken down political doors and windows and fresh breeze is blowing and melting frozen hearts in the land of the Nagas. The unconditional merger of GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN is a courageous act sending a clear message to all doubting Thomases’ that Reconciliation and Unity among different Naga groups is practically possible. It is also a clear message to the Government of India that there is a new wave of optimism among the Nagas to chart their own course in unison.

Naga history cannot be measured by the scale of brutality in the last sixty years. The last thirty five years, Naga history has been nothing but a sad chapter of bloody conflict between the Nagas themselves. It is the right hour for every Naga to contribute positively towards Nation building through trust and confidence. At this point of Naga history, only individuals or groups obsessed with power and having hegemonic ideas would condemn reconciliatory activities taking place among the Nagas.

The support of Asians, Europeans, Americans other world powers for the Naga cause is extremely important however, unless Nagas support themselves and stand in unity, it would be futile to expect world community to come and weave the Nagas into one strong unit. Unity of the Nagas is pre-requisite towards finding a permanent solution to the Indo-Naga political issue.

Issued by: MIP, GPRN/NSCN
& Rali Wali NNC/FGN.

NSCN (IM) hits back NSCN (K) Newmai News Network
Dimapur, Jul 28: The NSCN-IM has hit out at NSCN-K's 'emissary to collective leadership' Mulato- nu over the latter's sovereignty issue comment few days ago.
The NSCN-IM said that it is always interesting to meet high sounding statement on Naga issue from a national leader who has the perfect credentials for the job.
"But when certain things are uttered from a person with no credibility as a bona fide national worker it turned out to be nothing more than a mockery of high order. And undoubtedly, Kughalu Mulatuno has come to fit into this place again to create sensation out of nothing, of course to put the IB and RAW in good humour," the NSCN-IM said today.
The NSCN-IM alleged that it is an established fact that NSCN-K is a brain child of IB. "And naturally it must do its bidding. Otherwise, it will only endanger the very survival of this particular species. Being the bet organization of Assam Rifles it light up the spirit of AR when ever it comes out with such bombastic statement that somehow stands contrary to actual standing of the group," the outfit said, while adding, "This is the very group that fabricated the stories of Isak Swu and Th.Muivah surrendering to Indian government to find pretext to kill over 200 faithful national workers mercilessly. Lies and deceitfulness they practiced to fool and confused the people. But this is not always possible at all times. Treacherous crimes they committed without the least botheration to their conscience. There is no doubt that this very group who love to shout ‘sovereignty’ as their goal has been found working in tandem with the Naga people’s adversaries everywhere and at all times. People who make bed-fellows with the force who suppressed people’s aspiration is never people’s organization".
"With such demonizing image as anti-Naga organization who are these people, particulary Mulatuno to speak on ‘sovereignty’? But anti-Naga mentality is so deeply implanted in their hearts that they go on creating big big noise on Naga sovereignty without the least inhibition," said the NSCN-IM statement.

AMUCO urges general public Source: The Sangai Express
Imphal, July 28 2010: Ahead of the Manipur Integrity Day observance to be held at five locations of the State, All Manipur United Clubs' Organisation (AMUCO) has called upon the people to renew pledge for safeguarding territorial and emotional integrity of Manipur.

An AMUCO message issued today pointed out that even though Manipur's boundary remains intact there is still threat to the status as the Government of India had been instigating an armed group to foment trouble in the region.

While recounting that mass and spontaneous movement in the State on August 4, 1997 had proved to the centre that people of manipur would never tolerate infringement on its territory integrity, AMUCO asserted that determination of the organisation in opposing any sinister ploy to create divisions among the people is paramount.

Conceding that there ought to be differences of opinion and approach in all sections of the society, particularly in a multi-ethnic society like Manipur, AMUCO nevertheless disagreed with the concept that safeguarding one's culture and tradition means establishing a new land through partition of historically existent land.

Contending that since gaining Independence india's policy is ensure safeguard of its boundary with the north east region as the last frontier, AMUCO substantiated its assertion with reference to Sardar Vallabhbhai patel's agenda to cluster tiny States of the region as single entity which was followed by renaming of certain parts of the region as Eastern border Frontier and Purvanchal.

Such a policy underscores the concept that there is no place for smaller indigenous group of people or tiny States, the body observed.

Even though such a design of the Government of India had been stauchly opposed by NE states like Assam, Tripura and Manipur, public leaders of Nagaland with AZ Phizo as the pioneer figure and emboldened by the Centre's agenda are yet to give up on expanding the boundary of Nagaland.

The expansionist vision of Nagaland could be comprehended from the Naga-Akbar Haidari Accord (1947), 16 Point Agreement (1960), Shillong Accord (1975) and the ongoing ceasefire agreement, AMUCO pointed out while pointing out that there is hardly any need to wage armed movement by the Naga insurgent groups against the Government of India in case the ultimate demand is to remain within the country for Statehood had already been granted in 1963 .

By pretending to uphold 'unique Naga history' the Centre has succeeded in splitting the NSCN organisation and continues to support one of the group to maintain its grip in the region even though such an agenda had claimed the lives of many.

The piecemeal dialogue being initiated by the centre rather than composite dialogue is a clear evidence that the Centre do not want peace to usher in the region for pleasing one group and keeping away other groups would never stabilise North East, maintained AMUCO and cited 68 instances of negotiations between the NSCN (IM) and the Centre without any constructive settlement so far as the indicator that peace in the region is not on the Centre's menu.

Agenda of the Centre needs no reminder for the most recent talk held for the first time in Nagaland failed to find any positive breakthrough as the Centre's representatives outrightly maintained that unity and integrity of India would not be compromised while 'interest of the nagas' would be considered.

These stand of the talks' interlocutors was contradicted by no other than the Union Home Minister who ruled out sovereign status of the nagas as well as asserted that the peace negotiations would not entertain disturbing existing boundary of other States.

On the otherhand, NSCN (IM) chairman Th Muivah had been advocating 'unique history of nagas' in pursuance of uniting Naga inhabited areas under a single administrative unit, AMUCO highlighted.

With regard to alleged indifferent attitude to suffering of the people of Manipur, AMUCO recounted that when Assam Agitation was launched the then Indira Gandhi-led Government of India air-dropped specially trained Army troopers to restore supply of fuel from Assam to other refineries before any permanent damage had been done to the pipelines.

What compelling factor/s prevented Government of India from making similar or less effort to ensure unrestrained supply of essential commodities when economic blockade was enforced on the lifelines of manipur for over two months, AMUCO posed.

Such callousness of the central Government and existing threat to the territorial and emotional integrity of Manipur could not be undermined and as such there is need for participation of the mass in the observance of Manipur Integrity Day during which issues besetting the people would be deliberated.

The observance would be held at THAU Ground, Thangmeiband for Imphal, Yairipok Singga (Thoubal), Moirang (Bishnupur), Jiribam (Imphal East) and Moreh (Chandel), added the AMUCO press statement.
Juggling Opinions … at Whose Cost? Joseph Kuba Morungexpress
The socio-political and economic condition of Manipur has attracted a lot of analyses by journalists, academics, freelancers and concerned citizens in recent times. Such a discourse is essential albeit certain ethical considerations. Prudence, intelligent and socially constructive opinions and ingenuousness on various issues confronting the state should be exercised. However, the ideas, views and attitudes making rounds these days is seemingly being held hostage by all and sundry attempting to score petty points against another through compilation of ideas, facts and figures that has no basis and that suits oneself.
The most contentious issue seems to be the question of ‘revolutionary movements/insurgencies’ itself. We all know that the over 30 insurgent groups operating in the state belong to either of the three communities i.e. Meiteis, Nagas and Chin-Kuki-Zomis. According to Prof. J.B. Bhattacharjee, a distinguished social scientist on the Northeast, “the single common cause (of insurgencies) … is the indifferent attitude of the central government which failed to tackle the problem of insurgency at its initial stage and allowed the dominant majority to threaten the cultural identity of the ethnic and linguistic minorities.” Many scholars and public leaders of our state, similarly, accuse the central government for not prioritizing and addressing questions of forced incorporation of peoples and states of the Northeast into the Indian Union, their quest for autonomy, self-determination and of continuing a strategy of ‘militarization’ and pitting one group against the other as a means to curb insurgency and to check the proliferation of insurgent groups.
If all the communities are facing the same predicament in Manipur, why then the diatribe amongst ourselves, particularly, in matters concerning ‘resistance and armed violence’ against supposedly the Indian ‘occupational’ force. The opposition to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958, by all communities in Manipur is an example of how the Act has been a source of infuriation and provocation to all the people. The provisions of the Act also expose the nature of how the seemingly ‘restive’ situation in Manipur is being managed. We have a situation in almost the whole of the Northeastern states of India where the different communities want some sort of autonomy or to completely secede from India. Many communities in the Northeastern region want the boundaries to be redrawn so that they can live their lives determined by themselves. The catchword is self-determination or autonomy.
In this context, it makes one wonder as to the tirade against Thuingaleng Muivah of the NSCN-IM, in recent times. Even his private life, beliefs and personality have not been spared. Mr. Muivah did not rise out of no-where to be the leader of the NSCN just as any of the revolutionary leaders of the Meiteis or the Zomis-Kukis. He is holding on to the aspirations of the Nagas through legacies of the many leaders and young people who laid down their lives in this quest just as many of the leaders and the youth have done in the case of the Meiteis and the Kukis-Zomis.
This fact does not seem to have dawned into the imagination of many. However, let us keep this issue aside for now after assuming that all the revolutionary groups in Manipur are engaged in armed combat for reasons they are fully aware of and passionate about and that the common people look up to them as heroes to the cause of their freedom against oppression. Let us also envision that somehow, in future, they will be instrumental in directing a ‘force’ against a common enemy that is out to destroy communities like ours who have been compelled to take up arms. Despite a situation that hints at a bleak future for the people in Manipur, in the last decade or so, the relations between the major ethnic communities have gone from bad to worse. It will do well for all to examine the issues that have been at the core of many of these contestations.
Recently, a number of questions have been raised by various writers as to the conduct of Mr. Muivah and the Nagas, particularly ANSAM and the UNC, in the media. One of the featured arguments was why Mr. Muivah chose to visit his village Somdal when the Nagas were crying hoarse against holding the Autonomous District Council elections and a blockade in this regard was on. The point here was that Mr. Muivah was adding more confusion by trying to enter Manipur, taking advantage of the crisis situation. It may be noted here, however, that the opposition to the election was not an all Naga show and was in no way a ‘tactical’ move or whatever by Mr. Muivah. The ATSUM and the ANSAM spearheaded the ‘blockade’ during the first week of April 2010. The ATSUM, in a Press Release, on 20 April 2010 also said that “various tribal based civil societies have every reason to oppose holding of election under the 3rd Amendment Act of 2008 of Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act as there is no doubt that the said amendment has ‘some confusions’ as well as unsatisfying points and clauses.” The call against the elections, in its amended version, was by all the tribals (read Kukis, Zomis, and Nagas).
Mr. Muivah’s itinerary to visit Somdal had no link with the tribal agitation as it had been worked out at the level of the central government with full knowledge of the state government. It was the Manipur Government that refused the permission citing ‘law and order’ problem. The unfolding state of affairs during this period, however, did not give much legitimacy to the ‘law and order’ rationale. The Chief Minister, Mr. Ibobi, was in deep political crisis with demands for his resignation due to the Khwairamband incident, the closure of all educational institutions for almost 4 months because of this incident and the closure of all government offices who were demanding the implementation of the 6th Pay in toto. Mr. Ibobi, by using his superb political acumen, was able to tide over this critical exigency by diverting the public psyche towards Muivah and his alleged ill intentions if he came to Manipur. The political deliverance for Mr. Ibobi was timely especially with the ‘integration’ issue being raked up with all preparations for the ‘Great June Uprising’.
Another immaterial but oft referred to has been the question as to whether Nagas in Manipur are ready to become one community under the proposed Nagalim. It must be asserted here that the issue of Nagas coming together under one ‘umbrella’ has been the desire of Nagas, both of Manipur and Nagaland, right from the very beginning. Nagas of Manipur have been a part of the struggle since the time of AZ Phizo and continue to do so and some of the most vocal civil society organizations in this regard have been the Nagas of Manipur. Stray cases of intra-Naga differences of opinion have in no way affected the overall aspiration of all the Nagas.
It may not be the most popular view but there are many takers of the claim that the main cause of all this inter-ethnic problem in Manipur has been the result of the prolonged ill treatment and exploitation of the tribals by the Meiteis. The following points, to a large extent, substantiate this contention.
The tribals of Manipur have consistently been at the receiving end of discrimination by the state government. For instance, the 2001 census showed a population ratio of almost 4:6 between the tribal and the non-tribals (read Meiteis). However, this census count was objected by the state government who stated that there was ‘abnormal’ growth in some parts. The Paomata, Tadubi and Purul sub-divisions were identified as the problem areas and the argument put forward was that the ‘abnormal’ growth was due to the ethnic clash between the Kuki-Nagas and anti-ceasefire movement from 1997 to 2001. With no record of non-tribal displacement/migration to these sub-divisions, it was obvious that the entire drama was fabricated because the new statistics would entail more tribal representation in the state Assembly. As of now, tribal MLAs constitute 19 of the total 60. Even as disquiet was created due to the census imbroglio, during this period, the proposed Diphu-Karong railway (some parts of which were falling within the jurisdiction of the three sub-divisions), inaugurated by the then Union Railway Minister Nitish Kumar in 1998 at Karong ground was unceremoniously shifted to the Jiribam via Silchar sector.
The recently held ADC elections was another flashpoint of worry and anger for the tribals who regard it as a trample upon tribal rights when the 2008 Amendment deleted the word ‘autonomous’. The revenue system under the newly engineered ADC Act also re-configures the land-holding system in scheduled areas with the patta system, which enables wide manipulation of tribal land. All tribals consider it land-grabbing with the already existing provisions for transfer of tribal land to non-tribals under the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960, and subsequent amendments. The turnout and the manner in which the whole election exercise was carried out smacked of mockery of democracy. Nomination, scrutiny and oath-taking were all done in Imphal. It is envisaged that the entire functioning of the Councils will also be held in Imphal.
Other issues that continue to pour more oil in the fire of communal tension have been the arbitrary Cabinet decision to choose the site of Indira Gandhi Tribal University at Makhan (near Sekmai) without proper consultation with the Tribals (Hills Areas Committee). In the education sector, recruitment has been a major area of manipulation. Manipur University has only 2 (two) tribal lecturers and only 7.5% of the total seats for higher studies and post creation have been allotted to the tribals. Reportedly, in the recent recruitment of primary teachers under the District Councils, 552 posts out of 1600 reserved vacant posts, were given to Meitei candidates. In other areas of recruitment/promotion, too, the tribals have been willfully victimized. The Manipur Civil Services Pay Rules 2010, which upgraded the post in the pay scale 6,000-10,000 to A-grade, was deliberately done to prevent promotion of SC/ST to the next higher post as there can’t be reservation in promotion for A-grade services. A glaring example of inequitable treatment meted out even to top government officials has been the still pending case with the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) of the promotion of a junior officer belonging to the Meitei community by bypassing a senior tribal colleague in the police department. It may be noted that no tribal has so far held the post of Advocate General in Manipur.
The Kukis and Nagas have time and again been accused of extorting ‘huge’ amounts of illegal tax from goods transported through NH 39. The argument here is that the tribals are actually levying illegal direct and indirect taxes on the Meiteis. Just like the saying “for the loss of a horseshoe a kingdom was lost”, the Meiteis, while picking these so-called taxes (how much money can a truck driver dole out anyway) as major offences against them, will never admit to the abuse of crores of Rupees a major portion of which is meant for tribal development. Corruption is a household name in Manipur and the epicenter of corruption is obviously Imphal where every financial transaction first takes place before it is sent to the hill districts. Persons who are interested in a temporary job as an Anganwadi Worker have to pay Rs. 20,000/- and a Helper Rs. 10,000/- respectively to get an honorarium of approximately Rs. 14,400/- and Rs. 12,000/- annually.
The diversion of funds meant for one purpose to another has often created misunderstanding among the stakeholders. A Rs. 300 crore sanctioned by Union Ministry for Ukhrul-Tadubi road was reportedly diverted to the constituencies of Mr. Ibobi and Works Minister Ranjit. Similarly, money meant for Churachandpur Mini Secretariat construction under ACA/SPA funding was again diverted to the same constituencies in 2007. This sort of manipulation and the finer points regarding the overall state government employment ratio of 8:2 in favour of the Meiteis are telling examples of how corruption and willful discrimination are a reality. One cannot fail to make out the deliberate attempts to prevent parity between hills and the valley. There are some elements within the enlightened individuals in Manipur who argue that it is but natural that better infrastructure and facilities should first be invested in Imphal – the capital of the state; that Imphal should be made into a Hill Station to attract tourists; and that the face of Imphal should be made the face of Manipur. There is definitely no arguing on that proposition. The only question remains: where is the infrastructure after these many years? Concomitantly, when was there an effort to enforce a strict development policy which would benefit both Imphal and the surrounding hill districts? Talking about highway problems: when will the trucks be able to travel at a reasonable speed so that no goondas, whether it is a Naga, Meitei, Kuki, will have the opportunity to stop and loot it.
Going by the opinion of a person who recently contributed an article to this esteemed paper, “if the people are happy, satisfied and contented with their lives then who is going to join the rebellion ranks? They will give two hoots to Muivah and his ilk.” A glance at the statistics (in Manipur) and the stated rationale by the author, it will probably be the Meiteis who are the most dissatisfied people in the country. Political contempt of the ethnic, cultural and other diversities in a state like Manipur and political jugglery by constantly diverting the minds of the common people from issues like bad governance, corruption and so on to communal persuasions by vested interests will ultimately be the ruin of Manipur.
In fine, if Mr. Muivah is talking and misleading people into an illusionary ‘Nagalim’: can we also say that the leaders of the about 20 odd revolutionary groups in Manipur are also talking and misleading Meiteis into an illusionary ‘Kangleipak’.
Nagaland GB Federation condemns morungexpress
Dimapur, July 28 (MExN): The Nagaland GB Federation has condemned the incident which took place on July 19 last at Vidima Village. The Federation General Secretary A. Taku Longkumer in a press release said that the GBs are supposed to be well-behaved in many aspects as the custodian of the customary laws in our society. A GB has to be respected by the citizen for being matured, responsible elderly persons and trust worthy, whereas the barbaric and heinous crime done by such man has damaged the good image of the GBs. The Federation further informed that it has decided to terminate his membership from July 22, 2010. Concerned authority should take appropriate action as an example to other GBs. The Federation has also informed the Chakro GBs union to take immediate action against the culprit according to the "customary law of the land".

When will the 60 MLA's listen to the common man? Vikeduo Linyu
•-I just happen to drop into Nagaland House Guwahati (Medical lodge) inaugurated about six months back, just a few days back. It’s good that the government has started a lodge for the needy and poor; it’s high time to have a lodge exclusively for the health sector, kudos to the initiative. But what’s shocking is, I found out that there is not even a refrigerator and a water filter!!!!!
We have 60 elected representatives, I doubt if some of the MLAs' are aware of the place (its just 2 or 3 lanes behind Downtown Hospital). Why can’t our elected representative just donate Rs. 1000-Rs 500, for the new lodge from their monthly salary? You talk about development and crores of rupees blah, blah etc what is the point, when you!! Yes the 60 of you!! can’t provide the basic necessity for the people. Stop talking about austerity, development etc oh by the way if one of the World cup tourist elected representative had sacrificed his ticket for a match not the trip, it will be enough to buy a refrigerator, water filter, flask, hot case for the lodge. Start working for the people who needs the most, someday your turn will come, by then it will be too late.
Vikeduo Linyu
Half Nagarjan, Dimapur


Frans on 07.29.10 @ 10:56 PM CST [link]


Wednesday, July 28th

Naga bodies begin to roar again, blockade replay on the card UNC serves ultimatum with ‘eco-blockade replay as side dish’ By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express



Naga bodies begin to roar again, blockade replay on the card UNC serves ultimatum with ‘eco-blockade replay as side dish’ By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express

Soft targets : A truck damaged by blockade sponsors and Tata Sumo attacked for plying NH-39
IMPHAL, July 27: Serving an ultimatum to the Go-vernment of India to inter- vene within five days on its demands, United Naga Council (UNC) has threa-tened to resume its tempo- rarily suspended agitation in the event of failing to act on its demands.
The demands of UNC are institution of a judicial inquiry into the May 6, 2010 incident at Mao Gate in which two students were shot dead and more than a hundred peaceful protes-tors were wounded by po- lice action, immediate withdrawal of restrictions under 144 CrPC and demilitarisation of Naga areas, removal of ‘wanted’ tag and fixing rewards on Naga leaders and dissolution of the ‘undemo- cratically instituted’ Autonomous district councils.
Submitting an ultimatum to the Prime Minister in this regard, UNC categorically stated that in the event of failure to meet the demands within the set deadline, it would have no other option but to resume the temporarily suspended agitation till the aspiration of the Naga people is fulfilled.
The ultimatum signed by its president Samson Remei further warned that ‘this step is the expression of our democratic rights and will be intensified in different forms and at different level till the issues are addressed in the right perspective.
UNC, however, reiterated its strong commitment and support to the Indo-Naga peace process.
Incidentally. the restrictions imposed under sec- tion 144 of the CrPC has been withdrawn from the hill areas by the State Govt a long time back, while a Magisterial Inquiry has been instituted to probe the May 6 incident at Mao gate, in which two students were killed.

Imphal-Ukhrul road blocked over killing of housewife The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 27: The irate villagers of Sabungkhok Mayai Leikai called an Imphal-Ukhrul road blockade from early this morning to protest the killing of a housewife in Sabungkhok village Mayai Leikai under Lamlai police station last night around 11 pm by two unidentified gunmen suspected to be UGs in front of her children.

According to a source, 45-year old housewife identified as Nongthombam Indira, wife of N Tomba of Sabungkhok Mayai Leikai was gunned down by two unidentified gunmen suspected to be UGs last night around 11 pm after she was called out by those unidentified gunmen in front of her children. The victim reportedly died after she sustained by two bullet injuries at her right arm and chest last night at her house at Sabungkhok village.

In the meantime, according to Yaima, 12, elder son of the victim last night around 11 pm some unidentified persons came to their house and made them open the front door forcibly.

He further mentioned that as soon as his mother opened the main door two unidentified persons were found standing at their door who enquired whether his father was there. Since his father had gone for an important work, his mother told them that he was not home. Later, one among the youths made a phone call on his mobile and started talking with someone. Thereafter, one among the two youths removed a small arm and shot his mother at close range twice and left the house hurriedly.
The victim was reportedly serving as cook at the Sabungkhok Mamang Leikai LP School and is survived by her husband and four children.

The husband of the victim is an active worker of the state Health and Family Welfare minister Ph Parijat and runs his family by doing some local contract works, the local source added.

The dead body of the victim was picked up from the spot by the Lamlai police last midnight and kept at the JNIMS morgue at Porompat for post mortem.

The local public and family have refused to accept the dead body of the victim and called Imphal-Ukhrul road bandh from this morning causing serious inconvenience to the public and transporters along the road.

The local meirapaibis of Sabungkhok area have expressed strong condemnation of the killing and the public in the area have decided to agitate until justice is done by the concerned authorities.

Meanwhile, Health minsiter Parijat and a group of local leaders submitted a memorandum to chief minister O. Ibobi Singh with charter of demands today.

They told the CM that the body of the victim would not be accepted and agitations would be launched if the government failed to book the culprits within two days. The memorandum also urged the government to provide a job to the victim’s kin besides providing ex-gratia and also to strengthen security presence in Lamlai area.

Reports said that the CM gave assurance on three of the demands but not on the demand for booking of the culprit. According to the CM, the compensation and job would be given this year itself.

India-Myanmar pact to tackle crime Spl Correspondent Assam Tribune
NEW DELHI, July 28 – Emboldened by success of its fresh diplomatic strategy with Bangladesh, India inked a similar pact with neighbouring Myanmar on Tuesday, with Union Home Minister P Chidambaram signing a Treaty on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters with Foreign Minister of Myanmar, U Nyan Win.
The two countries signed four other agreements during the ongoing State visit of Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council of Myanmar, Senior General Than Shwe. His wife Daw Kyaing Kyaing is accompanying the chairman.
Yesterday, the Senior General held a meeting with Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, which was followed by a delegation level talk.
A joint statement issued at the end of meeting said the two leaders agreed on close cooperation between the security forces of the two countries in tackling the pernicious problem of terrorism.
It was agreed that security cooperation should be given immediate attention since terrorists, insurgents and criminals respect no boundaries and undermine the social and political fabric of a nation. The two leaders agreed to strengthen cooperation and collective efforts of the twocountries along the border.
India and Myanmar shares a boundary that stretches for over 1,640 km and borders four north-eastern States.
New Delhi expects Myanmar to initiate same actions against the insurgents of North-east, as Dhaka did against ULFA and NDFB leaders. Militants belonging to various groups have been using the territory ofMyanmar . Outlawed ULFA, NDFB, KLO, NSCN (I-M) and Khaplang factions, besides several outfits of Manipur operate from bases in the neighbouring country.
Sources said India is likely to compensate Myanmar for conducting ‘special search operation’ based on inputs provided by India against militant leaders hiding in the country.
ULFA’s military chief Paresh Barua is known to sneak in and out of Myanmar after the crackdown in Bangladesh.
They agreed that trade at border trade points should be further enhanced to boost the immense potential that exists in bilateral trade. This would also directly benefit the north-eastern States.
In this connection, both leaders reiterated their commitment to undertake the tri-lateral connectivity from Moreh in India to Moe Sot in Thailand via Myanmar. The Indian side agreed to take up the preparation of detailed project reports (DPRs) for roads and causeways in Myanmar to realise this project.
Referring to the existing border trading points at Moreh-Tamu (Manipur) and Zawkhathar-Rhi (Mizoram), as well as the additional point agreed to be operationalised at Avankhug-Somra (Nagaland), the two sides agreed to put in place the necessary infrastructure to make these points viable and business friendly.
On the issue of connectivity between the two countries, the two leaders hailed the progress made by M/s Inland Waterways Authority of India towards implementation of the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project.
M/s Essar has been given the contract for port development and inland waterway. It was also agreed that the scope of the project with respect to the road component would be revised. TheMyanmar Ministry of Construction and IRCON would execute the road component between Paletwa and Myeikwa on the India border.
The two leaders expressed satisfaction at the construction, maintenance and repair work by Indian Border Roads Organisation (BRO) of the Tamu-Kalaywa-Kalemyo Road connecting Moreh in Manipur toMyanmar and the handing over of most of the segments of the TKK Road to the Government of Myanmar.
To enhance road connectivity, especially through the State of Mizoram, both leaders announced the construction and revamping of the Rhi-Tiddim road at a cost of more than US$ 60 million to be financed through grant assistance fromIndia.
India and Myanmar agreed to cooperate in the implementation of the Tamanthi and Shwezaye projects on the Chindwin River Basin in Myanmar. The NHPC in carrying out the much required additional investigations after the signing of the MoU on Cooperation in Hydro-power Development Projects in the Chindwin River Basin in September 2008.
The Myanmar side conveyed their gratitude for India’s line of credit of US$ 64 million in the transmission lines sector to be executed through M/s. PGCIL.
In the telecom sector, following the successful functioning of the official fibre link between India and Myanmar via Moreh, the two leaders agreed to upgrade the microwave link between Moreh to Mandalay under a line of credit of US$ 6 million from India. Further, a new optical fibre link between Monywa to Rhi-Zawkhathar will also be undertaken with Indian assistance.
Resigned’ Naga MLAs seek Governor’s intervention Newmai News Network
Imphal, Jul 27: The seven Naga Independent MLAs had sought the intervention of Manipur Governor Gurbachan Jagat today at Manipur Raj Bhavan in connection with the Manipur Legislative Assembly Speaker’s indecisive stand over their tendering of resignation.
The Assembly Speaker is yet to pronounce whether he had accepted or rejected the resignations of the seven Naga MLAs over the Mao Gate episode.
Apprising the matter to the Governor today, the seven Naga MLAs said that they had tendered their resignations on May 6 in protest against the government decision to use the state forces against the civilians at the May 6 Mao Gate episode.
The MLAs further stated that their act of resignation was also to share the grieves and sorrows of the victims’ families of the Mao Gate incident. The seven MLAs then informed the Governor that as demanded by the rule of procedure and conduct of business of the Assembly, they had physically shown up before the Speaker of the Manipur Legislative Assembly on May 12 at 1:30 pm and thereafter, they had intimated as a reminder to the Speaker on July 7 as the latter failed to give his ruling over their resignations.
In their joint representation to the Governor today, the seven Naga MLAs alleged that the Speaker had violated the rule of procedures and conduct of business of the Manipur Legislative Assembly as the Speaker fails to announce his ruling. As per the rule of procedures, the Assembly Speaker should announce his ruling at the earliest Assembly Session after any member of the Legislative Assembly had tendered his/her resignation.
The seven Naga MLAs then rued that they have been placed under utter confusion with regard to their present position due to the non-ruling of the Speaker over their tendering of resignation.
Meanwhile, the Naga MLAs then reminded the Manipur Legislative Assembly Speaker today through a joint missive saying the latter did not abide the Rule No. 315 of Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Manipur Legislative Assembly when the 8th Session of the 9th Assembly started on July 7.
New Delhi's Shame: Irrawaddy News
July 28, 2010: The acts were so shameless, so dripping-with-blood ironic, that its hard to believe they actually happened.
But on his current trip to India, Burma's Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the ruthless dictator who brutally crushed a monk-led uprising and locked up Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's icon of non-violent struggle, first made a pilgrimage to Bodh Gaya, the site where the Buddha attained enlightenment, and then paid his respects to Mahatma Gandhi, India's icon of non-violent struggle.
To its shame, the government of India, one of the world's largest democracies that once honored Suu Kyi with its Jawaharlal Nehru award, ignored activists' protests and received Than Shwe with a full ceremonial welcome at the presidential palace.
It now appears that no matter how many peaceful demonstrators and monks have been killed in the streets of Rangoon, how many activists have been tortured in Burma's prisons or how many innocent ethnic villagers have been the victim of forced displacement and labor, New Delhi will stoop to touch the boot of Than Shwe.
In addition, India's red-carpet welcome of Than Shwe strongly indicates that no matter how egregiously his military regime manipulates the process to ensure an outcome and future government entirely in its favor, New Delhi is likely to honor the result of Burma's election.
Back in the day, India supported the pro-democracy movement led by Suu Kyi. But realism has replaced idealism, and now India's see no evil, speak no evil, hear no evil “Look-East” policy is mainly focused on counterbalancing China's growing clout over Than Shwe's junta, competing with China for access to Burma's natural gas resources, increasing trade with Burma by cultivating closer economic and strategic ties and controlling the insurgency movement operating on the India-Burma border in its northeast region.
In order to make progress in these areas, India has not only welcomed Than Shwe, it has agreed to consider his request for assistance in three areas—information technology development, industrial development and infrastructure development. In addition, New Delhi will give US $10million to the Burmese regime to procure agricultural machinery from India, and India's state-owned EXIM Bank will provide Burma with a $60 million loan to finance railroad projects.
New Delhi is not alone in its pampering of Than Shwe—there are many regional and international actors who have changed tactics on Burma, allowing self-interest and so-called pragmatism to override Burma's repression and rogue behavior. All of these governments shamelessly offer a handshake to Than Shwe while forgetting that the sins the general has committed cannot be washed from his blood-stained hands.
New Delhi claims that it wants to play a prominent role in the international community, even lobbying for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. But as analysts have noted, India's ability to assume an international leadership role depends—or at least should depend—on it ability to have a positive influence on the world.
But after watching India allow the man who ordered Burma's monks be killed visit Bodh Gaya, and who imprisoned Burma's leading non-violent pro-democracy advocate pay homage to Mahatma Gandhi, we believe that India's influence on Burma is not a positive one.
Dictator’s tour group arrives at five-star hotel in New Delhi
Mizzima News

New Delhi (Mizzima) – Burmese junta leader Senior General Than Shwe and his entourage arrived at the five-star luxury ITC Maurya Hotel in New Delhi last night at about 6:50 p.m., according to a manager at the hotel, on their five-day official visit to India which started on Sunday.

The dictator’s delegation of more than 80-members includes junta ministers and their wives, on Sunday and yesterday took in holy sites – Bodhgaya in Bihar State, where Buddha had achieved enlightenment under the Bodhi tree, and Varanasi in the state of Uttar Pradesh, where Buddha gave his first sermon – before flying to the Indian capital.

“They arrived at our hotel this evening at about 6:50 p.m. Their delegation has more than 80 members”, a senior manager at the hotel in New Delhi told Mizzima.

The hotel has five-star facilities and is situated in the Sardar Patel Marg district of New Delhi.

The senior general had offered Wazo robes, eight prescribed articles for monks and cash to 27 abbots at a Burmese monastery in Bodhgaya yesterday morning. He also donated US$2,200 to abbots invited from Burmese monasteries in Rajgir, Savrasati, Varanasi and Kolkata.

“I think he spent a lot of time in Bodhgaya to earn merit and this is the main purpose of this visit especially at the time of his twilight years, so he came here to offer meritorious deeds during his last days, for his afterlife”, a Burmese monk who is studying in Bodhgaya told Mizzima.

The entourage stayed at the three-star Royal Residency hotel near the Bodhgaya international airport. “They checked in to our hotel at about 10:30 a.m. yesterday [Sunday] and checked out today [Monday] at about 12:45 p.m. The total number of guests in their team is 84”, a senior hotel manager said.

Than Shwe was scheduled to meet Indian President Pratibha Patil and Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh today, a high-level official from the Indian foreign ministry told Mizzima.

The entourage will also fly early tomorrow morning to Hyderabad in the state of Andhra Pradesh, where India’s biggest industrial company, the Tata Group, is based.
700 Karen refugees from junta attacks need emergency aid
Myint Maung Mizzima

New Delhi (Mizzima) – More than 700 war refugees in Karen State who fled into the forest towards the Thai border after junta army units shelled and burned down their villages, one of them a Christian centre, now need emergency food and medical aid, a Karen leader has said.

The Burmese Army’s Light Infantry Battalions 370 and 361 bombarded a Christian village with about 40 mortar shells on July 23, damaging at least 50 homes, a church and a middle school, the Karen National Union (KNU), which is waging armed struggle against the military regime, said.

“We had no engagement or clashes with them. They shot and bombarded only this village. The villagers had to hide in the forest. According to the latest fugures we received, there are more than 700 refugees who have taken flight from their villages”, KNU vice-chairman David Tharkapaw said.

“They had to flee with no spare clothes and food. Especially in this monsoon season, the fever and common cold is endemic and the shortage of food is serious. We can’t as yet provide with them with emergency food and medical aid”, he added.

A report yesterday on the website of the Independent Catholic News service, which has correspondents on the Thailand-Burma border, supported Tharkapaw’s assessment, including the numbers of homes shelled and burned, and named the bombed village, Thadahder.

“It is the rainy season in Eastern Burma and those in hiding are in desperate need of shelter, food, medicine and security. Lack of clean water and the prevalence of disease-carrying insects in the jungle are of particular concern,” the report said.

A local former military officer said this village was regarded as one hidden in a black area, though the attack could not yet been independently verified, apart from the ICN report.

“Black area means all the persons found in this area will be assumed [by junta troops] as friend or foe only, no neutral people”, he added. “They can burn all the houses found in the black area. They can kill anyone found in this area.”

“They can also plant landmines … These activities will not get them in any trouble. They can be even promoted for … strictly obeying orders given by higher authorities”, he added.

The junta’s Chief of Staff office had standing orders for all its forces to destroy all “hidden villages” found in such “black areas” by burning them down, he said.

The Burmese Army is infamous for such blatant violations of human rights against ethnic nationalities.

With news of impending Burmese Army offensives in Karen State, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), which has been operating under a ceasefire agreement with the junta, has been under increasing pressure to bring its troops under the junta’s Border Guard Force (BGF), an “offer” some DKBA factions have rejected.

The KNU however had recently stepped in to offer Colonel Saw Lar Pei, a prominent leader of one such faction, armed support when the junta attacks, Tharkapaw said.

“He doesn’t want to join the BGF so SPDC [junta] forces have been putting pressure on his force. When their pressure tactic doesn’t work, they [SPDC troops] plan to launch an attack … in co-operation with some pro-junta DKBA factions,” Tharkapaw said.

“We plan to give military support to Colonel Saw Lar Pei when the junta attacks his force,” he said, adding that “we will receive him back if he [chooses to] rejoin his mother organisation, the KNU.”


Frans on 07.28.10 @ 10:44 PM CST [link]



Details of Naga talks can't be disclosed: Centre Zee News



Details of Naga talks can't be disclosed: Centre Zee News

New Delhi: Government today refused to divulge details of the peace process it had initiated with militant group NSCN-IM to find a solution to the vexed Naga homeland issue.
"Dialogue with NSCN-IM is continuing. The details in this regard cannot be disclosed as negotiations are underway," Minister of State for Home Mullapally Ramachandran told Lok Sabha, replying to a question. Integration of of all Naga-inhabited areas in the northeast has been a key demanded of NSCN-IM. The Centre has been holding peace talks with NSCN-IM since August 1997. So far over 60 rounds of parley were held between the two sides.

Last week, NSCN-IM 'general secretary' Thuingaleng Muivah met Home Minister P Chidambaram and discussed with him issues related to the Naga peace process. Muivah has come here after wrapping up his nearly one- and-a-half-month-long peace mission across Nagaland. The NSCN-IM wants formation of a 'greater Nagaland' carved out of Naga-dominated areas in Nagaland, as well as Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.
The demand to integrate Naga-dominated areas has been rejected by the three neighbouring states. Earlier this month, another round of peace talks was held between Centre and the NSCN-IM where the contentious issue of integration of Naga-inhabited areas had figured.
UNC threatens to resume agitation (EMN):
DIMAPUR, JUL 27 Voicing deep resentment and disappointment that the concerns and demands of the Naga people in Manipur are yet to be addressed by the Government of India (GoI) even after 39 days of the temporary suspension of the economic blockade, the United Naga Council (UNC) today dashed off a representation to the Prime Minister stating that it would be forced to resume its agitation if the centre fails to intervene in the issues that have repeatedly been submitted before it.
In the ‘ultimatum’ addressed to the PM, the UNC reminded that the economic blockade which had been enforced by the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) in protest against the imposition of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act 2008 on the tribals, and later compounded by the NSF issue and the killing of 2 students at Mao on May 6 by the Manipur State Armed Forces, had been temporarily suspended in deference to the request of the Prime Minister, Union Home Minister and Leader of the Opposition. However, it said this has not been reciprocated with any proactive response by the Government of India, adding that ‘the confidence and good will towards the GoI have therefore been considerably eroded before the Naga people’.
In view of this, the UNC once again placed before the PM its demands: Institution of a judicial enquiry into the May 6, 2010, incident at Mao Gate where two students were shot dead and more than a hundred peaceful protestors wounded by the Manipur State Armed forces, immediate withdrawal of the imposed section of 144 CrPC and demilitarization of Naga areas by removal of the Indian Reserve Battalion and Manipur Police Commandos, removal of ‘wanted’ tag and fixing of rewards imposed on Naga leaders and dissolution of the Autonomous District Councils. Demanding the GoI’s intervention on these issues within five days, the UNC ultimatum said it would have no other option but to resume the temporarily suspended agitation if its concerns are continued to be ignored by the centre. It also sought to make it ‘explicitly clear’ that ‘this step is the expression of our democratic rights and will be intensified in different forms and at different level till the issues are addressed in the right perspective’. The UNC further reiterated its strong commitment and support to the Indo-Naga Peace process till its logical conclusion.
Mangmetong accepts Assam Rifles apology (EMN):
Concern Senior Citizen Forum Mokokchung, NSF, NPMHR, etc. FIR against officer withdrawn
DIMAPUR, JUL 27 While stating that the ‘callous and unwarranted’ act of the Commanding Officer of 9 AR Col Rohit Khare had been a direct challenge to the village, the Mangmetong Village Council (MVC) today informed that its citizens have decided to acknowledge the apology of the AR authority in the unique traditional and customary practice of extending forgiveness for peaceful co-existence of the people.
Informing of the development, a press note issued by MVC president Imlimeren Longchar and general secretary Talimeren Tzudir further stated that the FIR registered against Col Rohit Khare at PS II Mkg will stand withdrawn.
Making known the seriousness of the AR officer’s action, the release said the ‘most callous and unwarranted’ act on July 9 last when the officer vindictively destroyed the ‘Historical Monument’ had been taken by the village as ‘a direct challenge to our historic rights of preserving our suffering for the cause of the Naga Nation’. However, it said Maj Gen Sandeep Singh IGAR (N) had personally come to the village and ‘confessed and admitted the wrongdoing of Col. Rohit Khare and tendered sincere apology in the presence of Civil Societies from Mokokchung town’.
Following this, the Mangmetong Village Council convened a special meeting of all the Mangmetong citizens on July 27 whereby a threadbare deliberation was held on the matter. Subsequently, it was informed that the Mangmetong citizens unanimously resolved to acknowledge the sincere apology ‘without any pre-condition, keeping in view of unique traditional and customary practice of extending forgiveness for peaceful co-existences amongst the Nagas in general and Mangmetong villagers in particular’.
The MVC also acknowledged the support of the various individuals and civil organisations, including Ongpangkong Mungdang (OM), OKM, Watsü Mungdang, OWM, ASUK, AKM, Ao Senden,
Hindu terrorism doesn't exist, but do we want one? Rajeev Srinivasan
If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. The lie can be maintained only for such time as the state can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie.
It thus becomes vitally important for the state to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth is the greatest enemy of the state.
Joseph Goebbels pithily described propaganda thus. And by this measure, there appears to be a conspiracy in India to propagate a certain set of views, and in Noam Chomsky's words, to "manufacture consent". Like the military-industrial complex in the US, there is a media-state nexus in India, whereby the mass media unquestioningly regurgitates the state's perspective.
A recent example is the fuss about a new Indian 'laptop' for $35. It is virtually impossible to get a large portable display for less than $50, and with the electronics and packaging, even if the software is free, there is no way the bill of materials can be less than $100. Yet the media swallows this story whole.
This is far from the most egregious example. Bafflingly, the media repeats the government's anodyne, statements that inflation will subside "in the next six months". This is ludicrous and has no rationale, yet mandarins mouth it regularly. But it is never challenged by the media; meanwhile, food inflation continues.
But the cravenness of the media is most evident when it comes to that pet project of the state, known as 'secularism'. The actual meaning of the term, which emerged in the context of the interference of the Catholic Church in the affairs of the state in medieval Europe, is that the state is fully indifferent to religion.
However, in India, so-called 'secularism' means precisely the opposite — the state looks upon every individual primarily based on his religion. For instance, the PM made the statement in December, 2006, that Muslims should have first rights to the resources of the country. This violates the Constitution, but it has become part of the accepted ethos through repetition.
The most blatant example of this propaganda is the current feeding frenzy about 'Hindu terror'. The fact is that there is practically no history of Hindu terror. Religious terrorism has traditionally been the monopoly of the Abrahamic traditions, including Communism. Monotheists by definition divide the world into 'us' and 'them', and demonise the Other, probably a necessary condition for terror.
Communist terrorists regularly massacre people in central India, West Bengal and Kerala. There was Jewish terrorism — the Stern gang in Palestine, which had as a member Yitzhak Shamir, later prime minister of Israel, comes to mind. There are many historical examples of Christian religious terrorism, going back to the liquidation of the Albigensians and other heretics around 345 CE, the horrors of the Spanish Inquisition (and especially the version in Goa), all the way to assassinations by radical anti-abortionists in the US.
The National Liberation Movement of Tripura is an explicitly Christian terrorist group, forcibly converting people. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland has unleashed terrorism in its pursuit of "Nagalim for Christ". The assassination of Swami Lakshmananda in Orissa, when his major 'sin' was that he was defending tribals against the depredations of Christian missionaries, is another example.
But clearly Islamic terrorism is the biggest example of religion-based terrorism today. Suicide bombings, the fatwas on Salman Rushdie and others, 9/11 and 26/11, the periodic bombings in many parts of India, college professor TJ Joseph's hand getting sliced off as retaliation for alleged blasphemy, all these are instances of Islamic religious terrorism. The terrorists themselves take pains to point out that their acts have religious sanction.
Compared to all this, there is no evidence whatsoever that there is Hindu terrorism. The so-called Malegaon blast case and other alleged instances of Hindu terrorism languish because of lack of evidence, although, those accused such, as Sadhvi Pragya, are also rotting away in jail. If there are incidents of Hindu violence, these are almost inevitably reactions to terrorism imposed on them.
The moral equivalence drawn between the Abrahmics' inherent tendency to violence and the non-existent Hindu or Indic terrorism is abhorrent. There is the Panchatantra story about the man with the goat and the three rogues. The rogues convince the gullible man, via the ruse of repeatedly telling him that he is carrying a dog, to abandon the goat, which of course was their original intent. The rogues in the media and the state are, through repeated assertion, convincing people of the 'fact' of Hinduterrorism. Do we want to make it a self-fulfilling prophesy?
India, Myanmar boost ties;sign counter-terror pact Zee News

New Delhi: India on Tuesday signed a clutch of pacts to boost counter-terror cooperation and cement cultural ties with Myanmar, the energy-rich Southeast Asian country whose military junta is considered a pariah in many Western capitals.

The two countries signed five pacts after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh held talks with visiting Myanmar military ruler General Than Shwe over a wide range of issues, including counter-terror cooperation, enhanced energy ties and collaboration in a string of developmental projects.

Among the pacts is a treaty on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters that will be crucial in enabling India get access to insurgents from India's northeast states who continue to shelter along the sprawling 1,650-kilometer India-Myanmar border.

The treaty aims at deepening bilateral cooperation in combating transnational organized crime, terrorism, drug trafficking, money laundering and smuggling of arms and explosives.

Increased collaboration for developing cross-border connectivity and infrastructure development figured prominently in the discussions.

The two sides also signed pacts in the areas of small development projects, science and technology and information cooperation.

A memorandum of understanding on Indian assistance in restoring the Ananda temple in Bagan, a renowned Buddhist shrine and a major tourist site in central Myanmar, was also inked.

Against the backdrop of China's growing clout in Myanmar, India has rolled out the red carpet to welcome Than Shwe, who began his five-day visit to the country Sunday by offering prayers at the Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya in Bihar. Than Shwe, who heads State Peace and Development Council, as the junta calls itself, was accorded a ceremonial welcome at the forecourt of the Rashtrapati Bhavan Tuesday morning.

He met Vice President Hamid Ansari, External Affairs Minister S. M. Krishna and Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Sushma Sawraj before sitting down for talks with the Prime Minister.

Than Shwe's visit to India, the world's most populous democracy, takes place days after the US renewed sanctions barring trade with companies tied to the junta in Myanmar. On the eve of the visit, the US has said it "expects to send a clear message to Burma that it needs to change its course".

Thousands of Myanmarese refugees staying in India for years aired their outrage at Than Shwe's visit and have urged the Indian government not to endorse the upcoming elections in that country. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has officially said about 3,500 Myanmarese refugees are in India, with another 4,500 asylum seekers. Unofficial figures put the number at about 100,000, mostly in the northeastern states.

"We feel outraged with his visit as India is the largest democracy in the world, and the land of the Buddha and tolerance," said Tint Swe, who was elected a member of the Myanmarese parliament in 1990 and is now a leading member of the Burmese Pro-Democracy Movement in India.

India supported the pro-democracy uprising in 1988 led by iconic leader Aung San Suu Kyi, but started engaging the junta in the mid-1990s in view of Beijing's surging trade, energy and defence deals with Myanmar.

Besides energy, India sees Myanmar as a gateway for increased connectivity of its northeastern states to Southeast Asia. The transport corridor that would give India's landlocked northeastern states access to the Bay of Bengal through the Myanmar port of Sittwe was also discussed between the two sides. -IANS
27th July, 2010

Dr Manmohan Singh,
Hon’ble Prime Minister of India
New Delhi,

ULTIMATUM: ON THE POSITION AND SITUATION OF THE NAGA PEOPLE IN MANIPUR STATE AND FOR HONOURING THE COMMITMENT FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE.

Sir,

The Naga people in Manipur have been patiently awaiting for the response of the Government of India (GOI) to the urgent demands for intervention made to your good office on several occasions, given the irredeemably vitiated situation prevailing in the present State of Manipur.

It will be kindly noted that the economic blockade which was enforced by the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur(ANSAM) in protest against the imposition of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils(3rd Amendment) Act 2008 on the tribals and later on compounded with the insult on the Naga Students’ Federation by the Manipur State Armed Forces and the killing of 2 students at Mao on 6th May, 2010 by the Manipur State Armed Forces, was temporarily suspended on the 18th June, 2010 in the joint meeting of the Naga Hoho(NH), United Naga Council(UNC), Naga Students’ Federation(NSF), ANSAM, Naga Women’s’ Union, Manipur(NWUM) and the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights(NPMHR-S) in deference to the request of the Hon’ble Prime Minister, Hon’ble Home Minister of India and the Hon’ble Leader of the Opposition, Government of India, which was conveyed through the Naga Students’ Federation during their visit to Delhi in the second week of June, 2010.

Hon’ble Sir, even in the face of extreme provocation and total disregard for our existence as a people by the communal State Government of Manipur, the Nagas in Manipur had been hopeful that the GoI will intervene and address the issues that had been repeatedly brought before the GoI. The Naga People have always cherished peace and good sense in approaching issues and our forbearance this far will bear testimony to this.

However, our earnest request for intervention of the GoI on the urgent and grave situation that has been created by the Communal Manipur State Government in the Naga areas in the present state of Manipur has till date been ignored and left unaddressed.

It may kindly be recalled that the following demands had been placed to your office in the 6th May, 2010, in a joint memorandum submitted to your office by the UNC, ANSAM, NWUM and the NPMHR(S) through the Sub-Divisional Officer, Mao - Maram Sub-Division, Manipur and followed up with another reminder on 17th May, 2010 which was communicated electronically and also through the media to:-

1. Institute a judicial enquiry into the 6th May, 2010 incident at Mao Gate, where two students were shot dead and more than a hundred peaceful protestors wounded by the Manipur State Armed forces.
2. Immediate withdrawal of the imposed section of 144 CrPC and demilitarization of Naga areas by withdrawing the Indian Reserve Battalion and Manipur Police Commandos.

Again, on the 15TH June, 2010, in a letter addressed to your good office, the UNC had registered its strong protest against militarization of Naga areas by Manipur State Armed Forces and the continuing brutal atrocities by them while carrying out the communal mission of the Manipur State Government.

The agitation of the Naga people to protest against the communal agenda of the Manipur State Government was however responded at the home front with the declaration of Presidents of the UNC and ANSAM as “wanted” and fixing of rewards on them by the Government of Manipur, equating the Nagas demand for their democratic rights with a criminal act.

The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils(3rd Amendment) Act 2008, a clandestinely doctored Act which was devoid of any autonomy and power and which subjected the Council to the pleasure/whim and control of the State Government was imposed on the tribal people against their expressed wishes. A farcical Autonomous District Council (ADC) election was then enacted which was boycotted by the Nagas and when the 2008 Act and the ADC elections under it were rejected by the Naga people, instead of conceding to the demands of the people who are the stakeholders, as is the fundamental rule in democracy, the Communal Manipur State Government has made arrangements to make the ADCs functional from the Imphal valley. This confirms that the Communal State Government of Manipur has recognized the fact that the ADCs have not been accepted by the Naga people who are in the hills. Therefore by using some few self seeking Nagas, on the pretext of fulfilling constitutional obligation of putting in place the ADCs, the Manipur State Government has launched the continued deprivation of the tribals at a new and unprecedented dimension. This is adding insult to injury already caused to the tribals and the Nagas by the Communal State Government of Manipur.

Thus, given the unmistakable fact that the Nagas cannot continue to live under the administration of the Government of Manipur and protect their rights to their land, life and identity and also fully committed to the settlement of the Indo-Naga issue through a mutually respectable and honourable solution, the Nagas in Manipur have declared in the Naga Peoples’ Convention, the highest decision making platform of the Nagas in Manipur, held on the 1st July, 2010, the severance of all political ties with the Government of Manipur and to seek the intervention of the GoI for an alternative arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur State. The related documents had been transmitted electronically to your office for information and reference on the 3rd of July, 2010 and we are sure that the GoI agencies would have also apprised your good office of the development.

The respect and the honour with which the Hon’ble Prime Minister and Home Minister’s request was conceded in temporarily suspending the Economic blockade has not been reciprocated with any proactive response by the Government of India. The confidence and good will towards the GoI have therefore been considerably eroded before the Naga people. Even after 39 days of the temporary suspension of the economic blockade, the issues highlighted above have not been addressed nor have any communication been made to indicate that the GoI has taken cognizance of them.

On the other hand, the external force of the Manipur State Government is continuing its intrusion and aggression with the continued militarization of the Naga areas in Manipur with the State’s Armed Forces, continued to hunt for the Naga leaders as criminals and instituted the ADCs for the tribals and the hills at Imphal Valley, making a mockery of democracy and insulting the sentiments of the Nagas.

In the light of the above, the UNC is constrained to submit this ultimatum whereby the GoI’s intervention within five days on the following issues should take place, failing which, having no other option but to resume the temporarily suspended agitation till the aspiration of the people is fulfilled: -

1. Institute a judicial enquiry into the 6th May, 2010 incident at Mao Gate, where two students were shot dead and more than a hundred peaceful protestors wounded by the Manipur State Armed forces.
2. Immediate withdrawal of the imposed section of 144 CrPC and demilitarization of Naga areas by removal of the Indian Reserve Battalion and Manipur Police Commandos.
3. Removal of “wanted” tag and fixing of rewards imposed on Naga leaders.
4. Dissolution of the undemocratically instituted Autonomous District Councils.

May we make it explicitly clear that this step is the expression of our democratic rights and will be intensified in different forms and at different level till the issues are addressed in the right perspective. We further reiterate our strong commitment and support to the Indo-Naga Peace process to its logical conclusion.

Yours sincerely,


(SAMSOM REMEI)
President

Enclosed:-

1. Copy of Memorandum to Hon’ble Prime Minister, Government of India, dated 6th May, 2010
2. Copy of Ultimatum to Hon’ble Prime Minister, Government of India, dated 17th May, 2010
3. Copy of Memorandum to Hon’ble Prime Minister, Government of India dated 15th June, 2010.
4. Copy of Joint Declaration of Naga Hoho, United Naga Council, Naga Students’ Federation, All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur, Naga Women’s’ Union Manipur and Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (South) dated 18th June, 2010.


Copy for information to:-

1. The Hon’ble Union Home Minister, Government of India
2. The Hon’ble Chief Minister, Government of Nagaland
3. His Excellency, Governor of Manipur
4. Mr. R.S. Pandey, Interlocutor
5. The Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi
6. The Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi
7. The President, Naga Hoho
8. The President, Naga students’ Federation
9. The President, All Naga Students’ Association Manipur
10. The President, Naga Women’s’ Union Manipur
11. The Convenor, Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (South)

(A. ASHOHRII)
General Secretary
Burmese activists in Delhi label Than Shwe a war criminal Myint Maung (Mizzima)

New Delhi– Instead of rubbing shoulders with Indian leaders, Burma’s military strongman should be on trial at the International Criminal Court for crimes committed against his own people, contend members of the Burmese Diaspora community in New Delhi.
More than 300 Burmese activists in India’s capital yesterday protested against the visit of Burma’s military leader, Than Shwe, who arrived in News Delhi on Monday.

The protesters waved banners reading “Than Shwe get out of India”, “Wanted: Than Shwe for crimes against humanity and war crimes”, “Please support an ICC referral for General Than Shwe” and “Than Shwe go to hell”.

Senior General Than Shwe and his party arrived at the ITC Maurya Hotel in New Delhi at around 7 p.m. on Monday and will today meet with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, President Pratibha Patil and other ministers, according to the Foreign Ministry of India.

On Wednesday, the Senior General and his party are scheduled to travel to Hyderabad, capital of Andhra Pradesh and home to a TATA motors factory.

“India is trying to seek stronger business ties with Burma. We worry for that. Under the military dictatorship, even if international trade and foreign investment in Burma are increased it may not affect the lives of the Burmese people,” Dr. Tint Swe, a minister with the exile-based National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) said.

Protesters insist they will continue with their campaign until the Burmese delegation leaves India. Than Shwe and company are scheduled to return to Burma on Thursday.

“We stuck posters that read ‘Wanted: Than Shwe for crimes against humanity and war crimes’ on trees. We will put up the posters on walls in downtown Delhi. We will also stick them up on the walls of the hotel where the junta is staying,” voiced Thin Thin Aung, a protester and board member of the Women’s League of Burma.

Indian political activist Jaya Jaitly agrees with the stance of the Burmese activists and insists India should not invest in Burma.

“I want to urge TATA not to invest in Burma, especially in information technology. Burmese people including Aung San Suu Kyi don’t have the right to freely express themselves. Under the circumstances, if we invest in information technology in Burma it’ll be a crying shame,” emphasized Jaya Jaitly.

Senior General Than Shwe and his party, more than 80 in all, arrived in Bodhgaya on July 25, where they visited the popular temples prior to moving on to the Indian capital.


Frans on 07.28.10 @ 10:43 PM CST [link]




July 28 2010
Details of Naga talks can't be disclosed: Centre Zee News

New Delhi: Government today refused to divulge details of the peace process it had initiated with militant group NSCN-IM to find a solution to the vexed Naga homeland issue.
"Dialogue with NSCN-IM is continuing. The details in this regard cannot be disclosed as negotiations are underway," Minister of State for Home Mullapally Ramachandran told Lok Sabha, replying to a question. Integration of of all Naga-inhabited areas in the northeast has been a key demanded of NSCN-IM. The Centre has been holding peace talks with NSCN-IM since August 1997. So far over 60 rounds of parley were held between the two sides.

Last week, NSCN-IM 'general secretary' Thuingaleng Muivah met Home Minister P Chidambaram and discussed with him issues related to the Naga peace process. Muivah has come here after wrapping up his nearly one- and-a-half-month-long peace mission across Nagaland. The NSCN-IM wants formation of a 'greater Nagaland' carved out of Naga-dominated areas in Nagaland, as well as Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.
The demand to integrate Naga-dominated areas has been rejected by the three neighbouring states. Earlier this month, another round of peace talks was held between Centre and the NSCN-IM where the contentious issue of integration of Naga-inhabited areas had figured.
UNC threatens to resume agitation (EMN):
DIMAPUR, JUL 27 Voicing deep resentment and disappointment that the concerns and demands of the Naga people in Manipur are yet to be addressed by the Government of India (GoI) even after 39 days of the temporary suspension of the economic blockade, the United Naga Council (UNC) today dashed off a representation to the Prime Minister stating that it would be forced to resume its agitation if the centre fails to intervene in the issues that have repeatedly been submitted before it.
In the ‘ultimatum’ addressed to the PM, the UNC reminded that the economic blockade which had been enforced by the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) in protest against the imposition of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act 2008 on the tribals, and later compounded by the NSF issue and the killing of 2 students at Mao on May 6 by the Manipur State Armed Forces, had been temporarily suspended in deference to the request of the Prime Minister, Union Home Minister and Leader of the Opposition. However, it said this has not been reciprocated with any proactive response by the Government of India, adding that ‘the confidence and good will towards the GoI have therefore been considerably eroded before the Naga people’.
In view of this, the UNC once again placed before the PM its demands: Institution of a judicial enquiry into the May 6, 2010, incident at Mao Gate where two students were shot dead and more than a hundred peaceful protestors wounded by the Manipur State Armed forces, immediate withdrawal of the imposed section of 144 CrPC and demilitarization of Naga areas by removal of the Indian Reserve Battalion and Manipur Police Commandos, removal of ‘wanted’ tag and fixing of rewards imposed on Naga leaders and dissolution of the Autonomous District Councils. Demanding the GoI’s intervention on these issues within five days, the UNC ultimatum said it would have no other option but to resume the temporarily suspended agitation if its concerns are continued to be ignored by the centre. It also sought to make it ‘explicitly clear’ that ‘this step is the expression of our democratic rights and will be intensified in different forms and at different level till the issues are addressed in the right perspective’. The UNC further reiterated its strong commitment and support to the Indo-Naga Peace process till its logical conclusion.
Mangmetong accepts Assam Rifles apology (EMN):
Concern Senior Citizen Forum Mokokchung, NSF, NPMHR, etc. FIR against officer withdrawn
DIMAPUR, JUL 27 While stating that the ‘callous and unwarranted’ act of the Commanding Officer of 9 AR Col Rohit Khare had been a direct challenge to the village, the Mangmetong Village Council (MVC) today informed that its citizens have decided to acknowledge the apology of the AR authority in the unique traditional and customary practice of extending forgiveness for peaceful co-existence of the people.
Informing of the development, a press note issued by MVC president Imlimeren Longchar and general secretary Talimeren Tzudir further stated that the FIR registered against Col Rohit Khare at PS II Mkg will stand withdrawn.
Making known the seriousness of the AR officer’s action, the release said the ‘most callous and unwarranted’ act on July 9 last when the officer vindictively destroyed the ‘Historical Monument’ had been taken by the village as ‘a direct challenge to our historic rights of preserving our suffering for the cause of the Naga Nation’. However, it said Maj Gen Sandeep Singh IGAR (N) had personally come to the village and ‘confessed and admitted the wrongdoing of Col. Rohit Khare and tendered sincere apology in the presence of Civil Societies from Mokokchung town’.
Following this, the Mangmetong Village Council convened a special meeting of all the Mangmetong citizens on July 27 whereby a threadbare deliberation was held on the matter. Subsequently, it was informed that the Mangmetong citizens unanimously resolved to acknowledge the sincere apology ‘without any pre-condition, keeping in view of unique traditional and customary practice of extending forgiveness for peaceful co-existences amongst the Nagas in general and Mangmetong villagers in particular’.
The MVC also acknowledged the support of the various individuals and civil organisations, including Ongpangkong Mungdang (OM), OKM, Watsü Mungdang, OWM, ASUK, AKM, Ao Senden,
Hindu terrorism doesn't exist, but do we want one? Rajeev Srinivasan
If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. The lie can be maintained only for such time as the state can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie.
It thus becomes vitally important for the state to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth is the greatest enemy of the state.
Joseph Goebbels pithily described propaganda thus. And by this measure, there appears to be a conspiracy in India to propagate a certain set of views, and in Noam Chomsky's words, to "manufacture consent". Like the military-industrial complex in the US, there is a media-state nexus in India, whereby the mass media unquestioningly regurgitates the state's perspective.
A recent example is the fuss about a new Indian 'laptop' for $35. It is virtually impossible to get a large portable display for less than $50, and with the electronics and packaging, even if the software is free, there is no way the bill of materials can be less than $100. Yet the media swallows this story whole.
This is far from the most egregious example. Bafflingly, the media repeats the government's anodyne, statements that inflation will subside "in the next six months". This is ludicrous and has no rationale, yet mandarins mouth it regularly. But it is never challenged by the media; meanwhile, food inflation continues.
But the cravenness of the media is most evident when it comes to that pet project of the state, known as 'secularism'. The actual meaning of the term, which emerged in the context of the interference of the Catholic Church in the affairs of the state in medieval Europe, is that the state is fully indifferent to religion.
However, in India, so-called 'secularism' means precisely the opposite — the state looks upon every individual primarily based on his religion. For instance, the PM made the statement in December, 2006, that Muslims should have first rights to the resources of the country. This violates the Constitution, but it has become part of the accepted ethos through repetition.
The most blatant example of this propaganda is the current feeding frenzy about 'Hindu terror'. The fact is that there is practically no history of Hindu terror. Religious terrorism has traditionally been the monopoly of the Abrahamic traditions, including Communism. Monotheists by definition divide the world into 'us' and 'them', and demonise the Other, probably a necessary condition for terror.
Communist terrorists regularly massacre people in central India, West Bengal and Kerala. There was Jewish terrorism — the Stern gang in Palestine, which had as a member Yitzhak Shamir, later prime minister of Israel, comes to mind. There are many historical examples of Christian religious terrorism, going back to the liquidation of the Albigensians and other heretics around 345 CE, the horrors of the Spanish Inquisition (and especially the version in Goa), all the way to assassinations by radical anti-abortionists in the US.
The National Liberation Movement of Tripura is an explicitly Christian terrorist group, forcibly converting people. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland has unleashed terrorism in its pursuit of "Nagalim for Christ". The assassination of Swami Lakshmananda in Orissa, when his major 'sin' was that he was defending tribals against the depredations of Christian missionaries, is another example.
But clearly Islamic terrorism is the biggest example of religion-based terrorism today. Suicide bombings, the fatwas on Salman Rushdie and others, 9/11 and 26/11, the periodic bombings in many parts of India, college professor TJ Joseph's hand getting sliced off as retaliation for alleged blasphemy, all these are instances of Islamic religious terrorism. The terrorists themselves take pains to point out that their acts have religious sanction.
Compared to all this, there is no evidence whatsoever that there is Hindu terrorism. The so-called Malegaon blast case and other alleged instances of Hindu terrorism languish because of lack of evidence, although, those accused such, as Sadhvi Pragya, are also rotting away in jail. If there are incidents of Hindu violence, these are almost inevitably reactions to terrorism imposed on them.
The moral equivalence drawn between the Abrahmics' inherent tendency to violence and the non-existent Hindu or Indic terrorism is abhorrent. There is the Panchatantra story about the man with the goat and the three rogues. The rogues convince the gullible man, via the ruse of repeatedly telling him that he is carrying a dog, to abandon the goat, which of course was their original intent. The rogues in the media and the state are, through repeated assertion, convincing people of the 'fact' of Hinduterrorism. Do we want to make it a self-fulfilling prophesy?
India, Myanmar boost ties;sign counter-terror pact Zee News

New Delhi: India on Tuesday signed a clutch of pacts to boost counter-terror cooperation and cement cultural ties with Myanmar, the energy-rich Southeast Asian country whose military junta is considered a pariah in many Western capitals.

The two countries signed five pacts after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh held talks with visiting Myanmar military ruler General Than Shwe over a wide range of issues, including counter-terror cooperation, enhanced energy ties and collaboration in a string of developmental projects.

Among the pacts is a treaty on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters that will be crucial in enabling India get access to insurgents from India's northeast states who continue to shelter along the sprawling 1,650-kilometer India-Myanmar border.

The treaty aims at deepening bilateral cooperation in combating transnational organized crime, terrorism, drug trafficking, money laundering and smuggling of arms and explosives.

Increased collaboration for developing cross-border connectivity and infrastructure development figured prominently in the discussions.

The two sides also signed pacts in the areas of small development projects, science and technology and information cooperation.

A memorandum of understanding on Indian assistance in restoring the Ananda temple in Bagan, a renowned Buddhist shrine and a major tourist site in central Myanmar, was also inked.

Against the backdrop of China's growing clout in Myanmar, India has rolled out the red carpet to welcome Than Shwe, who began his five-day visit to the country Sunday by offering prayers at the Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya in Bihar. Than Shwe, who heads State Peace and Development Council, as the junta calls itself, was accorded a ceremonial welcome at the forecourt of the Rashtrapati Bhavan Tuesday morning.

He met Vice President Hamid Ansari, External Affairs Minister S. M. Krishna and Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Sushma Sawraj before sitting down for talks with the Prime Minister.

Than Shwe's visit to India, the world's most populous democracy, takes place days after the US renewed sanctions barring trade with companies tied to the junta in Myanmar. On the eve of the visit, the US has said it "expects to send a clear message to Burma that it needs to change its course".

Thousands of Myanmarese refugees staying in India for years aired their outrage at Than Shwe's visit and have urged the Indian government not to endorse the upcoming elections in that country. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has officially said about 3,500 Myanmarese refugees are in India, with another 4,500 asylum seekers. Unofficial figures put the number at about 100,000, mostly in the northeastern states.

"We feel outraged with his visit as India is the largest democracy in the world, and the land of the Buddha and tolerance," said Tint Swe, who was elected a member of the Myanmarese parliament in 1990 and is now a leading member of the Burmese Pro-Democracy Movement in India.

India supported the pro-democracy uprising in 1988 led by iconic leader Aung San Suu Kyi, but started engaging the junta in the mid-1990s in view of Beijing's surging trade, energy and defence deals with Myanmar.

Besides energy, India sees Myanmar as a gateway for increased connectivity of its northeastern states to Southeast Asia. The transport corridor that would give India's landlocked northeastern states access to the Bay of Bengal through the Myanmar port of Sittwe was also discussed between the two sides. -IANS
27th July, 2010

Dr Manmohan Singh,
Hon’ble Prime Minister of India
New Delhi,

ULTIMATUM: ON THE POSITION AND SITUATION OF THE NAGA PEOPLE IN MANIPUR STATE AND FOR HONOURING THE COMMITMENT FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE.

Sir,

The Naga people in Manipur have been patiently awaiting for the response of the Government of India (GOI) to the urgent demands for intervention made to your good office on several occasions, given the irredeemably vitiated situation prevailing in the present State of Manipur.

It will be kindly noted that the economic blockade which was enforced by the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur(ANSAM) in protest against the imposition of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils(3rd Amendment) Act 2008 on the tribals and later on compounded with the insult on the Naga Students’ Federation by the Manipur State Armed Forces and the killing of 2 students at Mao on 6th May, 2010 by the Manipur State Armed Forces, was temporarily suspended on the 18th June, 2010 in the joint meeting of the Naga Hoho(NH), United Naga Council(UNC), Naga Students’ Federation(NSF), ANSAM, Naga Women’s’ Union, Manipur(NWUM) and the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights(NPMHR-S) in deference to the request of the Hon’ble Prime Minister, Hon’ble Home Minister of India and the Hon’ble Leader of the Opposition, Government of India, which was conveyed through the Naga Students’ Federation during their visit to Delhi in the second week of June, 2010.

Hon’ble Sir, even in the face of extreme provocation and total disregard for our existence as a people by the communal State Government of Manipur, the Nagas in Manipur had been hopeful that the GoI will intervene and address the issues that had been repeatedly brought before the GoI. The Naga People have always cherished peace and good sense in approaching issues and our forbearance this far will bear testimony to this.

However, our earnest request for intervention of the GoI on the urgent and grave situation that has been created by the Communal Manipur State Government in the Naga areas in the present state of Manipur has till date been ignored and left unaddressed.

It may kindly be recalled that the following demands had been placed to your office in the 6th May, 2010, in a joint memorandum submitted to your office by the UNC, ANSAM, NWUM and the NPMHR(S) through the Sub-Divisional Officer, Mao - Maram Sub-Division, Manipur and followed up with another reminder on 17th May, 2010 which was communicated electronically and also through the media to:-

1. Institute a judicial enquiry into the 6th May, 2010 incident at Mao Gate, where two students were shot dead and more than a hundred peaceful protestors wounded by the Manipur State Armed forces.
2. Immediate withdrawal of the imposed section of 144 CrPC and demilitarization of Naga areas by withdrawing the Indian Reserve Battalion and Manipur Police Commandos.

Again, on the 15TH June, 2010, in a letter addressed to your good office, the UNC had registered its strong protest against militarization of Naga areas by Manipur State Armed Forces and the continuing brutal atrocities by them while carrying out the communal mission of the Manipur State Government.

The agitation of the Naga people to protest against the communal agenda of the Manipur State Government was however responded at the home front with the declaration of Presidents of the UNC and ANSAM as “wanted” and fixing of rewards on them by the Government of Manipur, equating the Nagas demand for their democratic rights with a criminal act.

The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils(3rd Amendment) Act 2008, a clandestinely doctored Act which was devoid of any autonomy and power and which subjected the Council to the pleasure/whim and control of the State Government was imposed on the tribal people against their expressed wishes. A farcical Autonomous District Council (ADC) election was then enacted which was boycotted by the Nagas and when the 2008 Act and the ADC elections under it were rejected by the Naga people, instead of conceding to the demands of the people who are the stakeholders, as is the fundamental rule in democracy, the Communal Manipur State Government has made arrangements to make the ADCs functional from the Imphal valley. This confirms that the Communal State Government of Manipur has recognized the fact that the ADCs have not been accepted by the Naga people who are in the hills. Therefore by using some few self seeking Nagas, on the pretext of fulfilling constitutional obligation of putting in place the ADCs, the Manipur State Government has launched the continued deprivation of the tribals at a new and unprecedented dimension. This is adding insult to injury already caused to the tribals and the Nagas by the Communal State Government of Manipur.

Thus, given the unmistakable fact that the Nagas cannot continue to live under the administration of the Government of Manipur and protect their rights to their land, life and identity and also fully committed to the settlement of the Indo-Naga issue through a mutually respectable and honourable solution, the Nagas in Manipur have declared in the Naga Peoples’ Convention, the highest decision making platform of the Nagas in Manipur, held on the 1st July, 2010, the severance of all political ties with the Government of Manipur and to seek the intervention of the GoI for an alternative arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur State. The related documents had been transmitted electronically to your office for information and reference on the 3rd of July, 2010 and we are sure that the GoI agencies would have also apprised your good office of the development.

The respect and the honour with which the Hon’ble Prime Minister and Home Minister’s request was conceded in temporarily suspending the Economic blockade has not been reciprocated with any proactive response by the Government of India. The confidence and good will towards the GoI have therefore been considerably eroded before the Naga people. Even after 39 days of the temporary suspension of the economic blockade, the issues highlighted above have not been addressed nor have any communication been made to indicate that the GoI has taken cognizance of them.

On the other hand, the external force of the Manipur State Government is continuing its intrusion and aggression with the continued militarization of the Naga areas in Manipur with the State’s Armed Forces, continued to hunt for the Naga leaders as criminals and instituted the ADCs for the tribals and the hills at Imphal Valley, making a mockery of democracy and insulting the sentiments of the Nagas.

In the light of the above, the UNC is constrained to submit this ultimatum whereby the GoI’s intervention within five days on the following issues should take place, failing which, having no other option but to resume the temporarily suspended agitation till the aspiration of the people is fulfilled: -

1. Institute a judicial enquiry into the 6th May, 2010 incident at Mao Gate, where two students were shot dead and more than a hundred peaceful protestors wounded by the Manipur State Armed forces.
2. Immediate withdrawal of the imposed section of 144 CrPC and demilitarization of Naga areas by removal of the Indian Reserve Battalion and Manipur Police Commandos.
3. Removal of “wanted” tag and fixing of rewards imposed on Naga leaders.
4. Dissolution of the undemocratically instituted Autonomous District Councils.

May we make it explicitly clear that this step is the expression of our democratic rights and will be intensified in different forms and at different level till the issues are addressed in the right perspective. We further reiterate our strong commitment and support to the Indo-Naga Peace process to its logical conclusion.

Yours sincerely,


(SAMSOM REMEI)
President

Enclosed:-

1. Copy of Memorandum to Hon’ble Prime Minister, Government of India, dated 6th May, 2010
2. Copy of Ultimatum to Hon’ble Prime Minister, Government of India, dated 17th May, 2010
3. Copy of Memorandum to Hon’ble Prime Minister, Government of India dated 15th June, 2010.
4. Copy of Joint Declaration of Naga Hoho, United Naga Council, Naga Students’ Federation, All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur, Naga Women’s’ Union Manipur and Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (South) dated 18th June, 2010.


Copy for information to:-

1. The Hon’ble Union Home Minister, Government of India
2. The Hon’ble Chief Minister, Government of Nagaland
3. His Excellency, Governor of Manipur
4. Mr. R.S. Pandey, Interlocutor
5. The Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi
6. The Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi
7. The President, Naga Hoho
8. The President, Naga students’ Federation
9. The President, All Naga Students’ Association Manipur
10. The President, Naga Women’s’ Union Manipur
11. The Convenor, Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (South)

(A. ASHOHRII)
General Secretary
Burmese activists in Delhi label Than Shwe a war criminal Myint Maung (Mizzima)

New Delhi– Instead of rubbing shoulders with Indian leaders, Burma’s military strongman should be on trial at the International Criminal Court for crimes committed against his own people, contend members of the Burmese Diaspora community in New Delhi.
More than 300 Burmese activists in India’s capital yesterday protested against the visit of Burma’s military leader, Than Shwe, who arrived in News Delhi on Monday.

The protesters waved banners reading “Than Shwe get out of India”, “Wanted: Than Shwe for crimes against humanity and war crimes”, “Please support an ICC referral for General Than Shwe” and “Than Shwe go to hell”.

Senior General Than Shwe and his party arrived at the ITC Maurya Hotel in New Delhi at around 7 p.m. on Monday and will today meet with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, President Pratibha Patil and other ministers, according to the Foreign Ministry of India.

On Wednesday, the Senior General and his party are scheduled to travel to Hyderabad, capital of Andhra Pradesh and home to a TATA motors factory.

“India is trying to seek stronger business ties with Burma. We worry for that. Under the military dictatorship, even if international trade and foreign investment in Burma are increased it may not affect the lives of the Burmese people,” Dr. Tint Swe, a minister with the exile-based National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) said.

Protesters insist they will continue with their campaign until the Burmese delegation leaves India. Than Shwe and company are scheduled to return to Burma on Thursday.

“We stuck posters that read ‘Wanted: Than Shwe for crimes against humanity and war crimes’ on trees. We will put up the posters on walls in downtown Delhi. We will also stick them up on the walls of the hotel where the junta is staying,” voiced Thin Thin Aung, a protester and board member of the Women’s League of Burma.

Indian political activist Jaya Jaitly agrees with the stance of the Burmese activists and insists India should not invest in Burma.

“I want to urge TATA not to invest in Burma, especially in information technology. Burmese people including Aung San Suu Kyi don’t have the right to freely express themselves. Under the circumstances, if we invest in information technology in Burma it’ll be a crying shame,” emphasized Jaya Jaitly.

Senior General Than Shwe and his party, more than 80 in all, arrived in Bodhgaya on July 25, where they visited the popular temples prior to moving on to the Indian capital.


Frans on 07.28.10 @ 10:42 PM CST [link]


Monday, July 26th

Naga rebel leader admits China links Rahul Karmakar, Hindustan Times



Naga rebel leader admits China links Rahul Karmakar, Hindustan Times

Although Beijing’s support for rebels in India’s northeast has often been suspected, a top Naga rebel leader has finally come out to confirm the Chinese connection. Kughalu Mulatonu, a leader of the Khaplang faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland, said the Chinese found their way to rebel camps in Eastern Nagaland via New Delhi. The Nagas refer to Sagaing division of Myanmar as Eastern Nagaland.
The revelation comes barely two months after the arrest of a Chinese spy, Guang Liang, near Kibithu in Arunachal Pradesh. The man claimed he was from Henan province of central China.
This division adjoining Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland is dominated by at least six Naga tribes and is easier to access from India. Mulatonu said from a rebel camp near Dimapur in Nagaland: “Yes, they (the Chinese) openly and legally come to India via Delhi and meet us.”
The Khaplang faction, led by S.S. Khaplang, a Myanmar-based Hemi Naga, lords over most of the 30 north-east rebel camps in Sagaing division. “The government of India gets to know of such meetings well before they are held. The last of such meetings was in 2009,” Mulatonu said. He, however, declined to divulge what usually gets discussed at these meetings.
Security agencies, however, are certain why the Chinese often get in touch with NSCN-K leaders, its rival Isaak-Muivah faction and other northeast rebel groups camped in Sagaing Division.
“In all probability, the Chinese people visit the rebel camps to strike deals for small arms,” a Nagaland-based intelligence officer said on condition of anonymity.
Nagaland bodies attend meeting at Ukhrul The Imphal Free Press

UKHRUL, Jul 25: Nagaland mass base civil organizations from all over Nagaland arrived at Ukhrul town today and a massive public consultative meeting was staged at Ukhrul Town Hall at 10 am last morning. The teams included those of the Naga Students' Federation (NSF), Sumi Students Organization, Chakesang, and Chakesang Students' Oragnization.

The teams were warmly received by the Tangkhul apex frontal organizations like Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL), TKS, Tangkhul Youth Council, TMNL, Tangkhul Shanao Long (TSL) representatives and thousands from the Tangkhul community and Tangkhul civil societies. The Ukhrul Town Hall remained jampacked with people from all walks of life viewing the re-union among the Nagas.

The teams were led by the NSF speaker, Sumis Students' Organization president and the Chakesang Students' Union general secretary along with many colleagues from Nagaland. The leaders spoke during the massive gathering highlighting the need to forgive and forget the past mistakes among the Nagas, saying let the past be buried forever and to join hands for the future.

The meeting was moderated by Somipam Lungleng, a prominant public leader. During the break in the public meeting some special numbers of songs were presented by the Sentinel College students, Ukhrul. Discussion hour for the public to raise queries was opened for the public initiated by Shangreis A Shimray, ex- president of the Tangkhul Naga Long(TNL). The meet lasted for at least 3-4 hours.

Theory of Nagalim
By: Heigrujam Nabashyam Kangla On Line
“Sahebsing, chingna chingini tamna tamgini hairadi, ei haying Senapati Lampak-ki akoiba-singse dozer thajillaga loina temghaige tampak onthok-ke adugaa Meiteigini haige, kaarihaige” – Sirs, if you say hills belong to the hill people and valley belongs to the valley people; tomorrow I will press bulldozers into service and flatten the surroundings of the Senapati ground into a valley and say it belongs to the Meiteis. So, what do you say ?

It was way back in 1989 during a district level officers meeting with the DC, Senapati in the chair and the members of the District Council of Senapati as invitees; however before the meeting the DC was just remembering his officers though in a silly and irresponsible manner that the next day the district administration would be busy looking after the affairs of the “Baruni Kaaba” at Nongmaijing Ching – which falls within Senapati district. “Meitei singna hayeng Baruni Kaaraga eikhoina thabuk chindourini” – tomorrows the Meeties would be on Baruni pilgrimage to the Nongmaijing hills and they would make us busy. Without a moment’s lost a member of the District Council injected a stupid comment “Mathangdagidi tax lou-se” – from next year we will impose tax and that was the beginning of a Leipung-waari – loose, useless talk, which was just silly and plain communal.

I was an officer then serving the Manipur government. It was my third year in Senpati, my place of posting and being the head of office of election branch, I had quite a good rapport with most members of the council.

But for quite a few minutes during the Leipung-waari they – the members, were behaving as if my presence was non-existent. There were two other Meitei officers, if my memory is not wrong, who had been in Senapati since a couple of years before my posting. I looked at them and I knew they would not say anything. And I also knew that if I did not stop them or tell them that it was not a forum for communal debate I would be a joker among them. Therefore I told them in a way that would be easiest for them to understand and the words seen at the beginning of this column was what made them understand instantaneously and everybody burst into laughter for a few seconds after my intervention.

The DC who also happened to be a tribal, knew it was time to stop the Leipung-waari and he said in a jolly manner “Faagi tounabane sounaba yaade” – just jokes, no hard feelings. At times I wonder how some people could be so communal. And there must be reason for it.

The statement of the United Naga Council – UNC, carried by the local newspapers on July 16, 2010 as a reaction to the Manipur Assembly resolution urging the centre to amend article 3 – the provision in the Constitution to change or alter the state’s boundaries non-applicable to Manipur – a demand made by AMUCO and UCM to the centre since 1997 – have certain points to be understood by all concerned.

The main contentions of UNC are (i) the demand for the Nagas in Manipur to live together with those of the Naga Hills of Assam was there since 1948 and the demand was made by the Naga National League under the leadership of A. Daiho, who became a minister of the Govt. of Manipur in 1963. (2) the demand also finds mention in the 9 Point Hydari Agreement of 1947 and the 16 Point Agreement of 1960 – these had to do with the movement of NNC under Angami Z Phizo. (3) the movement for Nagas of Manipur to join Nagaland, continued by the United Naga Integration Council under the leadership of Rishang Keishing till UNIC merged into Congress in August 4, 1972. (4) Naga Hoho and Lui-Ngai-Ni manifest the oneness of the Nagas and therefore the unification of the Nagas is tenable and (5) Manipur govt. is communal and has consistently attempted to legitimize the suppression of the tribal by the Meiteis.

The story of man is the story of strife and struggle, of enmity and hostility, of war and bloodshed or of kings and emperors according to the traditional historians or of class war according to the Marxist.

Whatever may be war and bloodshed are the main ingredients of human history, although romantic tales like Shirin-Farhood, Heer-Ranja, Khamba-Thoibi are the elixir of life. This is the story of the evolution of civilization and man, who now have become the inhabitants of a global village probably learnt one of the best lesson from history which would be very pertinent to the Northeast, – afflicted with AFSPA and armed gangs – that the rights and liberty of the individual, is pre-eminent and it is best secured in a secular democratic world.

The story of man in our Northeast would be having similar story, but like it or not, our story would have been much simpler and recent as we were living a tribal life or in tribalism, just a century or two ago. However no one can equate us with the Jarawa tribes in the Andamans or the Yanomami tribes in the Amazon rainforest who still remain tribal till this day. And their stories are the subject of the anthropologists and history has yet to take over from anthropology.

As for us we have been able to author our history in the last few decades like Phizo has done which T Muivah called it ‘Unique history’ of Naga Republics. But there is the tendency of reverting to the past often threatening to undo what Phizo have done for the people – to move forward with the contemporary world.

One can observe such tendency both in words and deeds in the activities of the protagonists of Nagalim. Right from the ethnic cleansing theory to the Nagalim mantras – Naga Areas, Naga Ancestral Land, Naga Birth Rights, Naga People, Naga Hoho, Naga Rights, Naga Nation, Naga National Workers, Naga Unique History, etc. – the spirit of Nagalim reflected in the first 4 points of contention contained in the public statement of UNC appears to assume a sort of a crude neo-Nazi.

I do not have the slightest of intention to ridicule the pride of a Naga. My intention truly is to let the advocates of Nagalim know that today every political entity are multi-ethnic and the very premise of Nagalim which builds exclusively on Naga tribes or ethnic Nagas is truly a false premise.

There are persons whose hobby is to learn the different communities of the Northeast about their culture, habit, food-habit, life-style and these people are fairly in a position to distinguish an ethnic group from among a crowd of groups, especially of Manipur and Nagaland. It is also believed that there is no point going into a debate on the exploitation theory of the Nagas or histories etc. in this column except to say that what is most vicious of the protagonists of Nagalim is their pent-up feelings and anger which have made them blinkered in their world view.

As for the “communal Manipur government” the whole world would listen if the seven resigned people’s representatives open their mouth and say that the Manipur government is communal; remember, these same MLAs went to Delhi and pleaded on their own sweet will to the congress high command “to save” this communal government in the interest of the hill people because “the Ibobi government is the best government for the hill people”, a year of so ago.

The main contentions of the UNC based on false premise and blinkered vision is also corrupted by deception and manipulation. Perhaps an occasion may come when these contentions may find a logical conclusion. Until then it is for the O. Ibobi Singh government – the best for the hill people – which is “seriously” trying out its skill and expertise to handle and to promote as well the theory and practice of Nagalim.
Blockade off, but Manipur's cup of woes full Iboyaima Laithangbam
Consumer goods, life-saving drugs and fuel still remain a far cry Even though some Naga tribal organisations had suspended the 68-day blockade against Manipur on June 18, the State is far from normal as far as availability of consumer goods, life-saving drugs and fuel is concerned. Drivers have boycotted the Highway 39, which snakes through Nagaland demanding compensation for the 14 trucks the tribal miscreants had torched during the blockade and a commitment to stop extortion of illegal taxes from Manipur's vehicles inside Nagaland.
A bridle path
On the other hand, the Highway 53 which skirts through Nagaland is in fact a bridle path with numerous craters, ditches and rivulets across it. Reports say that over 1500 trucks and buses have been stranded at different mountainous areas along this highway for the last 11 days. Over 500 drivers, cleaners and passengers of the stranded vehicles have been facing starvation in the mountains and there is no medicine to cure common diseases.
The highway repairing works are being undertaken by the Border Roads Organisation and the State Works Department and moving at snail's pace. The drivers have been collecting donations and are taking stones free of charge to elevate the slippery parts of the highway. The officials in Imphal cannot say when these stranded vehicles will be reaching Imphal. In view of the long queue of the stranded vehicles, police and security forces have prevented other vehicles from leaving Imphal and Jiribam for the time being.
Meanwhile, J.N. Hospital, a State-government undertaking, has announced that all operations have been suspended from Sunday as there is no stock of medical gas. Those patients who need oxygen inhalers will have to go without it. Dr. Y. Mohen, Medical Superintendent of the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences, a Central government undertaking, told The Hindu there is no stock of medical gas in the hospital. Under the circumstances, all operations will be suspended from Monday. Other private hospitals and nursing homes have also suspended operations or are not admitting patients who will require medical gas.
Reports also said that almost all the life-saving medicines are out of stock in the pharmacies. On Sunday, several pharmacists told The Hindu that as no medicine was brought to Manipur, there was no stock. They said that even tablets for hypertension or piles patients were not available.
Prices skyrocket
A government official said that the life-saving drugs and medical gas are likely to be airlifted if the stranded trucks along highway 53 cannot reach Imphal in a day or two. Prices of all essential commodities are still high and oil pumps are still shut. One litre of petrol is sold at Rs 120 by roadside vendors and the police have not lifted a finger against this black-market sale.
Face-off over Naga Commission (EMN)
Revoke abeyance order with in 7 days: NC
DIMAPUR, JUL 26): The issue of the ‘Naga Commission’ is now spiralling into a bitter face-off between the Naga Council and the Dimapur Chamber of Commerce (DCC) with the district administration caught in between as an ultimatum was issued today demanding that the abeyance order of the Naga Council permit be revoked
within seven days. Failing this, the administration was warned that the Naga Council and public ‘shall resort to course of action deemed fit’.
A public meeting was held on Monday at the Naga Council office to discuss the Naga Commission issue whereby several resolutions were adopted. According to information made available to the press, the meeting resolved to uphold and protect the rights and identity of Nagas, be it in the levy of Naga Commission or in any other form, and to oppose any designs that weaken the identity, unity and culture of the Nagas.
It also decided to propose to the District Administration to set up a high-powered Committee consisting of Retd Judges, Market Experts, Naga Council, DMC, Women Hoho, GB, Intellectual/Professionals, etc, which should be assigned to study and research the causes of price rise and unauthorised taxation in Dimapur and submit report and recommendation under a stipulated period of 2 months so as to tackle the menace of taxation and check erratic/inconsistent price fluctuation of commodities in Dimapur for public interest.
The meeting further resolved to inform the District Administration to revoke the abeyance order of the Naga Council permit within 7 (seven) days failing which it decided that Naga Council and public would resort to course of action deemed fit and that all legal options would be kept open to deal with the matter as and when required.
Furthermore, the meeting asked that the DCC be re-structured ‘for a pro-active role in fostering peace and goodwill amongst all citizens in the complex commercial hub in the larger interest of the society apart from serving its own interests’.
It was also agreed that the activities of Naga Council and Naga Commission would be published in brief ‘to dispel vested press reports which paints Naga Council in poor light contrary to its philanthropic voluntary public service throughout its existence’.
As per this resolution an activity background and the Naga Commission has been released by the Naga Council whereby it was stated that the levy of a nominal fee as Naga Commission fixed by the Government is a pittance vis-à-vis the service rendered by Naga tribes which serves the interest of the Naga people and their birthright identity in a vast ocean of sweeping cultures.
It also states that it is ‘amazed’ at the ‘audacity’ of the Dimapur Chamber of Commerce in ‘threatening the district administration’ by serving a 3-day ultimatum to cancel Naga Council’s permit for Naga Commission that has been in force for over 30 years. Furthermore, it termed as ‘more disgusting’ the fact that the Administration has ‘cowered in fear of the threat by beating a hasty retreat’.
While maintaining that it is common knowledge that Dimapur is infested with unions extracting illegal collection, it however said the fact also remains that the administration has failed to contain the menace although its efforts are not absent.
It went on to say that the Naga Council is hardly impressed about price rise alluded to Naga Commission and that the commission ‘makes no dent to price rise with its 0.001 % on average into the price of items granted’. Calling it a ‘zero effect’, it said it would be more ‘pertinent for the administration to investigate the cause of price rise by checking the activities of 86 ‘unions’ believed to be operating in Dimapur as well as unscrupulous/unfair trading practices’. (Full text in Platform)
2 SSB officers, 2 jawans killed in NDFB ambush Assam Tribune
BONGAIGAON, July 26 – Four Sashatra Seema Bal (SSB) personnel were killed and three others injured in an ambush by National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) militants at Sirklaijhora, 14 km north of Panbari under Bijni PS in Chirang district today at around 11.30 am.
The SSB personnel who died on the spot were Kishor Kumar (Asstt Commandant), Pratap Singh (SI), Gearju Serpa (driver) and Amit Kr Tewari of 15 Bn.
The injured SSB jawans have been identified as Balawant Singh Yadav, Giriraj Singh Bist and Amit Kumar. They have been admitted to Lower Assam Nursing Home here. The condition of Amit Kumar and Balawant Singh Yadav is critical, according to doctors.
The incident took place while the SSB patrolling party passed by Sikhalijhora area. The SSB jawans retaliated the attack and the firing continued for about 20 minutes, the local villagers informed.
Staff Reporter adds: Meanwhile, police sources said that the incident occurred at around 12.30 pm when a Maruti Gypsy vehicle of the SSBpersonnel was ambushed in between Ciplaigarh and Amlaiguri. Four persons including the assistant commandant, one sub-inspector and two constables of the SSB died on the spot, while three other were seriously injured.
Police sources said that the militants managed to take away one rifle and two pistols from the SSB personnel.
It may be mentioned here that the SSB personnel, posted to guard the Assam-Bhutan border, took a series of actions against timber smugglers in that area and today’s attack is believed to be a retaliation of that.
General Than Shwe visits India amid protests Sources: Asia News
July 26, 2010: In New Delhi, some 300 Burmese activists call on Indian government to put pressure on junta strongman for a future of democracy in Myanmar. They accuse military regime of denying religious freedom to majority Buddhists and minority Christians.

The general’s visit, which began yesterday and will end on Thursday, is centred on the economic and military ties between the two countries.
About 300 Burmese democracy activists, refugees and support groups gathered today at Jantar Mantar New Delhi to protest against the visit by Myanmar military strongman General Than Shwe to India, which began yesterday. Burmese exiles have called on Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to use this visit to tell the leader of the military junta that India is in favour of freedom and democracy in Myanmar. They are also urging the Indian government to put pressure on Myanmar authorities to release Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi as well as the country’s more than 2,000 political prisoners.
“The junta’s repressive measures are causing immense hardships to ordinary people, who have no rights or even privileges. Everything is very tense. After the National League for Democracy (NLD) was banned, the situation for the people has become even more volatile,” Htun Htun, of the Burma Centre Delhi (BCD), told AsiaNews.
“The climate of fear, suppression and intimidation is even worse in ethnic areas,” he said, especially where some groups are Christian. “Religious freedom too is not allowed.”
In Chin State, approximately 80 per cent of the Chin population is Christian. Recently, the military has begun, among other things, “destroying churches as well as harassing, arresting and even abusing pastors, removing religious symbols such as crosses from mountain tops. It has also started targeting charity organisations,” Htun said.
Things are not much better in predominantly Buddhist Karen State, where soldiers have stormed monasteries and removed monks who supported the pro-democracy movement in 2007.
In addition to Burmese activists, Than Shwe’s visit has mobilised other human rights groups. In a press release yesterday, Human Rights Watch said, “Economic and security interests should not displace concerns about protecting the Burmese people’s fundamental freedoms.”
General Than Shwe’s visit is scheduled to end on Thursday. In order to downplay its significance, both Burmese and Indian authorities have said that it was of a religious nature. In fact, the general, who is Buddhist, began his visit to India with a stop in the city of Budh Gaya (Bihar), where Siddhartha Gautama is believed to have received enlightenment after 49 days of meditation.
For activists however, the main purpose of the visit is to enhance economic and border security cooperation between the countries. The Indian-Burmese border has been the scene of important military activity by rebel groups.
In recent years, India, along with China, has been extending its tentacles on Myanmar’s rich natural resources, both above and underground, fuelling all sorts of traffic, thus buttressing the power of the military junta.
In a recent statement, India’s Tata automobile company has also announced its intention of moving its Nano minicar production to Myanmar.


Frans on 07.26.10 @ 11:26 PM CST [link]


Sunday, July 25th

Jamir-NSCN(IM) spat surfaces Newmai News Network



Jamir-NSCN(IM) spat surfaces Newmai News Network

Dimapur, Jul 24: The ideological war in the media between the NSCN-IM and former Nagaland chief mi-nister SC Jamir has re-emerged after dormancy by both the parties for some years.
The return of SC Jamir to Nagaland after a stint as Governor of Goa and Maha- rashtra is beginning to create wave in Nagaland.
After Jamir had said three days back that the NSCN-IM’s demand of sovereign- ty is unrealistic in the pres-ent context, the NSCN-IM today said that Dr SC Jamir’s opposition to Naga solution is history but in the twilight of his life he is again uttering something that is done deliberately to damage the very essence of Indo-Naga talks.
It is worth noting that SC Jamir had called for a change in approach on part of New Delhi in respect of Naga peace talks and termed the NSCN-IM’s demand for so-vereignty as unrealistic these days. Jamir also said the peace-talks should be “all inclusive” involving Naga people as a whole gi-ven that New Delhi has al- ready rejected the two main demands of the NSCN (I-M) – sovereignty and integration of Naga inhabited areas in the North East. It can also be mentioned that Jamir had commented few years ago saying sovereignty is the 17th century concept.
Meanwhile, reacting to the former Governor’s comment, the NSCN-IM said that the historical facts of Naga political struggle will testify who is who in the movement.
“But in the search for Naga solution Jamir is no longer relevant. Talks are in progress with the govt of India and India is talking with NSCN giving cognizance of the fact that it re- presents the Naga people, and the world too recognize only NSCN as the legitimate voice of the Nagas. Those who keep raising the voice that unity should come first before solution is simply exposing their desperateness and irresponsibility,” the NSCN-IM said.
It asked, “Who does not desire for reconciliation and unity among the Nagas ?” The NSCN-IM then said that it was NSCN’s collective leadership who first ini- tiated and call for reconciliation through forgiveness in 2007. But it has to be accepted that reconciliation is to save the Naga people and not to appease any organization for the sake of recon- ciliation.
Nevertheless, NSCN is still committed to the initiative under the banner of Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR).
There are many among the Nagas whose anti-Naga stand is an established fact. The government of India and the world is not blind to this. No national organization will stand the test of the time when it is run without national principle as the foundation. For without foundation there can be no solution and it carries no meaning.
The history of the Naga independent movement started earlier than 1929 and there was hardly any opposition among the Nagas. But since 1947 onwards there are some opposition, and they tried to undermined the right of the Naga people and sovereignty. Among those who opposed the Nagas Dr.SC.Jamir is one who exploited every means at his disposal to spearhead the movement. But he failed miserably. When Jamir was made the Parliamentary Secretary during the 1960s he opposed tooth and nail the meeting between Jawahalal Nehru and A.Z.Phizo. This action ultimately stopped the peace process between the Government of India and the Naga Underground. Such acts of opposition to Naga solution abound in Naga history at the hands of Jamir..
“What happened to the Naga movement after Jamir entered State Assembly in 1972. He became the stooge of the Government of India and every conceivable means was adopted to suppress the Naga movement. He went through sleepless nights inventing divisive game plans to either make the national workers surrender under pressure or kill them mercilessly. No doubt this is unfortunate but this is history,” the NSCN-IM said on Saturday.
It then stated that Dr.SC.Jamir, no doubt, is an intelligent politician, hard working and full of initiative but he never thought that others can do better than him forNaga solution and he is far from his self created image as the master of Naga’s destiny. The NSCN-IM also stated that years have past, season changes and so also situation.
“Dynamic leaders are in place now and his place is no more acceptable to the Nagas. Moreover, in the years gone by he has identified himself as anti-Naga who just hate to project any agenda for Naga solution except using the mighty force of Indian security force to crush the Naga independent struggle and distorting the Naga political history is his favorite indulgence in writing. Given this past records of Jamir with no sign of reformation and repentance in his approach Jamir’s show of face at this juncture to be a part of the Naga political solution is nothing more than false teacher or prophet. False prophet brings no hope or peace. It brings only destruction and division.For any wise person it is always better to retire with dignity than being ignored in disgrace! Anyway, who is Jamir for the Naga solution?,” the NSCN-IM asks in a statement on Saturday.
NSCN/GPRN on Jamir morungexpress
Dimapur, (MExN): The National Socialist Council of Nagalim has pointed out that the historical facts of Naga political struggle will testify as to who is who in the movement and that Dr SC Jamir’s opposition to Naga solution is history. The NSCN/GPRN in a press note issued by its MIP claimed that Jamir was “again uttering something that is done deliberately to damage the very essence of Indo-Naga Talks”. The MIP note stated that in the search for Naga solution “Jamir is no longer relevant” while pointing out that talks is in progress with the government of India and India is talking with NSCN giving cognizance of the fact that it represents the Naga people, and the world too recognized only NSCN as the legitimate voice of the Nagas. “Those who keep raising the voice that unity should come first before solution is simply exposing their desperateness and irresponsibility”, stated the press note. Stating that “Jamir’s show of face at this juncture to be a part of the Naga political solution” was nothing more than “false teacher or prophet”, the MIP note pointed out that it was “always better to retire with dignity than being ignored in disgrace”.

Myanmar ruler lands in India Assam tribune

Patna, July 25 (IANS): Myanmar's military ruler General Than Shwe today began a five-day India visit with plans to pray at the Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya in Bihar.
The general landed at the Gaya aiport around 10.30 am, a police officer told IANS.
Than Shwe, 77, will pray in the evening and then visit the Bodi tree under which Lord Buddha is said to have attained enlightenment. He will reach New Delhi to meet the Indian leadership, including President Pratibha Patil, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and External Affairs Minister SM Krishna.
Inclusive Reconciliation Nagaland Post
Reconciliation has been the talk and it has become more talked about after the July 15 meeting between the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN resulting in the unconditional unification of the two Naga political groups. The two united groups have named the meeting held at Monyukshu village under Mon district as the ‘Monyukshu conclave.’
One effect of the conclave is that, the talk about Reconciliation has been expanded to inclusive Reconciliation. Reconciliation involving all other Naga political groups, the Naga civil societies, Nagas living in Nagaland and outside and all other people concerned, is what inclusive Reconciliation would chiefly mean. When the NSCN (I-M) said any sugar coated form of Reconciliation moving away from the principle contained in the “Covenant of Reconciliation” was not in the common interest of the Naga people, it was apparently pointing to the July 15 unification at Monyukshu. The principle of the Covenant was that the three Naga political groups offered themselves to Naga Reconciliation and Forgiveness based on the Historical and Political Rights of the Nagas.
The need to have inclusive political vision while dealing with Naga political issue was also raised by the Eastern Naga Students’ Association (ENSA). The ENSA’s comment that missing out any group or community would be the greatest mistake in Naga history, can also be related to the recent developments in the Naga reconciliation process.
The ENSA was speaking for those Nagas living in Myanmar and reminded that the Eastern Nagas were not invited when the Reconciliation process was first started spearheaded by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation. Similar displeasure of not being invited in the Reconciliation process was also expressed by one Naga political faction last year.
While there is lot of applauding over the outcome of the Monyukshu conclave, there are also many who have remained mute. Naga Students’ Federation was the first to welcome the unity move followed by Joint Forum of GBs & DBs Nagaland, state cabinet, NPCC, Southern Nagas’ Union of Nagaland, Joint Coordination Committee (JCC) of nine apex Naga tribal unions and others. The JCC has gone a step ahead by meeting the Co-ordination Committee which was formed by the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN to work out the modalities in furthering the unity process.
Prominent organizations that have so far not commented on the Monyukshu conclave are the FNR, Naga Hoho, NMA, NBCC etc.
For many, it is surprising that the FNR, which is spearheading Naga Unity and Reconciliation, has nothing to say when two opposing groups are uniting. Doing a postmortem of the July 15 unconditional unity, it can be said that the unity between the two groups would have received wider acceptance and approval, if deserving organizations had been duly acknowledged/engaged for their contribution in the unity that was possible. While it may not be necessary to involve the FNR, the fact that numerous reconciliatory meetings have been convened and declarations signed by the three Naga political groups at the initiative of the FNR cannot be brushed aside while arriving at such unity move.
The unity of the two groups might not have been possible if the FNR had not facilitated the numerous meetings, organized football matches, held combined Church services, toured together to different parts of the state etc. All these led to easing tension among the three groups, reduction in factional killings, gradual acceptance of each other and eventually the unity of the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN. The two groups in their Joint Declaration said they were uniting in principle unconditionally, upholding and implementing the commitment of the Covenant of Reconciliation. Since the Covenant of Reconciliation was signed at the initiative of the FNR, it is clear that the FNR’s role in the unification of the two groups is enormous.
If this is so, then in the event of any good gestured unity between/among the Naga political groups, the contribution of the FNR in arriving at such point cannot be undermined but laudable. The Co-ordination Committee of the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN has appealed to all other Naga political groups to unite under the banner of the “unconditional unity” agreed between the two groups. With this appeal of “unconditional unity,” it is now up to other Naga groups to respond. Inclusive Reconciliation is the need and not selective Reconciliation.
Former chief minister, Dr. S. C. Jamir has also called for all-inclusive approach to Naga talks on the part of the centre. Jamir has said that holding talks with the NSCN (I-M) alone would not solve the Naga political problem and called for involving all other Naga political groups, tribal and political leaders and other civil societies. The centre has been fed with similar messages even in the past that all sections of Naga society has to be taken into confidence in bringing a final solution to the Naga issue. The centre is wise enough to handle the problem.
A lot has taken place last week starting from the CEC NUTA demanding for a fresh CBI probe into the alleged irregularities in the functioning of Nagaland University, the consultation on prohibition being put on hold due to lack of consensus on the issue, the budget session where the opposition members demanded the removal of two ministers, the issue of taxation between the Dimapur Chamber of Commerce and district administration and Naga Council, to the demolition of a Catholic Church in Anatongre village leading to a debate between the NBCC and Catholic Association of Nagaland. All these issues are yet to arrive at a conclusion.
K. Filip Sumi
(www.filipweekly.wordpress.com)

CM asks Centre to allow foodgrains import from Myanmar The Imphal Free Press

Manipur Information Centre
NEW DELHI, Jul 24: Manipur chief minister O Ibobi Singh drew the attention of the Prime Minister and chairman of the Planning Commission Dr. Manmohan Singh to seriously consider allowing Manipur to import food grains and POL products from neighbouring Myanmar through the Moreh-Tamu sector of the Indo-Myanmar border.

Attending the 55th Meeting of the National Development Council held at Vigyan Bhavan here on Saturday, the chief minister stated that a Land Customs Station (LCS) with basic infrastructure facilities like warehouse and weighbridge was established at Moreh, the border town of India with the assistance of the Ministry of Commerce.

Informing that 45 acres of land at Moreh was handed over to the Department of Border Management, Ministry of Home Affairs for establishing an Integrated Check Post (IPC); he urged the Union Home minister for expediting the setting up of the ICP which would give a meaning to the Look East policy of the Government of India.

The chief minister also stated that Manipur shared a long and porous international border with Myanmar and there was unrestricted cross-border movement of militants and smugglers. The state government had already proposed to the Ministry of Home Affairs for fencing of the Indo-Myanmar border. He drew the attention of the Centre for considering the proposal seriously so that effective border management would ensure a check on militancy and restore normalcy in Manipur and other North East states. He also requested the Centre for deployment of Border Security Forces along the border for effective surveillance and better border management.

The chief minister emphasized the need for more extensive roads especially in the north eastern states. He pointed out the acute shortage of essential commodities due to extremely poor condition of NH-39 and NH-53 in Manipur. He said that the main reason for the poor state of affairs was inadequate allocation of funds and lack of adequate manpower and equipment with Border Road Organization. Terming it as a good initiative for quick upgradation of the national highways in Manipur; he supported the Mid-Term Appraisal of the 11th Plan which laid emphasis on speeding up implementation of national Highway Development Programme to achieve a completion rate of 20 kms of highway per day.

He underlined that the uncertainties and scarcities arising out of economic blockades of national highways, the life-lines of Manipur state needed to be addressed on topmost priority by upgradation of NH-53 and NH-150 to all weather and double lane highways. Since road projects were capital intensive by nature, he stated that timely flow of funds to the implementing agencies should be ensured by the Ministry of Shipping, Road Transport and Highways.

Stating that poor connectivity was one of the root causes impacting on industrialization; the chief minister stressed the need for sustained and rapid road development in the north eastern region. He proposed restructuring of the Special Accelerated Road Development Programme and providing additional funds for expediting completion of roads already taken under the ambitious programme.

O Ibobi Singh made a special mention for expediting completion of railway projects taken up in the NE region. He drew the attention of the Centre to complete the railway line from Jiribam to Tupul in Manipur within 2014 and its extension upto Imphal within 2016 and to extend the line upto Moreh on the Indo-Myanmar border.

Referring to health sector in Manipur; the chief minister stated that the government could provide better health care facilities with strengthening primary health centres in the rural areas in the last three years of the 11th Plan. He said that there was shortage of specialist doctors and nurses in Manipur. He drew the attention of the Centre for making special arrangement for reservation of seats for the students from the North East in the admission to post graduate courses in different medical colleges. He requested the Planning commission to continue providing funds for the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Medical Sciences (JNIMS) at Imphal.

The chief minister stated that projects under the Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) were implemented in three hill districts of Manipur namely Tamenglong, Chandel and Churachandpur. Since the programme aimed at bridging the development gaps and addressing backwardness; he stressed the urgent need for extending the programme to the remaining hill districts namely Ukhrul and Senapati.

The chief minister attended the meeting with the Deputy Chairman of Manipur State Planning Board Bijoy Koijam and the Manipur chief Secretary D.S Poonia.

Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh presided over the meeting of the 55th National Development Council held at the Plenary Hall of Vigyan Bhavan on July 24, 2010.

Besides full time members, Union Finance minister, Pranab Mukherjee, Human Resource Development minister, Kapil Sibal, Agriculture minister Sharad Pawar, Railway minister Mamata Banerjee, Home minister P Chidambaram, Deputy Chairman Planning Commission Montek Singh Ahluwalia and Minister of State for Planning V. Narayanaswamy also participated.

Chief Ministers from all the states, senior Central and state government officials took part in the day-long meeting which began at 9.30 am.

Houses of UG child recruiters burnt down at Heituppokpi The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 24: Angry residents of Heituppokpi burnt down the houses of alleged child kidnappers namely Okram Biju, 25, son of Sharatchandra, a resident of Wangjing Purna Heituppokpi and the house of his cousin brother O Naba, 56, son of L Maimu at around 4.30 pm today.

Reports stated that Khundrakpam Bitanjit, 16, son of Surjit of Heirok Part-II Laimayum Leikai, presently studying in Class VIII at Heirok Public Junior High School was taken away from his residence on July 1 on the pretext of giving him a job as a handiman.

Similarly, Saikhom Sidhanta, 16, son of Late Shanto of Heirok Part-I Heituppokpi had also been taken away from his residence on July 3 to work in a hotel located at Moreh. They have both remained untraceable since the said date of their departure from their respective residences.

Yet another child, Okram Amarjit alias Manaobi, 13, son of Premjit of Wangjing Heituppokpi Awang Leikai had been taken away from his residence on June 17 to work as a handiman and he also has remained untraced.

It had come to public knowledge of Heituppokpi area that Kh Bitenjit and O Amarjit were taken from their residences by O Biju and O Naba, shortly after the disappearances. A meeting was held to trace the whereabouts of the missing children at Heirok Part-I on July 22 presided by the Pradhan of Heirok Part-I, M Rajmani and the meeting resolved that the abducted children should be handed back to their families by today.

As per the resolution of the meeting the locals of the area including the family members of the missing children went to the residence of Naba and Biju and found out that both persons were absconding.

Venting their anger the mob which gathered at the said area burnt down the houses of the alleged child abducters.

It may be mentioned that O Biju was arrested by 29 Assam Rifles from Tengnoupal and an abducted child namely Soibam Ronaldo, 13, son of Dilip of Wangjing Soibam Leirak was rescued on July 17. During on the spot interrogation, Biju had revealed that he was transporting the child for recruitment to an UG group and had earlier handed over the three missing children to the particular group.

16 killed in clash between rival UG groups NNN/Staff Reporter
Imphal, Jul 24: Around 1500 villagers from six villages fled from their home- steads and many of them were reported displaced while some of them are taking shelters in different parts of Manipur following fierce gun battles between rival Kuki militant groups in the border areas of Senapati district and Imphal East district.
However there is no offi-cial confirmation as yet. When The Sangai Express contacted the SSP of Thou-bal Clay Khongsai, he said that there are talks do-ing the round and added that there is no report about the recovery of bodies so far.
The police are yet to venture to the area where the gun-battle reportedly took place. An Assam Rifles post is reported to be pre-sent somewhere near the said area.
Significantly, four ca-dres of a Kuki UG group were admitted to Shija Hos-pitals for injuries sustained during a clash with ano-ther rival Kuki UG group on July 21.
In the meant time, a relief camp sponsored by some village volunteers has been opened at the community hall in Itham village which is located near the six villages bordering Senapati district and Imphal East district. The six villages included Sei-chang, Bungbal, Chaning, Salem, Bongjang and Kamusaichang village.
Atleast 16 cadres from both the rival parties were killed in the gun battle while one civilian got bullet injury in the cross-fire, according to various sources.
The sources said that 16 deceased cadres of both rival groups (Kuki National Front (KNF-P) on one side while combined team of Ku-ki Liberation Army (KLA) and Kuki Revo-lutionary Army (KRA) on the other started the gun fight since the morning of July 21.
The sources further said that said that atleast 10 cadres have been wounded of which some of them are undergoing treatment in hospitals. Both the rival groups are signatories of Suspension of Operation (SoO).
A villager who fled from his homestead disclosed that the gun fight is still continuing as the sound of gun shots can be heard after a gap of every 20-30 minutes from different directions. The displaced and anguished villager is taking shelter in one of his relatives in Imphal presently.
The reason behind the gun fight between the rival groups was said to be over area domination which has become the ‘bone of contention’ for both the groups, according to the sources, adding that there have been 2-3 clashes in the past for the same reason.



Frans on 07.25.10 @ 08:30 PM CST [link]


Saturday, July 24th

Muivah meets PC, discusses Naga peace process Nagaland Page



Muivah meets PC, discusses Naga peace process Nagaland Page

New Delhi, July 23: NSCN-IM 'general secretary' Thuingaleng Muivah today met Home Minister P Chidambaram and discussed with him issues related to the Naga peace process.
Muivah is also understood to have apprised Chidambaram about his nearly one-and-a-half-month-long peace mission across Nagaland and its outcome.
The issue of his failed trip to his ancestral village in Manipur is also said to have figured in the nearly hour-long meeting.
The Naga rebel leader had also met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
A crucial round of talks between NSCN-IM and Centre's interlocutor R S Pandey will begin here tomorrow to carry forward the peace process. A few rounds of informal talks with the NSCN-IM leadership had taken last week.
Top leaders of the rebel group, are currently in the capital to participate in the meeting.
Undertaking the peace mission that began in first week of June, Muivah visited all the districts of Nagaland except Mon and called for re-conciliation and understanding among the Nagas based on the principle of "forget and forgive" to have a unified voice to be presented before the government of India.
So far over 60 rounds of peace talks were held between the two sides during the course of 13-year-long peace process initiated in August 1997.
Initially, Muivah embarked on a journey to his native village in Manipur's Ukhrul district on May 5, but deferred his plan following stiff opposition from the Ibobi Singh government, which saw his visit as a "threat to communal harmony" in the state. (PTI)
NNC okays Naga platform DIMAPUR, JUL 24 (NPN):
Standing out from the group of those opposing the Naga Common Platform, the Naga National Council (Parent Body) has welcomed the Platform to work with complete neutrality and inclusively with all the Nagas, though it said that their works was yet to be seen. The NNC on the other hand sidelined the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) on the grounds that the Forum was engaged in partial reconciliation with two-three groups leaving behind the rest. The NNC alleged that the FNR was working for Naga reconciliation only with NSCN (I-M), NSCN-K and FGN which it described as “exclusive and incomplete.” “The NNC will never support the body or NGOs who work partially and exclusively,” stated a statement issued by Yilow Lotha, Central Executive Council member NNC. Lotha said the NNC did not anymore believe that the works of FNR for Naga reconciliation was “as if completed.” The NNC said it would welcome and support any concerned body of NGOs or even state body who would genuinely work for the Naga reconciliation inclusive of all the Nagas with genuine stand of neutrality. Lotha also said the NNC worked and stood for genuine Naga reconciliation as the very stand and resolution of NNC after its fragmentation which birthed the FGN in 1980. It however lamented that the parent body (NNC) was always sidelined and neglected even after many years of hard work for the Naga peace & unity which was the main focus and basic policy to bring peace and freedom in the “Homeland.” “But the NNC will always welcome the genuine and neutral body who will work inclusive with all the Nagas in the affairs of Naga reconciliation,” it reiterated.
Solution possible only if Nagas reason together in unity Morungexpress
In this image released to the media Zhopra Vero, Co-Convener, is seen speaking at the meeting with JCC members.
Dimapur, July 23 (MExN): “It is much easier for two warring parties to cut down each other rather than listen to each other and reconcile. But on 15th July 2010, at Monyakhsu Village in Konyak Region, two feuding parties decided to embrace each other for the love of their land and people. The Grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace inspired the Leadership of GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN to reason together and reach out to their comrades in other groups”. This was stated in a joint press note issued by the MIP, GPRN and Rali Wali, FGN. Stating that many political conflicts in the world have had their logical conclusions acknowledging the history of peoples and their rights, the joint statement pointed out that there was no reason why the Naga people cannot achieve the same.
Co-ordination Committee GPRN & FGN meets JCC
However, as convincing as it may sound, the press note stated that it was unreasonable on the part of any Naga to still believe that a political solution is on the anvil on the strength of 14 years of negotiations. “It is also time for Nagas to believe that a political solution is possible only if the Nagas reason together in unity”, it stated and added that the tragic past must be laid to rest and all outstanding issues must be settled amicably and peacefully if Nagas are to claim their place in this universe.
It also stated that it was “impractical to believe in the theory that violent capitulation of one party is the only logical conclusion”. “One plain truth is that, no matter how complicated it may appear to the complicated minds, unity of the Nagas is possible if one loves Nagaland”, it further stated while pointing out that the world was not going to wait for the Nagas forever. “This is the pivotal reason why the GPRN/NSCN and the NNC/FGN agreed in principle to unite unconditionally”.
The joint press note also informed that the Joint Co-ordination Committee (JCC) consisting of nine Naga tribes from Nagaland visited the Oking on 23rd July 2010, with a view to express their appreciation to N Kitovi Zhimomi, Ato Kilonser GPRN, Brig. (Retd) S Singnya, Kedahge of the NNC/FGN for the historic “Manyukshu Conclave” of 15th July 2010, and to support and encourage the Co-ordination Committee of the GPRN and FGN headed by Zhopra Vero, Co-convener and Kughalu Mulatonu also Co-convener. All nine tribal leaders expressed their joy at the merger of two Political groups and urged for reconciliation and unity of all political groups under the Covenant of Reconciliation, the press note stated.

Jamir bats for all-inclusive Naga talks with New Delhi TNN, IST
GUWAHATI: Former Nagaland chief minister S C Jamir on Thursday said the Centre should start all-inclusive talks with the Nagas in general and not with any particular group or an individual and think beyond the demands of insurgent outfits to find an "alternative solution" to the decades-old Naga issue.

Jamir's statement comes at a time when NSCN (I-M) chairman Th Muivah is camping in New Delhi for the next round of peace dialogue with New Delhi.

The veteran Congress leader said since the Centre had already turned down the Naga outfit's demands for sovereignty and integration of all Naga-inhabited areas in Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh, the Nagas should now look for an alternative solution under the purview of the Indian polity.

"The government has clearly ruled out sovereignty and territorial integrity and this applies to all other outfits. The Naga people need an alternative that can fit into the contemporary Indian polity," Jamir said.

Jamir, who had narrow escapes from militant attacks for five times in the past, said, "The Naga problem does not arise from a factional issue. The future has to be decided by the Naga people and not by group or an individual. We require a common voice within the parameters of the Indian polity. We must go back to the people and all factions must unite. The recent merger of the NSCN-K and the Naga National Council (NNC) is a positive sign."

He said Nagaland was the springboard of insurgency in the region and the idea of "independence" was prevalent in the tribal society even before India attained Independence. "Everybody wants freedom but a changed situation like our contemporary political reality has overshadowed many theories of the past," he added.

Muivah and four other members of NSCN(I-M) met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Wednesday and is scheduled to meet Union home minister P Chidambaram next week. Muivah and his team have also been holding a series of meetings with interlocutor RS Pandey in New Delhi over the week. The NSCN (IM) signed truce in 1997 and the peace process is continuing for the last 13 years.

Jamir recently completed gubernatorial responsibilities in Goa, Gujarat and Maharshtra and has returned to join active politics in his state. In his younger days, he was part of the Naga delegation of 1960 which gave the Nagas their state. He was also responsible for the ceasefire in 1965 with AZ Phizo of the NNC.
Naga peace talks should involve all nagas: Jamir [IST]
Guwahati, Jul 23: Former Maharashtra governor and Chief Minister of Nagaland Dr S C Jamir called all Naga rebels for a change in the Naga peace talks on Thursday, Jul 22 in Guwahati.
He said that the rebel organisation NSCN (I-M) led by Th Muivah and Isak Swu in the peace talks with the Centre would not solve problems for greater Nagaland. This peace talks should be “all inclusive” which is involving all the nagas together and not people who are on power alone.
The Centre had refused the demand of the NSCN (I-M)'s two principles which were sovereignty and integration of Naga inhabited areas in the North East.

So all the Naga rebel factions–NSCN (I-M), NSCN (K), Naga National Council (NNC) led by Adinno and Shingnyu– leaders from civil society, leaders of tribes and political leaders should actively participate in the Naga peace-talks from now onwards, said Jamir. He expressed that he would give full support and take active role in the peace talks.
9 tribal JCC supports unity move
Dimapur, July 23 (MExN): The Joint Co-ordination Committee has extended its support and corporation to “The Pledge and Joint Declaration” made by the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN.
“We strongly urge upon the leadership of the merger group not to waver in all their endeavor with wisdom and discernment from Almighty God towards true unity, reconciliation and peace so as to hasten the settlement of Indo-Naga political issue,” stated the Joint Co-ordination Committee in a press note issue by the President of Konyak Union S Khoiwang Wangsa, President of Sumi Hoho Hokishe Yepthomi, President of Kachari Tribal Council S K Khempral, President of Kuki Ingpi Nagaland Asat Doungel, Vice President of Khiamnungan Tribal Council P Heno, President of Phom People’s Council Hamnyei Phom, Working President of Yimchungru Tribal Council Kius Chuba, President of United Sangtam Likhium Bamji Serangmong and President of Chang Khulei Setshang N Kaimang.
The Joint Co-ordination Committee comprises of Konyak Union, Khiamnungan Tribal Council, Chang Khulei Setshang Tribal Council, Yimchunger Tribal Council, Phom People’s Council, United Sangtam Likhium Bamji, Sumi Hoho, Kuki Ingpi Nagaland and Kachari Tribal Council Nagaland.
It has also appealed to all like-minded Naga Tribal Hoho, Civil Societies and Churches to extend their support and co-operation to strengthen the “unity, reconciliation and peace process”. The note mentioned that the merging of the two political groups at Monyukshu is unconditionally historic and a major boost towards the fulfillment of ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’, which was signed by the Naga political groups including Isak Swu, Chairman NSCN (IM), SS Khaplang Chairman of GPRN/NSCN and Brig (Rtd) Singnya, Kedahge, NNC/FGN.
Moreover, the Committee has been striving for the “true unity and reconciliation” amongst the lasting solution to the “vexed Indo-Naga political issue for many years”, the note added. Further, the committee has “sincerely called upon all the other Naga Political Groups to abide and adhere the ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’ both in spirit and letter so as to bring about total unification, reconciliation and lasting peace amongst the Nagas”.
Religious intolerance Nagaland Page
Nagas were once head-hunters. It was considered to be a sport and a show of might and strength during those days. Gone were the days good warriors were decorated upon and were entitled to wear certain dresses which were not allowed for others.
But with the advent of Christianity into Naga soil, things have changed since. Today we profess ourselves to be Christian and our State a Christian state due to the fact that 90% plus are Christian. But how far we are living up to the Christian values is still questionable when all sorts of crimes and religious intolerances are prevalent and committed by us.
The recent demolition of a Catholic Church at Anatongre on July 9, 2010 is uncalled for. Any village authority/student body imposing restrictions on practice of other faith/religion except a particular faith in the name of 'peace and tranquility' is unconstitutional as Indian Constitution guarantees Freedom of Religion for all its citizens.
It was also in the year 2006; the Catholic Church of Chakhabama was pulled down by the villagers for the same reason. These incidences clearly depict how Christians we are or how we lead our lives as Christian.
When Graham Stains and his two sons were burnt alive in Orissa in the year 1999; and when Christians were attacked, churches, schools, orphanages and Christian run welfare institutions were vandalized in the year 2008 in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Kerala by VHP and Bajrang Dal activists, Naga Christians were shouting at the top of their voice in condemning them. But such kind of incidences as in Anatongre and Chakhabama need be examined whether we are living up to Christian values worth calling ourselves Christian to the outside world; for all our religious intolerances are also recorded and documented. We need to ask ourselves whether our own house is set in order as a Christian state.
If we Nagas profess ourselves to be Christian but still have such mindset; we still need to re-examine ourselves and search for our own souls and question ourselves whether we are 'true Christian living in a true Christina State'.
Neisievilie Joseph Lhousa, Merhulietsa (Para-Medical), Kohima

Kudos to our local media Nagaland Page
The local media has done a commendable job in drawing the attention of the authority in tackling the problem arising out of the July 9 incident at Anatongre village. The fourth estate has once again prevailed in upholding the ideals of our democracy.
The media stepped in when fundamental rights enshrined in the constitution was infringed at the village level by the village authority and when the district authority was unable to redress the issue.
The media gave prominence to the issue when it reached the authorities at the state level. It is difficult to understand how a responsible body like the Nagaland Baptist Church Council could term it as "blown out of proportion" without studying the "ground reality".
Issues concerning religious rights are very sensitive and acquire prominence very fast if not solved quickly. The image of our society will be damaged forever if issues of conflicts within Christians are to be addressed at the national or international level. Hasn't the local media intervened in time?
So far as ground realities are concerned, the joint council of Anatongre GBs, Anatongre Citizen Union and Anatongre Student's Union clarified that the Catholic church was demolished based on the strength of a resolution passed in 1991 which prohibits establishing church by various denominations other than the Baptist denominion. The fact that a resolution was made and the present Catholics (by then Baptists) of the village were also signatories in the resolution does not make the resolution a worthwhile ground reality.
I think the media is also keeping us readers well abreast of the ground realities. I came to learn though the media that considerable time has elapsed since the aggrieved party sought relief by approaching the Deputy Commissioner of Kiphire district on May 12, 2010. However due to the inaction of the district authority, the issue was not curbed and it took an ugly turn. It was only after the media intervened that the authorities acted.
The right to freedom is a constitutional right. Any resolution or understanding which goes against the law is unlawful. An agreement to carry out illegal activities is illegal. Therefore the resolution passed at Anatongre village in 1996 is null and void ab initio. It is very sad that the NBCC is still referring to "ground realities" and expressing resentment using the words "blown out of proportion". Let us not forget that we are part of a society larger and more complex. When shall we start thinking out of the box?
Mezhu Angami

Tribal forum on Manipur sectarianism morungexpress
Dimapur, (MExN): The Tribal Peoples’ Forum Manipur (TPFM) takes cognizance of “systematically campaign” allegedly by a section of the Meitei community to ignite misunderstanding and conflicts between communities living in Imphal.
“TPFM is not surprised why the Home Department of Manipur Government, where O. Ibobi, who himself is a Meitei is the concerned minister categorically maintaining silence on the projection of one sided story of the bygone ugly scenes of the ethnic clashes events in Manipur at Manipur Press Club,” the forum stated in a note today. The forum did not say what the “ugly scenes” were at “Manipur Press Club” or when.
The forum explained in its own words: “The TPFM also not surprises why the so called Meitei civil societies like United Committee Manipur and All Manipur United Clubs Organisations who them claimed working for the integrity and social harmony of Manipur remain a mute spectators. This shows that Meitei chauvinism inhabits a strong importance in their ego-centric world. The really would be hard to absorb, but the truth is that these Meiteis are communal than what it looks and that, strengthened with a very narrow-mindedness, disturb the fabric of their sane reasoning.”
The forum queried: “Is Mr. O. Ibobi planning for another such conflict? Is this not a larger game plan of the involved so called Meitei people going haywire? If not why remains a silence and all his jawans commanded to remains mute spectators of these communally intended photos exhibition organised by the one such Meitei civil society? For whose and what interests?”
Stating to condemn “all type of killings,” the forum also condemned “any activity that promotes communalism and call upon Mr. O. Ibobi led Government to acts upon those responsible for creating discordant among the different communities.” http://www.morungexpress.com/regional/51684.html
Press Statement
Communal outlook strengthened by narrow-mindedness has disturb the fabric of their sane reasoning.
The Tribal Peoples’ Forum Manipur (TPFM) is detriment by continues and systematically campaign launched by section of Meitei community with their consistent activities to flares up misunderstanding and to create subsequence conflicts between the different communities living in Imphal. TPFM is not surprised why the Home Department of Manipur Government, where O. Ibobi, who himself is a Meitei is the concerned minister categorically maintaining silence on the projection of one sided story of the bygone ugly scenes of the ethnic clashes events in Manipur at Manipur Press Club.

TPFM also not surprises why the so called Meitei civil societies like United Committee Manipur and All Manipur United Clubs Organisations who them claimed working for the integrity and social harmony of Manipur remain a mute spectators. This shows that Meitei chauvinism inhabits a strong importance in their ego-centric world. The really would be hard to absorb, but the truth is that these Meiteis are communal than what it looks and that, strengthened with a very narrow-mindedness, disturb the fabric of their sane reasoning.
TPFM is pained to see a handful of Kukis who happy go-around with these these Meitei. It should note the thousands of Naga innocents were also slaughtered and butchered by the Kukis not only once. During Kukis Rebellion in 1917 – 19 armed by the Meitei Maharaja and again in Naga – Kukis Clash of 1990s. The zenith of Kuki barbarism were where exposed to the world when innocent bus loaded with full passengers were forcibly pushed down the deep gorge at NH 53, killing of innocent Nagas including children and women. Many houses burnt and immeasurable property and belonging were destroyed.
During Kuki – Paite clash of 1997 hundreds of innocents lives were lost, injured and countless standing properties were destroyed. Will these killing of innocents be held responsible Kuki National Organisations/Army, or any other kuki armed groups?
In 1993 Meitei – Pangal clashed, hundreds of innocent lives were slaughter and injured, where majority of the victims were Pangal. The clashed were ignited by wild rumors and misunderstanding spread by between the Meitei and Meitei Muslim. Can we say that United National Liberation Front (UNLF), or the Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) or any other Meitei armed groups be held responsible by displaying all the photos of slaughter victims in the heart of Meitei?
Many follow Indians (non-local) were mercilessly and brutally killed by the Meitei Armed Groups in name. Has such killing make sense to the Meitei people? If not why there remain silence till date?
Yes, except for the raped case of 21 Hmar women in Tipaimukh areas perpetrated cadres of UNLF and KCP combined, we term the clashed between different communities as the failure of the state and the state is sole responsible for all these happenings.
Is Mr. O. Ibobi planning for another such conflict? Is this not a larger game plan of the involved so called Meitei people going haywire? If not why remains a silence and all his jawans commanded to remains mute spectators of these communally intended photos exhibition organised by the one such Meitei civil society? For whose and what interests?
TPFM condemns all type of killings and no amount of justifications can convinced. We also condemn the any activity that promotes communalism and call upon Mr. O. Ibobi led Government to acts upon those responsible for creating discordant among the different communities.
H.RULENG
Member Secretary, TPFM
Tpf.manipur@gmail.com">manipur@gmail.com

Diplomacy At Its Worst By: S.Kunjabihari Singh
The state of imbroglio that has seized the state of Manipur consequent upon the economic blockade launched with effect from April 11, 2010, by the All Naga Student’s’ Association (ANSAM), against the holding of elections to the six autonomous district councils, has literally left Manipur starving for want of essential commodities. The United Naga Council (UNC), apex body of Naga community, true to their sense of patriotism and element of solidarity, thought it wise not to be left out and promptly lent support to the indefinite blockade.Initially, the blockade was taken in light vein, on the presumption that it would pass away sooner than later, like in the case of scores of such blockades, after the two warring groups sort out matters. Of course, one still recalls with bitterness, the shivering toll of sufferings from the 52-days economic blockade imposed by the All Tribal Students of Manipur (ATSUM) and other Naga Civil Society Organizations ways back in 2005,(June 20-August 11).This time around, the blockade which already is in its 50th day, has not relented a bit. It has, on the other hand got intensified gripping the length and breathe of the state to a grapping hold of untold sufferings.

The supplementing force was not ,like in the past, any further dose for additional solidarity from sister organizations of the Nagas.It was basically a fall out of a bit of over enthusiastic diplomacy played by the Government of India. The severity of the blockade intensified on the wake of the Government of India’s unconditional assent to the proposed visit of Mr Th.Muivah,the high profile General Secy,of NSCN(IM) to his native village in Somdal,in Ukhrul district of Manipur and simultaneous denial of the proposed entry of Mr.Muivah to the soil of the state, let alone his home district, by a recalcitrant Government of Manipur. The situation further worsened on the face of an over bearing Muivah proceeding towards the border town of Mao on May,3,and camping at an adjacent village Viswema in Nagaland,some 19 km from Mao,the border town of Manipur, admittedly on way to Manipur waiting for an opportune time to sneak into the state, the subsequent sealing of the entry points with a huge deployment of forces by the GOM, the up- rise of the Naga communities against the ban of the government not only in Mao, but throughout the Naga inhabited districts, further intensified the economic blockade, coupled with the burning down of government properties and private trucks bringing in commodities from outside the state.

As it turned out, the NSCN (IM) and the Government of India were in the midst of their schedule “peace talk” in the last week of May, in New Delhi, when the General Secy. mooted the idea of visiting his birth place in the village of Somdal, that he had not seen the village for 40 odd years, that he could not be there when his parents passed away, that he would miss the opportunity to do so and such other personal reasons. The Home Minister who had understandably, intend to go along smoothly in the protracted negotiation with the NSCN (IM), could not be more than happy to sing a positive note and should have assured facilitation of the trip to Manipur, sensing a ready opportunity to appease the Nagas.This conjecture came out to be true when, in the Rajya Sabha in the midst of political fallout on the issue, the Home Minister clarified, on May 6,that since the GOM refused permission to entry of Muivah,the Centre would take care of the issue. He continued asserting that one (Muivah) wished to visit his homeland and the appropriate authority had refused permission. The tone and the context were indicative of the inherent tact for appeasing the General Secy. of the NSCN (IM) conveniently forgetting the likely fallout of the public meetings which the Naga leader would be addressing. On April 30, when the idea of visiting his birth place was shared, it was clearly expressed his desire to have consultative meetings in Naga-inhabited areas, meaning the 4 districts of Manipur during May 3 to 10.Reportedly, the MHA sent a draft itiniery to the Chief Secretary and the DGP, Manipur for necessary security tie-up, which the later promptly declined to undertake under instructions of the GOM. What exactly transpired in the crucial peace talk in the MHA could not be ascertained.However; the chain of developments that followed it amply clearly showed that there could be a hidden agenda in the proposed trip. The CPI (M) clearly conjectured in writing to the Prime Minister on May 6, on the issue, when it’s General Secretary, Mr.A.B.Bardhan, said, “Apparently Mr.Muivah’s visit to Manipur is intended to be a journey to his birthplace, but, in the context of the NSCN’s fight for Nagalim, for greater Nagaland, this innocent visit is pregnant with serious consequence.” This underlying issue should not have been downplayed by the MHA, in their anxiety to please the Nagas,if only the MHA did not fail to forget the upheaval in the state in June,2001, in the context of extending the ceasefire beyond Nagaland,without territorial limit, when Imphal literally burnt and was turned into a fortified military zone. Not only that, the GOI had to face the ignonemity of quickly correcting the infamous Joint Declaration of 14 June,2001(Bangkok Declaration)by promptly deleting the offending phrase-“without territorial limit” when normalcy returned to the State.

What the MHA, was considered to have overstretched their policy of appeasement, could be viewed from a few governing factors then in play in the state.

i) they didn’t think it wise to keep the Government of Manipur into confidence, when they showed a green signal to the proposed visit, nothwithstanding the fact that law and order matter in the state is the state government’s exclusive preserve and, therefore, any such visit by a person of Muivah’s complicity should be cleared only after a formal clearance of the state.Unfortunately, this didn’t happen. On the contrary, after the assent of the MHA to the NSCN (IM) and their announcement of the trip thereby meaning informal arrangement for the trip, the state was informed for adequate facilitation.

ii) at that point of time the Naga community, through their various groups, were in confrontation with the Government of Manipur, starting from he first week of April,to demand withholding the election to the District Councils. This demand and the ensuing blockade was largely considered to be a tacit ploy of a wider game-plan of the NSCN (IM); and any facilitation of the General Secretary for addressing the NAGA DOMINATED AREAS in the state,at such a crucial stage would cause insurmountable law and order concerns and would be obviously detrimental to the tranquility in the state.

iii) address by Mr. Muivah would centre on the formation of Nagalim and the implied corollary of merging all Naga-inhabited areas in the state including that of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.Such a move that would entail annexation of the 4 districts of Senapati,Tamenglong,Chandel and Ukhrul,from the present state of Manipur. This issue is very sore to the people of the mainland and would not pass off smoothly, as happened on 18 June,2001,in Imphal.The GOI gave their consent to extending the territorial limit of the Cease-fire, beyond Nagaland through clause 1. of the Joint Statement between the GOI and the NSCN,which read “The cease-fire agreement between the Government of India and the NSCN as two entities without territorial limits”,in the Bangkok declaration signed by Mr Th. Muivah,General Secretary,NSCNand Mr.Padmanabhaiah,Representative of the GOI,on 14 June,2001.The news reached the state by 16-17 May and the spontaneous uprising culminated in the death of 18 people, killed in the aftermath of the retaliation by the government to contain the situation when the Assembly Secretariat, the CM’s office, a dozen residential quarters of Ministers, all in the high security zone in Imphal were reduced to ashes by a mass uprising of people. With this bitter background in mind, any government for that matter, more so the State Government won’t, under any cirmstances, agree to be a party to creating a platform for a repeat of the episode.

The state government displayed matured statesmanship by repeatedly refusing to bulge to the pressure of the GOI.Initially when the GOM declined to yield to the pressure of MHA,the CM was flown to N Delhi by a special plane to face further pressure not less than members of the Core Committee-the FM,the DM and the HM.The CM didn’t bulge citing law and order issue and the likely turmoil in the valley as well as the Hills and the possibility of communal overturns that would ultimately emerge not only between the Nagas and the Meiteis but also with the Kukis,a formidable community sore with the Nagas who had during the so-called ethnic cleansing exercise in the early nineties succeeded in wiping out the Kukis from four hill districts to stake claim of only- Naga- dominated districts, a game-plan widely considered to be hatched with the knowledge of Mr.Muivah..Even though the Visit was stalled for the time being, and Muivah still insisting on the proposed road trip to the state, a tense situation still prevailed. Despite this impossible situation, the MHA thought it wise to depute a high level GOI team in the persons of .Mr GK.Pillai, Secy.MHA and the new interlocutor Mr. R .S. Pandey to Imphal to persuade the GOM to soften their stand.In the process he himself had committed that the GOI had made it clear that the integration of Naga inhabited areas was out of question. He was also recorded as asserting, “Because we don’t want more problems we have to find imaginative solutions to try and deal with this type of questions. I think his demand or his request to go to his home village is something which could have been accepted.” The centre apprehended a potential setback in the peace process and expected GOM to show ‘large-heartedness’ and welcome Mr.Muivah,conveniently sidelining the imminent backlash in the state.

At one point of time,Mr.P.Chidambaram,Minister of Home Affairs, in a clear twist of the developments, was quoted as asserting ‘nobody has accorded permission to the entry of Mr. Muivah into Manipur’, according to a news report of the CNN-IBN on May 17.The news channel had telecasted an interview with the Union Home Minister and pointedly asked if he (Home Minister) still considered that it was fair on the part of the Union Government to have shown green signal to the proposed visit without prior consultation with the GOM.But again, there was another twist three days later when the Home Minister defended the center’s decision to allow Mr.Muivah and his entourage to visit his native village in Manipur saying it was done to ‘resolve the old and vexed Naga problem’. Elaborating on the philosophy of the on-going peace-talk, he asserted that the peace talk initially started on August 1, 1977 and in the long process of 13 years, a number of hard decisions had to be taken, and yet quite a few obstacles were encountered.True,the NSCN had softened from their earlier stand of Sovereignty and third country venue, confining to a Greater Nagaland and some kind of autonomy. The UPA government had in the proceeding two months of the latest peace talk, had worked hard to pave for a smoother platform for dialogue, urging Mr Muivah to come to India with an Indian Passport, which offer got stiff resistance from them so far, but was accepted then and thus paved ways for a more open and congenial dialogue.Phillosophising on the nature of complexity in the Indo-Naga Peace Talk, the setbacks faced, he asserted that attempts had to be made to come to an end to this protracted talk and in the process had to face setbacks on one or two issues, and the government had to bear with such upheavals. In the midst of the softening of respective stands in the common platform, Mr.Muivah expressed his long cherished desire to see his home village. As an act of reciprocal appeasement, the NSCN was assured that the centre would try to facilitate the trip. It was thus the whole episode got started Despite the GOM’s firm denial to the trip, after several protracted consultations in New Delhi, in Imphal and having realized the ramifications on the ground, the Home Minister still asserted, “The Union Government did the right thing.”Continuing, he said, “We will be able to do so in future, government being proactive in trying to resolve these issues and ensure that they were suitably dealt with.” Justifying the center’s decision, he added, “To resolve these issues, he took the decision”,a negation of his stand in the CNN-IBN interview.
Developments in the past and subsequent days reinforced the kind of unilateral approach of the centre. The April 29 message of the MHA to the Chief Secretary of Manipur was conspicuous by its clarity of and authority to the unilateral decision, again as a piece of diplomacy. It said Mr. Muivah would leave Delhi by an Air India morning flight and reach Dimapur via Kolkata.The message continued that the Naga leader would be in Somdal between May 3 and May 7.The rest is history by now. The big decision of the GOI could not be implemented for some slippage in the process, despite being well-intended.
Well, diplomacy is quite a different plate for the common man. It is as deceptive as it actually tries to convey. The saying goes-“When a lady says ‘No’, she means ‘May Be’; when she says, ‘May Be’, she means ‘Yes’. If she says,’Yes’, she is not a lady. In a similar vein, a Diplomat’s assertions are best taken in an analytical form. When he says, ‘Yes’, he means, ‘May be’; when he says, ‘May be’, he may in effect mean, ‘No’. If the Diplomat by sheer chance happens to utter, ‘No’, he is not a Diplomat.And, yes these are standard protocols of diplomacy and one can justify the stand, whichever ways the finger points and these are within the acceptable practices. Worst for worse, if placed in an uncomfortable corner, still they could indulge in another practice in vogue, be ‘ambiguous’, and still go for another cover-‘-shift the topic.’

Whatever have happened, the intelligentsia feels that there had been a slippage somewhere which could have been avoided to the comfort of three groups-the GOI, the GOM and the NSCN that possibly brackets Nagaland too. The GOI is apprehensive of revoking the assurance earlier accorded, formal or otherwise, to the NSCN,at the expense of the arch of Mr. Muivah.In the unlikely event of calling off the trip by the centre, such a step, would for sure, cause a backlash from the Naga fraternity not only throughout the 4 hill districts in Manipur but also in major areas of Nagaland. The aftereffect would be disastrous, Manipur facing the brunt of it. We can’t do anything at this stage but watch the fallout of this ‘diplomacy’.
India: The Korean Cultural Wave In Nagaland byAyesha Saldanha Global Voices
Yimchunger Naga woman at the morung of Kutur village. Image via Flickr user Retlaw Snellac. CC BY-SA
Nagaland is a state in Northeast India, bordering Burma. The population of Nagaland, almost two million people, is tribal and the majority is Christian. Some Nagas feel disconnected - “racially, historically, culturally, politically” - from India, and have been fighting to protect the “unique identity” of the Naga people from mainstream Indian influence. Nevertheless, a different culture has been making an impact in Nagaland in recent years - that of Korea.
The term “Korean Wave” refers to the popularity of Korean culture around the world, but particularly throughout Asia. It has become a noticeable phenomenon in other parts of Northeast India such as Manipur. At community media initiative IndiaUnheard, Renchano Humtsoe has produced a video report highlighting concerns about the growing influence of Korean culture in Nagaland. She writes:
Korean culture is flooding into Nagaland. New trade treaties between India and Korea facilitated the exchange of Korean goods and enabled them to enter Nagaland with greater ease. Additionally, Nagas have long felt neglected by the central Indian government. This is especially the case with Naga youth. Many believe this lack of identity with central India informs Nagas’ embrace of Korean culture. […] Naga youth have now started to adapt Korean culture. Korean television channels, programs, movies, and clothes are popular among Naga youth. Korean companies are looking into investing in Nagaland. The Nagaland State Government has even taken steps to embrace Korean culture: it hosts an annual Indian-Korean cultural festival. However, this wave of Korean culture threatens traditional Naga customs. […] Traditional Naga culture is unique. Nagaland is comprised of sixteen tribes. Each tribe uses a unique language and has its own rich cultural traditions of dance, song, festivals and other key features. Korean culture’s strong pull on young Nagas will make it more difficult to preserve Nagaland’s important tradition and identity.
Writing at GroundReport, Stella Paul, the Communications Director for Video Volunteers (the organisation which established IndiaUnheard) talks about Renchano's video:
The most watched TV channel in the state is the Korean channel Arirang TV, the DVD and CD shops are bursting with Korean films, the hottest hair-dos offered by salons are the ones flaunted by popular Korean actors and actresses, shops are selling street fashion that are currently in vogue in Korea, cultural events in the state has special ‘Korean songs’ contests, sport events now have categories like ‘Korean wrestling’.
Otojit Kshetrimayum, Assistant Professor in Sociology in Sikkim University, in collaboration with Ningombam Victoria Chanu, writes an in-depth analysis of the nature of the diffusion of Korean popular culture through Korean satellite channels, music and movies in neighbouring Manipur state:
The introduction of cable television network has played a significant role in the dissemination of culture to other societies. [..] The Korean satellite channel Arirang is the harbinger of Korean wave in Manipur. Its popularity began largely due to the ban on Hindi satellite channels, which used to be the favourite channels of the Manipuris. They started to look for an alternative channel, which could give them wholesome entertainment.
Otojit writes about the Hindi channel ban:
Hindi films and Hindi television channels, except national channel DDTV, which is under the state control, were banned by one of the underground revolutionary organizations of Manipur in the year 2000.
According key factor is the cultural proximity theory, which explains that media productions from culturally affiliated countries have greater reception than those from more culturally distanced countries. According to Otojit, North Indian tribes have many elements of culture in common with the Koreans.
At The Marmot's Hole, a blog about topics related to Korea, Robert Koehler has watched Renchano's report and writes: Somehow, I don’t think [TV presenter] Lisa Kelley ever expected to show up on Youtube as the face of Korean cultural imperialism.
He adds: Of course, when [the Naga] are ready to be truly Korean, they’ll ditch Arirang TV in favor of NCIS and CSI: Miami.
Commenting on the post, Pvrhye says: Any time I see people talking about “maintaining” the culture of an area from the voluntary action of those within the culture, I looks to me like outsiders like their quaint little villagers to play dress-up for them. If these kids don’t want to dress like their grandmother dressed, that’s pretty well the reality everywhere. If you want to maintain your culture, think about what really defines it and find a way to modernize that. The alternative is getting overwhelmed by people who do.
Another commenter, abcdefg, looks at why Korean culture is popular:
Korea is like the bibimpop of pop culture. One discerns a little bit of Japanese here, some American there; some bits of suburban stuff here, some 90s rap stuff there; some Korean seasoning here, some East Asian zeitgeist stuff there. Lots of various genetic muses compose Korean pop, and at this point as an admixture it seems to have gained its own identity; its elements aren’t unique but altogether it has its own sort of flavor.
The reason Kpop culture is catchy among other Asians? Because, it’s basic. The social values Kpop espouses are materialistic, shallow, and sexual. When a product appeals to such basic things, it is fulfilling. One can also say that Kpop is popular because it is the most compatible with modern American culture and as such it is the most identifiable to those who have been encultured under America and its Hollywood.
So, is there a real reason for concern about Korean influence on Naga culture? Is such influence an inevitable part of “globalisation”? Or is this just the latest fad that will pass in time? What do you think?
Timber seizure establishes Myanmar link Staff reporter ASSAM Tribune
GUWAHATI, July 24 – Customs officials today formally completed the seizure process of the 42 railway wagonloads of illegal timber at the Bamunimaidam BG yard. The value of the timber, mostly teak and pinewood, is valued at around Rs 80 crore.
A customs official said that the unloading of the timber continued well into the night as it was a huge consignment. “We are completing the official formalities and the timber would be handed over to the Railways. The seizure has been done under Section 110of the Customs Act-1962,” he added.
The official said that the seizure established the Myanmar connection of smuggled wood in which the North-east was often used as a conduit. “It had often been doubted for long that the illegal timber comes from Myanmar, but today it has been established. There is no hammer markingof the Forest Department which is mandatory for transit pass,” he said.
It was on Friday that in one of the biggest seizure of illegal trade in timber, customs officials had seized the huge consignment staked in 42 railway wagons in Guwahati.
The timber was meant for sale to 25-odd buyers in New Delhi’s Nangloi region for the timber industry there. The customs officials had come to learn about the illegal consignment on July 10.
Than Shwe Visit Condemned in Letter to Indian PM Irrawaddy News
July 24, 2010: Civil society groups based in India sent a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Friday to protest an upcoming state visit to the country by the head of Burma's ruling junta, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.
The letter, submitted by the Burma Center Delhi (BCD) and signed by 38 civil society organizations and 71 individuals, says that “Than Shwe does not represent the people of Burma but only the military regime. India should not work freely with the military regime.”
Dr. Alana Golmei, the coordinator of BCD, said, “India is the world's largest democracy and also stands against violations of human rights. [This visit] is not acceptable because Than Shwe is one of the worst dictators in the world.”
The letter also urged the Indian prime minister to push the Burmese regime to release detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners, begin a dialogue with ethnic leaders, review the 2008 Constitution, and ensure a free and fair election.
“We need to take this opportunity to urge the government of India to show stronger support for the Burmese people. We believe that the situation will be worse after the military government's election,” said Golmei.
The US, which has growing ties with India, also called on New Delhi to put pressure on the Burmese regime during Than Shwe's five-day visit, which will begin on Sunday.
“We would encourage India and other countries to send a clear message to Burma that it needs to change its course,” US State Department spokesman Philip Crowley said on Friday.
The Indian government's decision to welcome Than Shwe also came under fire from the International Federation for Human Rights, which represents 164 organizations around the world. On Wednesday, the federation sent a letter to the Indian prime minister protesting the visit.
Meanwhile, sources in Bodh Gaya, an important Buddhist religious site that Than Shwe is expected to visit during his stay in India, say that the walls and trees around the Mahabodhi Temple and along the way to Burmese Monastery have been covered with protest messages and photographs of monk-led demonstrations that the regime brutally crushed in September 2007.
“We don't know who posted these notes, but some Burmese security personnel and Buddhist nuns are now removing them,” said a monk in Bodh Gaya. “It also seems that we will not be allowed to enter the temple compound when he arrives.”
Some monks at the Burmese Monastery have reportedly decided to refuse to accept offerings from the junta leader, as a form of protest against his role in ordering the deadly crackdown on the 2007 uprising.
Than Shwe's visit to India will start on July 25 to 29 and is expected to include meetings with President Pratibha Patil, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, External Affairs Minister SM Krishna and other senior officials.
He will be accompanied by a high-level delegation, including three ministers—Minister for National Planning & Economic Development Soe Tha, Minister for Science and Technology U Thaung and Commerce Minister Tin Naing Thein—and other senior officials.
According to India's Financial Express newspaper, the Burmese ministers will address captains of Indian industry at a roundtable meeting on July 27 to seek enhanced investments.

Frans on 07.24.10 @ 09:59 PM CST [link]


Thursday, July 22nd

NSCN-IM delegation meets PM Our Correspondent EMN



NSCN-IM delegation meets PM Our Correspondent | EMN

NEW DELHI, JUL 20: The NSCN-IM delegation led by general secretary Th. Muivah met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh this evening at 7, RCR, the official residence of India’s premier, here.
Official sources said the NSCN-IM leaders arrived at the 7 Race Course Road at around 6 pm for the meeting scheduled for 6:15 pm. The NSCN delegation then sat across the table with Centre’s interlocutor RS Pandey for another round of informal talks.
What transpired in the meetings though could not be ascertained till the time of filing of this report.
Th. Muivah, leading the 5-member delegation of the NSCN-IM, had arrived in the capital on July 15 after an wrapping up his eventful two-and-half-month stay in the State with public meetings in all but one district as part of ‘peace mission’, the last of them held at Jalukie, Peren.
Interlocutor RS Pandey on Tuesday said a few rounds of informal talks have already been held since the arrival of the NSCN-IM delegation and formal talks would begin soon. No date for the resumption of the peace dialogue has been notified yet.
The significant last round of peace talks between Centre’s interlocutor and NSCN-IM leaders was held on June 1 at Kohima. The June peace dialogue which followed the May mayhem at Nagaland-Manipur border, was the first time the two parties sat across the table in Naga soil during the 13-year-long peace process initiated in August 1997 with the ceasefire pact.
Following the Manipur debacle over the proposed visit of Muivah to his native village in Ukhrul and the continuing unrest in the Naga Hill districts of the neighbouring State, the urgency of finding solution to the protracted issue has heightened.
Naga underground groups, FNR meet (NPN):
DIMAPUR, After the “Covenant of Reconciliation” was signed by the NSCN (I-M), chairman, Isak Chishi Swu, GPRN/NSCN, chairman S S Khaplang and FGN, ‘Kedahge’ (president) ‘’Brig (Retd)’’ S Singnyu, during the reconciliation meet at Chiangmai from June 1-8, various leaders of the three Naga political groups again met in Dimapur on Wednesday exhibiting the growing spirit of accommodation and mutual respect for one another. A press statement issued by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) said leaders of the Naga political groups during their meeting at Hotel Saramati Dimapur affirmed to continue restraining offensive activities in the spirit of the “Covenant of Reconciliation.” The FNR urged the Naga political parties to be vigilant of anti-social elements in the Naga society and to continue to reciprocate one another, by releasing all political prisoners along with their belongings, at the earliest. The Naga political groups also agreed to deter from publishing “provocative” statements in the media. The FNR, which is spearheading the Naga reconciliation efforts said that the signatories of the Covenant of Reconciliation had agreed to delegate permanent team members (Joint Functional Consortium/Working Group) led by a team leader, in all the subsequent meetings with authorization from the respective government’s highest authority to accelerate the task ahead of the Nagas. Meanwhile, the FNR extended gratitude to the Naga political parties for their cooperation and to the public for their untiring support and affirmed its commitment to Naga reconciliation. It may be mentioned that the three top leaders of the Naga political groups in the “Covenant of Reconciliation” had affirmed to “offer ourselves to Naga Reconciliation and Forgiveness based on the historical and political rights of the Nagas …. in the spirit of love, non-violence, peace and respect to resolve outstanding issues.”

\GPRN/NSCN & NNC/FGN CO-ORDINATION COMMITTEE ISSUES JOINT STATEMENT

Joint Statement Dt. 20th July 2010

Affirming the pledge and Joint Declaration of 15th July 2010 ‘Monyakshu Conclave’ signed by His Excellency Brig. (Retd) Singnya, the Kedhage, FGN and Honorable Ato Kilonser N Kitovi Zhimomi and other leaders, the Co-ordination Committee held its first meeting at the Oking and agreed to issue the following statement.

The Co-ordination Committee resolved to appeal to all other Naga Political Groups to unite under the banner of the unconditional unity agreed between NNC/FGN and GPRN/NSCN.


(ZHOPRA VERO) (KUGHALU MULATONU)
Co-convener, Co- convener,
Co-ordination Committee. Co-ordination Committee.


The Co-ordination Committee comprising of seven members each from NNC/FGN and GPRN/NSCN was endorsed on 15th July 2010 at Monyukshu Village and approved by Brig.(Retd) S Singnya, Kedhage, FGN and N Kitovi Zhimomi Ato Kilonser, GPRN. The members are as follows:

1. Zhopra Vero, Co-convener, Co-ordination Committee, FGN.
2. Kughalu Mulatonu, Co-convener, Co-ordination Committee, GPRN.
3. Zaleo, Member, Co-ordination Committee, (FGN)
4. Puthai, Member, Co-ordinationCommittee, (FGN)
5. Peshou, Member, Co-ordination Committee (FGN)
6. T.T Sangtam, Member, Co-ordination Committee (FGN)
7. Basu Chang, Member, Co-ordination Committee (FGN)
8. Hekhuvi, Member, Co-ordination (FGN)
9. Alezo Venuh, Member, Co-ordination Committee (GPRN)
10. Vitoyi Aye, Member, Co-ordination Committee (GPRN)
11. C. Singson, Member, Co-ordination (GPRN)
12. Meren Nokpu, Member, Co-ordination (GPRN)
13. Wangtin Naga, Member, Co-ordination Committee (GPRN)
14. Khekiho Chophy, Member, Co-ordination Committee (GPRN)

Issued by:

MIP, GPRN/NSCN
&
Rali Wali, FGN.

Naga issue tops DAN agenda EMN
Our Special Correspondent
KOHIMA, JUL 22: The NPF led DAN Government today reiterated that the Naga political issue tops the agenda of the coalition government which is in power for the second consecutive term.
Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio welcomed the decision of the NSCN-K and the NNC to unite and hoped that this move will contribute towards the larger unification of all Naga national workers.
Delivering the budget speech for the fiscal year 2010-1, the Chief Minister stated that the government is committed to the role of facilitator in the ongoing Indo-Naga political dialogue which is aimed at resolving the decades old problem. Rio stated that for the first time ever, the DAN Government has submitted, in black and white, its declared commitment to pave way for any alternative arrangement that may be necessitated by a logical conclusion of the peace process to the prime minister of India.
Rio said the role of facilitator has acquired a new dimension with the formation of the Joint Legislators Forum (JLF) on the Naga political issue which includes all 60 elected members of the assembly. He said from the JLF, a Joint Parliamentary Working Committee (JPWC) under the Speaker’s leadership including the Chief Minister and Leader of Opposition had been formed and further stressed that the process of inclusiveness is a must in the way forward and that the legislators’ forum aims to take the views of all sections of the Naga society to the negotiating parties.
“By rising above our political differences, we are sending out clear and positive signals to all sections of Naga society on the need for unity, understanding and oneness .... the need of the hour is to overcome the divisions within us that have become the biggest obstacle to the realisation of our aspirations ... unless Nagas speak in one voice, our journey towards permanent peace will only be prolonged”, the Chief Minister stated.
The CM informed that the legislators forum has had meetings with other sections of society, significant of which were meetings with ex-parliamentarians on 14th April, 2010 and with representatives of civil societies, mass based organisations, church leaders and NGOs at Kohima on 9th June, 2010. These meetings, he said, had passed unanimous resolutions, recognising the efforts and sacrifices of the national workers while welcoming the signing of the Covenant of Reconciliation on 23rd September, 2009 at Chiangmai.
Rio said the committee appreciated the role of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR), the civil societies, the hohos and the church for their contributions towards reconciliation and the peace process.
He also had appreciation towards all sixty members of the present assembly, especially the members of the opposition bench led by the Leader of Opposition, for coming forward to join the committee and for their active participation in its proceedings since then.
Rio’s budget speech also dwelled on the Mao Gate incident of 6th May, 2010 where two Naga youth had been killed in the indiscriminate firing by Manipur police forces. He said the police forces of Manipur had perpetrated acts of atrocities on the innocent Naga public gathered there peacefully to protest against the Manipur government’s decision to prevent Th. Muivah from visiting his hometown. Following the incident, the public were subjected to torture, threats and intimidation for a prolonged period of time. He informed that to avoid any further casualties to the Nagas living there, the State Cabinet had requested Muivah to postpone his visit until the situation stabilised.
On this episode, the Chief Minister appreciated the efforts of the Congress Legislature Party and the initiative taken by NPCC president I. Imkong who had made efforts to resolve the matter by leading a delegation to Manipur and meeting the Manipur CM.
Rio further appreciated the Government of India for the renewed initiatives and for appointing a new interlocutor for the Naga peace talks and once again appealed to the negotiating parties to bring the peace process to an early logical conclusion.
Hohos support unity move (EMN
DIMAPUR, JUL 22): The Joint Coordination Committee of nine tribal hohos has endorsed and extended support to the ‘pledge and joint declaration’ made by GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN
to unite unconditionally at Monyukshu on July 15, calling it ‘historic’ and a ‘major boost’ towards fulfilment of ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’ signed by the leaders of different Naga political groups.
In a joint statement today, the nine tribal hohos – Konyak Union, Khiamnungan Tribal Council, Chang Khulei Setshang, Yimchunger Tribal Council, Phom Peoples’ Council, United Sangtam Likhium Bamji, Sumi Hoho, Kuki Ingpi Nagaland and Kachari Tribal Council Nagaland – urged the leadership of the ‘merger group’ not to waver in their endeavours for true unity, reconciliation and peace so as to hasten the settlement of Indo-Naga political issue.
They also urged all like-minded Naga tribal hohos, civil societies and churches to extend their all out support and cooperation to strengthen the unity, reconciliation and peace process.
The hohos further called upon all other Naga political groups to abide and adhere to the ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’ in letter and spirit so as to bring about total unification, reconciliation and lasting peace amongst the Nagas.
The joint statement was signed by presidents of Konyak Union Khoiwang Wangsa, Sumi Hoho Hokishe Yepthomi, Kachari tribal Council SK Khemprai, Kuki Ingpi Nagaland Asat Doungel, Phom Peoples’ Council Hamnyei Phom, United Sangtam Likhium Bamji Serangmong, Chang Khulei Setshang N Kaimang, Khiamnungan Tribal Council vice president P Heno and Yimchunguru Tribal Council working president Kius Chuba.
NNC convenes general meet (EMN):
Dimapur, Jul 22 The Naga National Council (NNC) has decided to convene a general meeting of all the NNC Regions/ members in particular and the like minded people of the Nagas in general
to have serious deliberations in the best interest of the NNC and the Naga nation.
Informing this in a press statement, Kiumukam Yimchungrii, Convenor, NNC Publicity Committee, said NNC (Naga Political Institution) being the parent body of all the Naga people did its best for peace and unity in the Homeland was completely undermined and sideline by the factions and the NGOs in recent time.
It stated that a time has come for the NNC to rise up strongly again to defend and protect its historical and political rights of the Nagas at this critical and confusion juncture in the Naga Homeland.
The Central Authority (Office) has, therefore, called all the NNC Regions/ members and the like minded people of the Nagas to attend the proposed general meeting which would be held in the Eastern Region of Nagaland for the larger interest of all concerned. It stated that the time and place would be officially intimated to all concerned and Regions.
Press Media of all concerned are invited for the same and requested to do the needful publicity for the interest of the people in the Homeland.
NSCN(IM) crimes, SoO violations figure prominently in House The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 19: A total of 324 cases were registered since August 1, 1997 till June 30 this year against the General Secretary of the underground NSCN (IM) and its cadres in connection with crimes committed within the territory of Manipur.

This was mentioned by the chief minister O Ibobi Singh, who also holds the portfolio of the state Home Department, while replying to queries from the opposition MLA RK Anand of the MPP during question and answer hour of the ongoing state Assembly session today.

The chief minister in his reply before the House today mentioned that from time to time the state government had been registering FIR cases against the General Secretary of the NSCN (IM) and its cadres in connection with the crimes committed within the territory of Manipur.

Replying to further queries the chief minister clarified that out of the 324 cases registered against the NSCN(IM) cadres three cases were submitted in charge sheet, and 179 cases were returned in Final Report (FR) while 142 cases are pending.
Replying to queries of senior opposition MLA O Joy Singh, he mentioned that the state government had been monitoring the movements and activities in the state since the organization entered into a ceasefire with the Government of India during 1997.

The CM further mentioned that since the ceasefire agreement with the NSCN (IM) has been confined to Nagaland, the NSCN(IM) had been treated as one of the underground organizations under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act by the state government till today. He said it is because of the unchanged stand of the state government that the state government has taken a firm stand against the proposed visit of the general secretary of the outfit, even though he got a green signal from the Central Home ministry recently.

The stand of the state government to disallow entry to NSCN(IM) leader Th Muivah who was heading for his native village at Somdal village in Ukhrul district, by deploying heavy state forces at Mao and Jessami Junction neighbouring Nagaland for the last three months clearly indicated the state government’s opposition to the extension of NSCN(IM) ceasefire into the state, the CM said. The state government will never allow any external forces to disturb the territorial integrity of the state, he added.

To yet another question raised by MLA, N Mangi of the CPI which is part of the ruling bench, the chief minister replied that there are a total of 19 Kuki underground groups under the tripartite signing of Suspension of Operations (SoO).

He elaborated that the SoO between the Government of India, Government of Manipur and the Kuki underground groups operating in the state had materialized through two major frontal organizations including KNO and UPF.

The chief minister further mentioned that the government has completed construction of four designated camps for the organizations under the KNO at Chongkhozou, and Mongbung village in Churachandpur district, Chelep in Chandel district and Samsusang village in Ukhrul district. Besides, six designated camps for the organizations under the UPF were also constructed at Najang, N Phaisat, Mualvaiphei, New Lamka, P Gamnom and Unkhosou villages.

He said that as per the SoO there are a total of 800 cadres under KNO and 1000 cadres in the UPF. On the other hand, as per the agreement reached between the government and Kuki outfits the government is providing monthly allowances/ stipends of Rs. 5000 per month for the leaders and Rs. 3000 per cadre per month.

Senior Opposition MLA, O Joy of the MPP during supplementary questions drew the attention of the state government over the continuing violation of the ground rules of the SoO by different cadres of the Kuki underground by indulging in extortions, serving monetary demands and other violent activities in different parts of the state. He further urged the government to monitor the situation created by these cadres who are under the SoO.

In reply, the chief minister said that every reported untoward incident involving the Kuki underground under the SoO were monitored by a Joint Monitoring Group of the SoO headed by the Chief Secretary of Manipur, and constituted of the IGP, Intelligence of the state, officials concerned of the Assam Rifles, Army, CRPF and officials from the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. Every violation of ground rules of the SoO were discussed in the meetings of the SoO and immediate action against violators were taken up from time to time as per the decision of the JMG meeting.
In reply to another question raised by MLA, T Hankhanpao, the chief minister said it is a fact that the SBI Chakpikarong branch in Chandel district had been closed down due to security reasons.

He clarified that the closure of the SBI branch at Chakpikarong sub-division in Chandel district was on account of extortion threats on the Branch Manager from suspected underground elements. The state government is pursuing the SBI for reopening of the said branch at an early date and there is no question of shifting of the SBI branch to somewhere else.

Replying to further supplementary questions, the chief minister further said the matter which led to the closure of the SBI branch at Chakpikarong has been taken seriously by the state government and in fact the state was not in a position to deploy armed personnel for the bank. However, with subsequent increase of state forces the government is looking forward to deliver the demands of the officials of SBI for armed personnel for the bank as soon as possible, he said.

Not only this, the state government is preparing for the opening of nationalized banks in different parts of blocks which are not having banking facilities. This strategy of the state government is a part of its venture to deliver all round development in the state, he added.

Four students killed in police firing in Assam Press Trust Of India
Guwahati, Jul 21 : At least four students were killed and 50 injured when police opened fire on rampaging protesters who tried to stop updating of the National Register of Citizens in Assam's Barpeta town today.
Trouble erupted when a group of All Assam Minority Students Union (AAMSU) activists pelted stones and set ablaze a building in the premises of the deputy commissioner's office in a bid to stop updating of NRC work in progress there.
Police opened fire when they failed to disperse them using teargas shells, Barpeta SP Debojyoti Mukherjee told PTI. He said three students died on the spot, while another succumbed to injuries at the Guwahati Medical College Hospital.
The students thereafter went berserk and tried to attack shops and business establishments but police brought the situation under control, he said.
The injured were admitted to the Barpeta Civil Hospital and those with serious injuries to the Guwahati Medical College Hospital.
The NRC is being updated to identify and enlist Indian citizens in the State. In March, the Assam Assembly passed a resolution urging the Centre to update the NRC of 1951 by taking 1971 electoral roll as the basis. PTI
Myanmar top leader to visit India Source: Xinhua
July 22, 2010: Myanmar top leader Senior-General Than Shwe will pay a goodwill visit to India in the near future, according to an official announcement from Nay Pyi Taw Thursday.
Without mentioning the date of the visit, Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, will make the trip at the invitation of Indian President Pratibha Devisingh Patil, the announcement said.
According to diplomatic sources, Than Shwe's visit, which is scheduled for July 25 to 29, will top the agenda on economic cooperation between the two countries and border security.
Than Shwe is expected to meet Pratibha and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi for bilateral talks.
In February 2009, Indian Vice-President Shri M. Hamid Ansari visited Nay Pyi Taw, during which Myanmar and India reached three memorandums of understanding (MoU) on economic cooperation -- instrument of ratification on bilateral investment promotion and protection, establishment of an English language training center in Yangon with Indian assistance and setting up of an industrial training center in Myanmar's Pakkoku.
Ansari also inaugurated the first cross-border optical fiber telephone link between the two countries set up in Myanmar's second largest city of Mandalay.
The 7-million-U.S.-dollar high-speed broadband link for voice and data transmission connects Mandalay and India's border town of Moreh in Manipur which are separated by a distance of 500 kilometers. Moreover, Ansari inaugurated the Myanmar-India Entrepreneurship Development Center set up at the Institute of Economics at the Hlaing University in Yangon.

Than Shwe to include Buddhist pilgrimage in official trip to India Khai Suu
New Delhi (Mizzima) – Burmese junta chief Senior General Than Shwe is to pay an official visit to India late this month, which is to include a visit to Bodh Gaya in Bihar State, where, according to Buddhist texts, Prince Siddharta Gautama is said to have achieved enlightenment following 49 days of meditation to become The Buddha.

The junta leader will meet Indian President Pratibha Patil and Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and other ministers. The Indian embassy in Rangoon confirmed the expected visit of Burma’s head of state, but declined to give Mizzima further details.

Indian papers reported that the Burmese delegation’s trip would be from July 25-29.

The senior general’s 70-member entourage, including family members, will first visit the reputed site of the Buddha’s enlightenment before proceeding to New Delhi, the Indian capital.

“We learned from the Burmese embassy in India that the senior general will come here for a pilgrimage trip,” a monk in the Indian holy city of Varanasi, at least seven miles (11 kilometres) from the site of Buddha’s first sermon, told Mizzima.

Though India originally extended its support to Burma’s pro-democracy struggle led by Aung San Suu Kyi following the massacres by junta soldiers in 1988, New Delhi has since changed course, strengthening official relations and investing vast sums inside Burma in accord with its “Look East” policy developed during the 1990s.

Than Shwe last visited India in October 2004.


Frans on 07.22.10 @ 09:28 PM CST [link]


Monday, July 19th

Crucial round of Centre, NSCN(IM) talks soon



Crucial round of Centre, NSCN(IM) talks soon

NEW DELHI, July 19 – A crucial round of talks between NSCN-IM and Centre’s interlocutor RS Pandey will be held soon to carry forward the Naga peace process.
“We have held a few rounds of informal talks with the NSCN-IM leadership. Formal talks will begin in the next few days,” Pandey told PTI.
However, no date has been fixed for the proposed dialogue.
Top leaders of the rebel group, including general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah, are currently in the capital to participate in the meeting.
Muivah has come here after wrapping up his nearly one- and-a-half-month-long peace mission across Nagaland.
Undertaking the peace mission that began in first week of June, the Naga leader visited all the districts of Nagaland except Mon and called for reconciliation and understanding among the Nagas basing on the principle of “forget and forgive” to have a unified voice to be presented before the Government of India.
So far over 60 rounds of peace talks were held between the two sides during the course of 13-year-long peace process initiated in August 1997.
Initially, Muivah embarked on a journey to his native village in Manipur’s Ukhrul district on May 5, but deferred his plan following stiff opposition from the Ibobi Singh government which saw his visit as a “threat to communal harmony” in the State. – PTI
Rebel groups join hands to prevent peace talks in NE Nagaland Page
Imphal, July 18: All major police stations and camps of the security forces in the insurgency afflicted states of the North East have been put on red alert following intelligence reports that the major rebel groups of Manipur have come to the rescue of the decimated militant organisations of the region in general and Assam in particular.
This fear was confirmed by the recent arrests of some rebel leaders in Manipur. The police and the Central Reserve Police Force on Friday jointlyarrested three hardcore rebel leaders with foreign currencies, Rs. 1 lakh in cash, two laptops, 3 pen drives and a Bangladeshi passport. They were picked up shortly after three bombs were plantedin Guwahati, allegedly by the anti-talk faction of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB).
A CRPF spokesperson told journalists here that once interrogation of those arrested is completed and incriminating materials analysed, things will become clearer.
Some police officers from Imphal have rushed to Guwahati to assist in the interrogation. Preliminary reports said that the NDFB is resorting to the attacks on railway tracks and planting bombs in the crowded areas to derail the peace process and to semaphore a message to the Union Home Ministry that this faction of the NDFB cannot be sidelined.
A large group in NDFB is ready to hold talks with the Centre. The United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), militarily speaking, has been emasculated. Almost all the ranking leaders are now behind bars, although Paresh Barua, the commander-in-chief, is suspected to be bivouacking somewhere at the Kachin region in Myanmar. The rebels of Manipur have fanned out for extending a helping hand to the fledging outfits of the region, since it pays to keep the NE states burning. Because if some outfits of the region join the negotiating table after eschewing the path of violence it will be a crippling setback for the major rebel groups that want to liberate the entire region.
The ULFA, the United National Liberation Front and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang) had formed the Indo Burma Revolutionary Front on May 22, 1990, with this objective in view. They claim that the peoples of the NE and those from the Western part of Myanmar are racially similar and have a common future.
Various other rebel groups had joined hands to form the Revolutionary Joint Committee on May 1,1991, the Manipur People's Liberation Front in 1999, the United Liberation Front of Seven Sisters in 1993 and the Self Defence United Front of South East Himalayan Region.
A ranking rebel leader told TheHindu that his group has beentraining rebels of Meghalaya and of some other states in bank heists and attacking the troopers, free of charge.In the backdrop of the rebel groups joining hands, two meetings by the State and the Central forces and intelligence agencies were held in Guwahati and Kohima earlier.
Intelligence sources fear a spurt of fresh violence in the region, engineered with the assistance of the rebels of Manipur. (Courtesy: The Hindu)

Tikhir youths asked to join NSCN(IM) Nagaland Page
Dimapur, July 18: Blaming the successive Government in Nagaland since statehood for the "acute economic backwardness" of the Tikhir community, the NSCN (IM) has called upon all Tikhir intellectuals to join the NSCN (IM) for a bright future and in the interest of the Nagas as a whole.
In a press release, Kilonser of War, NSCN (IM), Tokim Tikhir, on behalf of Naga National leaders from Tikhir community, regretted that although Tikhir is one of the distinct tribe and original inhabitants from Eastern Nagaland, they have been denied various employment opportunities under "the instigation of other neighboring tribes in the Government set up" since 1st December, 1963.
"A good number of educated Tikhir youths have been let unemployed otherwise they deserve their right jobs as any other Naga intellectuals," Tokim Tikhir claimed. He pointed out the Tikhir Tribal Council (TTC), the apex body of the Tikhir tribe, has time and again approached the state Government to mitigate grievances faced by the Tikhir but to no avail.
"Therefore the Naga Nation leaders from Tikhir community calls for all the Tikhir intellectuals to join the Naga National mainstream and to render their valuable services for bright future for our youngster generation and the interest of Naga as a whole in which organization there exist no tribalism or favoritism but to join hands to fight for the common Naga cause.
(Page News Service)
324 cases against NSCN-IM in Manipur Sobhapati Samom | EMN
IMPHAL, JUL 13: Manipur Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh today informed the ongoing state assembly that as many as 324 cases were registered against
NSCN-IM General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and its cadres since August 1, 1997 till June 30 this year. Replying to a question by opposition MLA RK Anand of Manipur People’s Party during the day’s question hour, the Chief Minister said Manipur government has registered the cases in connection with crimes committed within the territory of Manipur. Ibobi added that out of 324 cases 3 cases are submitted in charge sheet, 179 cases are returned in FR while another 142 cases are pending.
Recalling the recent proposed visit of Muivah to his native Somdal village in Manipur’s Ukhrul district, Ibobi made clear that his government’s stand against NSCN-IM leader’s proposed visit will not change. He claimed that he even had a heated conversation with the Union Home Minister over the proposed during May.
Narrating his dialogue with the Home Minister, he said, “I boldly told them (Centre) that we will definitely arrest (if he enters),” adding that Chidambaram even tried to explain that the NSCN-IM leader is a bonafide citizen of the country and the group is no more an unlawful organisation.
With regard to the ongoing ceasefire agreement, the CM said the NSCN-IM leaders should be confined within the state of Nagaland as per the ceasefire agreement and that even in Nagaland they should not be allowed to move freely. They should be confined in the designated camps, he said.
He further clarified that FIR could only be registered against those who commits a crime besides receiving respective complaint against the particular cadre or individual. Likewise FIRs could not be taken up against the existing the proscribed organisations as a whole as such unless particular cadre or leader of the group commits crimes.
Ibobi also informed the house that presently 19 Kuki militant organisations operating in the state with around 1800 cadres are observing a suspension of operation (SoO) with the state and central government. Ten designated camps are being constructed at different locations in Manipur’s Chandel, Churachandur, Senapati and Ukhrul districts for their accommodation during the ongoing SoO, he added. So far a sum of Rs 5 crores has been sanctioned in this regard.
NSCN (IM) conveys gratitude to Naga people
Samson Jajo, Principal Secretary of the GPRN
Words of appreciation to the Naga people
The journey for peace to south Nagalim that was initiated on 5th May, 2010 met with unexpected hurdles but it took us to other parts of Nagalim in the most fruitful way. The tour that took us from Angami homeland towards “free Nagalim” in the North has been one of the most rewarding and productive journey. The NSCN and its Collective leadership consider it their bounden duty to meet the Naga people and sharing with them the message of “Peace and Reconciliation” as part of the peace building measures.
We are overwhelmed and deeply touched by the honour that was accorded to our General Secretary Th. Muivah and his entourage by our Naga tribes in the present Nagaland state like, the Angamis, the Chakhesangs, the Sumis, the Kyongs (Lothas), the Rengmas, the Aos, the Sangtams, the Changs, the Yimchungers, the Khiamnuingans, the Phoms and the Zeliangrong people.
We also appreciate the warmth and large-heartedness of the Naga people from every town and village. We sincerely wish to thank you all. We assure you that we will definitely reach out to the Naga tribes who were not covered in the present itinerary.
You are equally inalienable in all the decisions that will affect the future of Naga people. We are hopeful that the seed of “Peace and Reconciliation” that has been sown will bear good fruits. We will do the best from our side because we respect the Naga people’s decision and their aspiration.
We wish to express our sincere gratitude and thanks to all the Naga people from all walks of life in Nagalim and their social organizations who had come to extend their solidarity and support to our General Secretary Th. Muivah and his team during his more than two months good-will political mission in the present Nagaland state for “Peace and Reconciliation”.
We thank the Naga Hoho and all its respective units-tribal Hohos across Nagalim, Organizations from “Free Nagalim”, Civil Societies including the student communities, human rights organizations, Forum for Naga Reconciliation, Women organizations including Naga Mothers’ Association, Naga Women’s Union Manipur, respective tribes women’s organizations, women societies in the villages & towns and others, Concerned Citizens, Concerned Naga Senior Citizens, GB’s, School going children from the length and breath of Nagalim, village GBs Intellectuals, Scholars, individual well-wishers, public leaders and Church leaders & organizations from all Naga areas and Kuki civil societies from Nagaland state for your encouragement and strong support for the success of Naga reconciliation and as well as the ongoing political dialogue between NSCN and GOI.
We also would like to thank all those who had upheld us in their prayers. The unceasing intercession of churches, prayer warriors and many other concerned individuals had also sustained the present good-will tour.
Our heartfelt thanks also go to the media fraternity for the wide coverage of our tour program. They certainly had brought the Nagas closer and strengthened the initiative of “Peace and Reconciliation”
The good-will and sincere support of the Rio Government in providing all the necessary security logistics for the more than two months journey of our “Peace and reconciliation” tour is indeed a testimony of their commitment for peaceful political solution with India and for reconciliation amongst the Nagas. We encourage your Government to continue your support for “Peace and reconciliation” in the larger interest of for f peace and for the Naga nation. We thank all the state forces including the Nagaland Armed police and the Indian Reserve Battalion (Nagaland) and others who had shown exceptional patience and concern throughout the tour program. Your sense of high responsibility deserves praise and appreciation from all peoples.
Our Naga people, your commitment, boldness, understanding and openness in having interaction with us on the issues confronting us is invaluable and a step in the right direction. We will honour your views and wise counsel for the Naga Nation. You are inalienable in all decisions that will affect our people. We thank you for your suggestions and constructive criticisms. We are heartened by your camaraderie and understanding of the issue. NSCN will always welcome such passion from our people.
NSCN will honour the historic decision of the Naga people and continue to negotiate respecting those decisions to the end. It is the Naga people, who will have the final say in all the matters that will affect you and we will come back to you when the right time comes for us all to decide our sovereign rights.
May the almighty God continue to give you all our Naga people, the strength, courage and wisdom in the days yet to come. Let us glorify His name and fulfill His will in Nagalim
Praise His name eternally.
International pressure on Burmese junta continues Sources: Narinjara News
Dhaka: The Burmese government continues targeting pro-democracy activists, civilians and ethnic communities-this is how the British government commented. The UK government representative even highlighted the issue to the United Nations Security Council in a recent debate on the protection of civilians in an armed conflict zone.
Burma Campaign UK has welcomed the initiative of the British government to bring the issue on the focus, stated in a release issuedby the campaign group from London. Mentionable that the UN Special Rapporteur on Burma had recently called for a UN Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma.

The Burmese military regime continues to target civilians, particularly people from ethnic minorities. The use of rape and other forms of sexual violence remain a serious concern, as do the use of child soldiers and forced labour for military use, said Philip Parham, Deputy Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom.

Zoya Phan, International Coordinator at Burma Campaign UK said in an interview, It is a very welcome step forward for the UK to be raising attacks against ethnic minorities at the highest level in the UN Security Council.

Philip Parham also commented that the United Kingdom is greatly disturbed by the continuing growth in the number of people displaced within their own country as a result of conflict - a record high of over 27 million in 2009.

This is an acute problem, for example in Burma, where we remain deeply concerned about the lack of progress towards national reconciliation. The Burmese military regime continues to target civilians, particularly people from ethnic minorities. The use of rape and other forms of sexual violence remain a serious concern, as do the use of child soldiers and forced labour for military use, the UK government representative added.

Zoya Phan insisted on more countries to come forward condemning the junta government at Nay Pyi Taw. She concluded, At the present time China and Russia might veto a resolution establishing a commission of inquiry, but they can’t veto the UK and others speaking the truth about the dictatorship breaking international law.


Frans on 07.19.10 @ 10:13 PM CST [link]


Saturday, July 17th

NSF welcomes unity (NPN):



NSF welcomes unity (NPN):

DIMAPUR The Naga Student’s Federation (NSF) has welcomed the unification of GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN and said it was “extremely elated” at the development which is in the true spirit of Naga reconciliation forgetting past differences. “Burying the past animosities is the true way to Naga reconciliation that is leading us to unite. What can the Nagas desire more than this when our brethrens are coming to an understanding that many have thought would never be arrived,” NSF assistant general secretary, N. Ejanthung Ngullie said in a statement on Friday. The NSF said the unity of the two parties was a clear message to the adversaries that the Nagas cannot give in to their fatal tactics of disintegrating the Nagas. The Federation wished that the same spirit of unity and reconciliation also found entrance even among other Naga national groups as the GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN set the ball rolling for achieving the Naga reconciliation, which it said, was almost near. It appealed every individual, organizations, Naga factions, state government and all concerned to extend their cooperation towards Naga unity and reconciliation. The NSF pledged its full support and commitment to the Naga cause. It may be mentioned that the top leaders of two Naga nationalist groups -GPRN/NSCN and NNC/FGN - pledged to “unite in principle unconditionally” July 15 at Monyukshu town, Konyak region.

Move to replace Padmanabhaiah “unwise”:NSCN (I-M), (NPN):
Dimapur Reacting to the move of the Government of India to replace the Government Interlocuter K. Padmanabhaiah, the NSCN (I-M) has cautioned that it (Government of India) would be making a mistake if it did so “at this crucial point of time”. The MIP /GPRN reminded that the Vajpayee government appointed Padmanabhaih as Interlocuter on July 28,1999 after unceremoniously removing previous incumbent Swaraj Kaushal as the latter had taken a “firm and positive stand on the issue to arrive at a just and honourable solution acceptable to both the parties”. While acknowledging that the current negotiations between the Government of India with the NSCN (I-M) was moving at a slow pace, the MIP however, said it would be “unwise on the part of the Government of India to make him (Padmanabhaiah) scapegoat for its failure”. The NSCN (I-M) also refuted allegations that it was “harboring and helping other revolutionary organizations in the so called North East”. It clarified that the “NSCN has no clandestine/official relation with others to create situations in any part of India after signing of cease fire agreement.” The NSCN (I-M) asserted that it was “deeply committed to the political solution” and that “no one should doubt about it.”

Naga Hoho Federal Assembly held Correspondent Mokokchung, Jul 16:
Article published on 7/17/2010

The 3rd Federal Assembly of the Naga Hoho was held here at Tourist Lodge Mokokchung hosted by the Ao Senden. The Assembly was attended by the various federating tribal Hoho representatives and made the following resolutions.

1. The House resolved to institute Naga Hoho Working Committee to be headed by former President APO. The committee was constituted to assist the Naga Hoho in coordination and with expertise to enable Naga Hoho to effectively carry out its duties.

2. The Anal Hoho will host the next General Session of Naga Hoho to be held in 2011

3. The house unanimously decided that the 5 year tenure should be applied to the present executive and therefore the present tenure would come to an end in May, 2013.

4. The house reaffirmed the standing resolution of the Naga Hoho that Reconciliation process and the peace process or negotiation must go hand in hand together. To strengthen this reaffirmation the following resolution was thus phrased “Henceforth, every tribe must abide by the Naga Hoho Federal Assembly resolution and should not deviate from the expressed stand of the Naga Hoho.”

5. The Federal Assembly approved the declaration of the Consultative Meeting of 8th May 2010 and the 22nd May 2010 reaffirmation of the same by the Presidential Council.

6. The house discussed the endorsement of UNC’s declaration for severance of political ties with Manipur State Government and to opt for an alternative arrangement. The house later resolved to support, help and aid the UNC and other Nagas outside the State of Nagaland in their effort to secure alternative arrangement for their survival and sustenance and for the protection of their land and identity, pending the settlement of the Indo-Naga issue.

7. The house endorsed the Joint declaration of the Naga Hoho, ENPO, Nagaland State Government and the Opposition party of the Nagaland Assembly for protection and preservation of the Intangki Forest and also resolved that the same position would hold in respect of all other National properties.

http://nagalandpost.com/ShowStory.aspx?npoststoryiden=UzEwMjg2NTU%3d-lAbzp%2fbbCxc%3d



Frans on 07.17.10 @ 10:25 PM CST [link]



Next round of Naga peace talks to resume today Sify News ANI



Next round of Naga peace talks to resume today Sify News ANI

The next round of peace talks between Centre's representatives and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) leaders will be held here from today. NSCN-IM general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and other senior functionaries of the group will attend the meeting.
Before leaving for Delhi, Muivah told reporters at Dimapur airport that no dates had been fixed so far but hoped the dialogue would commence soon between the NSCN-IM leaders and the Centre's representatives.
Muivah, who wrapped up his nearly one-and-a-half-month-long peace mission with the last public meeting at Jalukie under Peren district, described his journey as successful. He also said that the resentment amongst the Naga tribal people over him being banned from visiting his hometown in Manipur was not such a big issue to withhold peace talks. "I think that should not be a very big issue because, it is something natural and nobody can go against it," Muivah told reporters in Dimapur.
"I am exceedingly happy because I have the commitment and the support of the people particularly for the national decision, for the national rights. What is more than that? ...They have openly given the students that they would stand from the true to the end, just for the cause of the Naga people," he added.
Earlier, he said the central government has the authority to resolve the issue.
"Everyone knows that central government is not subject to Manipur state. Manipur state is subject to the Central government, so they can solve. They have the authority to do it, but they don't want to do it, why, because probably they have the personality and that problem would have to be solved by them first," he added.
The Nagas have been demanding a free Nagalim state carved out of the northeastern region, including parts of Manipur.
Manipuris oppose this and see Muivah's attempt to visit his village as undermining their territorial integrity. (ANI)
NSCN leaders to hold talks with Centre's representatives Agencies
Kohima NSCN-IM leader Thuingaleng Muivah and other senior members of the group will hold talks with Centre's representatives towards finding a negotiated settlement to the protracted Naga political conflict.
Accompanied by senior functionaries of the group, Muivah left for New Delhi this afternoon for the parleys responding to the invitation of Centre's interlocutor R S Pandey during the last round of talks.
Before leaving, Muivah told newsmen at Dimapur airport that no dates had been fixed so far but hoped the dialogue would commence soon between the NSCN-IM leaders and the Centre's representatives.
Muivah, who wrapped up his nearly one-and-a-half-month-long peace mission with the last public meeting at Jalukie under Peren district yesterday, described his journey as "successful" since he received overwhelming response from the Naga people wherever he went.
Undertaking the peace mission that began in first week of June, he visited all districts of Nagaland but Mon and called for reconciliation and understanding among the Nagas basing on the principle of "forget and forgive" to have a unified voice to be presented before the Centre.
He said his duration of staying in Delhi and progress of peace talks depends on the Centre but he would come back to Nagaland to continue the process of consultations and discussions with the people.
Although till date over 60 rounds of peace talks were held between the two sides, the June 1 parley was first of its kind in Naga soil during the course of 13-year-long peace process initiated in August 1997.
Initially, Muivah embarked on a journey to his native village in Manipur's Ukhrul district on May 5, but deferred his plan following stiff opposition from the Ibobi Singh government which saw his visit as a "threat to communal harmony" in the state.
Next Round of Naga Peace Talks from July 16 OutLook India
Kohima Next round of peace talks between Centre's representatives and leaders of NSCN(I-M) will be held in New Delhi from Friday to find a negotiated settlement to the protracted Naga political conflict.

NSCN(I-M) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah accompanied by senior functionaries of the group would leave for New Delhi today to attend the peace parleys, outfit sources said.

Muivah wrapped up his nearly one-and-a-half-month-long 'peace mission' by holding the last public meeting at Jalukie in Peren district of Nagaland. Undertaking the peace mission began in first week of June, the Naga leader visited various parts of Nagaland and held consultation with the people at grassroots level.

During his visit he called for re-conciliation and understanding among Nagas based on the principle of 'forget and forgive' to have a unified voice to be presented before Centre.

Last round of peace dialogue between Centre’s interlocutor R S Pandey and NSCN(I-M) leaders was held at Kohima on June 01 and it was first such talks in Naga soil during the course of 13-year-long peace process initiated by both sides in August 1997 by announcing a ceasefire pact.

Muivah embarked on a journey to his native village in Manipur's Ukhurl district on May 5, but deferred his plan following stiff opposition from Ibobi Singh government which saw his visit as a "threat to communal harmony" in the state.

GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM

Chief Principal Secretary



WORDS OF APPRECIATION TO THE NAGA PEOPLE.


The journey for peace to south Nagalim that was initiated on 5th May, 2010 met with unexpected hurdles but it took us to other parts of Nagalim in the most fruitful way. The tour that took us from Angami homeland towards “free Nagalim” in the North has been one of the most rewarding and productive journey. The NSCN and its Collective leadership consider it their bounden duty to meet the Naga people and sharing with them the message of “Peace and Reconciliation” as part of the peace building measures.

We are overwhelmed and deeply touched by the honour that was accorded to our General Secretary Th. Muivah and his entourage by our Naga tribes in the present Nagaland state like, the Angamis, the Chakhesangs, the Sumis, the Kyongs (Lothas), the Rengmas, the Aos, the Sangtams, the Changs, the Yimchungers, the Khiamnuingans, the Phoms and the Zeliangrong people.

We also appreciate the warmth and large-heartedness of the Naga people from every town and village. We sincerely wish to thank you all. We assure you that we will definitely reach out to the Naga tribes who were not covered in the present itinerary. You are equally inalienable in all the decisions that will affect the future of Naga people. We are hopeful that the seed of “Peace and Reconciliation” that has been sown will bear good fruits. We will do the best from our side because we respect the Naga people’s decision and their aspiration.

We wish to express our sincere gratitude and thanks to all the Naga people from all walks of life in Nagalim and their social organizations who had come to extend their solidarity and support to our General Secretary Th. Muivah and his team during his more than two months good-will political mission in the present Nagaland state for “Peace and Reconciliation”.

We thank the Naga Hoho and all its respective units-tribal Hohos across Nagalim, Organizations from “Free Nagalim”, Civil Societies including the student communities, human rights organizations, Forum for Naga Reconciliation, Women organizations including Naga Mothers’ Association, Naga Women’s Union Manipur, respective tribes women’s organizations, women societies in the villages & towns and others, Concerned Citizens, Concerned Naga Senior Citizens, GB’s, School going children from the length and breath of Nagalim, village GBs Intellectuals, Scholars, individual well-wishers, public leaders and Church leaders & organizations from all Naga areas and Kuki civil societies from Nagaland state for your encouragement and strong support for the success of Naga reconciliation and as well as the ongoing political dialogue between NSCN and GOI.

We also would like to thank all those who had upheld us in their prayers. The unceasing intercession of churches, prayer warriors and many other concerned individuals had also sustained the present good-will tour.

Our heartfelt thanks also go to the media fraternity for the wide coverage of our tour program. They certainly had brought the Nagas closer and strengthened the initiative of “Peace and Reconciliation”

The good-will and sincere support of the Rio Government in providing all the necessary security logistics for the more than two months journey of our “Peace and reconciliation” tour is indeed a testimony of their commitment for peaceful political solution with India and for reconciliation amongst the Nagas. We encourage your Government to continue your support for “Peace and reconciliation” in the larger interest of for f peace and for the Naga nation. We thank all the state forces including the Nagaland Armed police and the Indian Reserve Battalion (Nagaland) and others who had shown exceptional patience and concern throughout the tour program. Your sense of high responsibility deserves praise and appreciation from all peoples.

Our Naga people, your commitment, boldness, understanding and openness in having interaction with us on the issues confronting us is invaluable and a step in the right direction. We will honour your views and wise counsel for the Naga Nation. You are inalienable in all decisions that will affect our people. We thank you for your suggestions and constructive criticisms. We are heartened by your camaraderie and understanding of the issue. NSCN will always welcome such passion from our people.

NSCN will honour the historic decision of the Naga people and continue to negotiate respecting those decisions to the end. It is the Naga people, who will have the final say in all the matters that will affect you and we will come back to you when the right time comes for us all to decide our sovereign rights.

May the almighty God continue to give you all our Naga people, the strength, courage and wisdom in the days yet to come. Let us glorify His name and fulfill His will in Nagalim

Praise His name eternally.



Samson Jajo 16th July, 2010
Chief Principal Secretary

Garo rebels detained OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Shillong, July 15: Five militants of the Garo-hills based Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA) have been detained under the Meghalaya Preventive Detention Act, 1995, with maximum imprisonment of three years.
In a statement issued here today, East Garo Hills deputy commissioner Pravin Bakshi said detention under the act is different from other kinds of punishment, as the offences are non-bailable.
The cadres have been identified as Salte, Momin, Martin K. Sangma, Rikrik M. Sangma, Neulash M. Sangma and Pinsai S. Sangma.
According to the deputy commissioner, the rebels were engaged in extortion of money after serving demand notes on lessees of weighbridges, local businessmen, coal merchants and terrorised the residents of the area in general.
“The intention of the militant organisation was to create fear psychosis in the minds of local businessmen and extract a hefty sum after serving demand notes,” the deputy commissioner said.
According to him, the GNLA, more active in East Garo Hills, is engaged in “subversive activities and has no ideological moorings except largescale extortion and kidnapping for ransom in the name of waging war against the state for creation of a separate Garo state”.
The deputy commissioner said the outfit had served demand notes on many government officials working in East Garo Hills by SMS or through notes with the mascot and symbol of the organisation.
He added that one of the cadres, Martin K. Sangma, who was born and brought up in Nagaland, had been entrusted with the expansion of the terror network of the GNLA in Nagaland and training of their cadres in Nagaland under the tutelage of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah).


Frans on 07.17.10 @ 10:25 PM CST [link]


Wednesday, July 14th

PRESS STATEMENT UNITED NAGA COUNCIL


UNITED NAGA COUNCIL
Tahamzam, Senapati
Email:uncnagalim@gmail.com">uncnagalim@gmail.com, Phone:+913871 222523


PRESS STATEMENT
14th July, 2010, Tahamzam

On the 9th July, 2010, the August house of the Manipur Legislative Assembly unanimously resolved to urge the Centre to amend Article 3 of the Constitution of India so as to exclude the state of Manipur from the purview of the Article, as under the Act, alteration of state boundaries/renaming/ formation of new states by increasing or decreasing the area of 2 or more states can be carried out and demanded amendment to Article 3 of the Indian Constitution.

The leader of the Opposition Mr.Radhabinod while moving the private member resolution has stated in the Manipur Assembly that the demand made by the NSCN (IM) to unite the Naga inhabited areas in the North East including Arunachal, Assam, Manipur and even Myanmar for a greater Nagalim is not tenable socially, geographically or culturally. There is an intentional denial on the part of the Manipur Government that the fact of the demand of the Nagas to live together under one administrative roof is not that of the NSCN(IM) alone nor did they initiate the Naga integration or unification movement. It was there even before the formation of the NSCN.

When the British paramountcy was withdrawn in 1947, the hill leaders secured incorporation of a clause in page 12 of the Manipur Constitution that provide for the “…right of any section of the Hill People to secede at the end of the five year period ,should conditions within the constitution not be satisfactory.” When the integrated Manipur Administration of the Hills and the valley started functioning on 15th August, 1947 with high handedness of the Meiteis, the “NO HOUSE TAX CAMPAIGN” was launched in 1948 by the Nagas in Manipur who refused to pay the annual House Tax to the Government of Manipur, of which Maharaj Kumar Priyobrata Singh was the Chief Minister and under the aegis of the Naga National League submitted their annual house tax to Charles Pawsey, D.C. of Naga Hills of Assam at Kohima in pursuit of their demand to be merged under one administrative roof with their Naga brethren in the Naga Hills district of the then undivided Assam. In this campaign, Nagas in Manipur produced the first martyrs on 27th August, 1948 at Mao Gate, when three brave protestors were killed in the firings by the Armed Forces under the Manipur Government.

The organized expression of the desire of the Naga people to live together continued as a civil movement. The United Naga Integration Council movement of the 1970s, in which the joint agreement signed on 4th Aug.1972, between All India Congress Committee and Manipur Pradesh Congress Committee on one side and United Naga Integration Council on the other side is one of the few instances which is documented and on record. In this agreement, the Congress Party stated that it does not oppose Naga integration movement nor considers the Naga integration movement as anti-party, anti-national, anti-state or an unconstitutional activity. The demand of the Naga people for integration of the contiguous Naga areas into one administrative unit also finds clear mention in the 9 Point Hydari Agreeement of 1947 and in the 16 Point Agreement of 1960. Over the years memorandum and representations demanding Naga integration have been persistently submitted and pursued by the Naga people.

With regards to whether unification of Naga areas is socially, geographically and culturally tenable, we can briefly highlight the following- Socially, Nagas have an apex Naga Hoho that has jurisdiction over all Naga inhabited areas so also does the Naga Students’ Federation. The social essence of all Naga tribes lies in the village republics with their clearly demarcated territories. Therefore it is socially tenable. Geographically, Nagas inhabit contiguous areas. And because of greater area and bigger population, an integrated Naga administration, would be far more viable economically. Therefore it is geographically tenable. Culturally, the unique diversity of the Nagas in Manipur has already been recognized by the Manipur State Government itself and “lui-Ngai-Ni” – the Seed Sowing Festival of the Nagas in Manipur is an official state festival and a general holiday. Therefore it is culturally tenable.

But as stated by Mr Radhabinod, out of the total area of Manipur is 22,237 sq.kms, the plain areas of Imphal valley constitute only 10 percent whereas the rest is hill areas and if Naga integration takes place then Manipur would be left with an area of 2000 sq.kms only. Without the 90% area of the hills, in which name and whose owner’s behalf, the wealth and development of the Imphal valley had been built up over the years, Manipur State would definitely not be tenable. That this is the only concern of the communal State Government of Manipur has been clearly brought out by Mr. Radhabinod in the August house of the Manipur Assembly.

On the other hand the 1st July, 2010 historic declaration of the Naga people in Manipur to sever all political ties with the Government of Manipur has not been discussed in the August House of the Manipur Assembly. Why was it not tabled for discussion ? Is it, as always maintained, considered the handiwork of a few organization misled and influenced by the NSCN and therefore to be ignored out rightly ? Is the Naga declaration beyond the purview of the Manipur Assembly when it talks about the political severance of ties with the Government of Manipur. Why has the Manipur Assembly not discussed whether the position declared by the Nagas is tenable ?

It is so, because the Manipur State Government is single mindedly concerned about the 10%
geographical area of the Imphal valley and the population in it then for the state as a whole. It is therefore communal, parochial and suppressive of the tribals.

Article 3 of the Indian Constitution acknowledges that India is a multiethnic and multinational entity and that, the sense of identity and belongingness among members of communities must be respected, given due space and capitalized as already existing organized segments of the population which makes for more efficient administration and governance. After the preamble of the Indian Constitution that undertakes to secure social, economic and political justice to all its citizens, Article 3 article occupies the third precedence after Article 1 on the Name and Territory of the Union and Article 2 on Admission or establishment of New States.

The house that has passed a resolution to exempt Manipur State from the purview of the Article 3 has therefore acted unconstitutionally and has gone against the very spirit of the Indian constitution. This resolution also reinforces the expressed views of the tribals that the Manipur State Government has consistently attempted to legitimise the suppression of the tribals through legislation, acts and resolutions.

Will the Government of India endorse the resolution of the Manipur Assembly ? Will it make an exception to the constitution just because the brute majority of dominant community in the Manipur Assembly demands so ? What is the historical basis for a special dispensation, when its 2000 years of history cannot withstand the scrutiny of its own scholars. With what impunity will the Government of India accept their demand when the dichotomy of administration for tribal in Manipur was the basis on which the joint administration of the hills and the Imphal valley began after the lapse of the British paramountcy in 1947. With what brazenness is the Government of Manipur demanding the permanent hegemony and suppression of the tribals ?

The position of the United Naga Council to sever all political ties with the Communal Manipur State Government and to demand for an alternative arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur has again been vindicated by the 9th July, 2010 resolution of the Manipur State Assembly.


Publicity Wing
United Naga Council
Tahamzan

Frans on 07.14.10 @ 03:27 PM CST [link]



Nagas undertake 72-hour-long shutdown in Manipur ANI, Sify news



Nagas undertake 72-hour-long shutdown in Manipur ANI, Sify news

The All Naga Students' Association Manipur (ANSAM) and the United Naga Council (UNC) have given a call for a 72-hour-long shutdown here in protest over alleged suppression of their rights by the Manipur Government.
Consequent to the shutdown call, people crowded markets to buy essential needs.
Bimola Devi, a professor at Manipur University, expressed her displeasure over the shutdown call given by the Nagas.
"It is very unfortunate, and, I think, people of Manipur, not only the valley people, but all the people in the hill areas of Manipur, are going to suffer like anything when essential commodities are not available," said Devi.
However, the Nagas said essential emergency services like hospitals, electricity, fire-service, water supply, postal and telecom would be exempted from the blockade.
A good number of locals, including intellectuals, blamed the state administration for the present impasse.
"But for quite long time the state government was not in the picture but only in recently why they are coming to the picture. So, therefore, I think, I don't see any degree of transparency in the working of the government," said Prof. N Joykumar Singh of Manipur University.
The Nagas residing in the districts of Manipur that skirt the Nagaland state are demanding for the Sixth Schedule in the hills districts.
In the month of April, the Nagas launched an economic blockade that paralyzed life for 68 days in demand for against the Manipur government's decision to hold district council elections under the existing provisions of the District Council Act, 2008 and ignoring the demands of the tribal people.
Above all, the Nagas are angry over a Manipur Government directive banning the entry of Thuingaleng Muivah, General Secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) from visiting his native village in Senapati district. (ANI)

NE rebels eye China help Rahul Karmakar, Hindustan Times
The United Liberation Front of Asom and five other northeast outfits have stepped up activities to draft a cadre of 30,000, supposedly a precondition for getting aid from China to fight the Indian state. Senior leaders of these six organisations — four from Manipur, one from Nagaland and ULFA — met in Bangladesh in the first week of July to further this course of
“One way to get Chinese support and fight the enemy (India) towards achieving sovereignty is to form our United Front,” said a leader of the Manipur-based People’s Liberation Army.
The Bangladesh meeting came at a time when two suspected Chinese spies were arrested in Nagaland. Assam Rifles troopers caught them when they were on their way to Myanmar from a camp of the Khaplang faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) on the Nagaland-Manipur border.
Their identities have not been revealed. “The two have been handed over to the Nagaland police,” said Assam Rifles spokesperson Lt Col A.K. Chaudhari.
Led by SS Khaplang, a Burmese Naga, this wing of the NSCN attended the meeting despite being on ceasefire mode. The minutes of the meeting, with HT, say the other Manipur-based bodies backed the PLA idea on one condition — the independence of Manipur.
The other three Manipur organisations are United National Liberation Front, Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup and People’s Revolutionary Army of Kangleipak.
UNLF Chairman R.K. Meghen backed the guerrilla bloc on the independence of a Manipur that will include the Kabaw Valley in adjoining Myanmar.
“The bulk of the Burmese people on the border support our struggle for independence and will join the Meitei confederacy for prosperity,” he said.
The Meiteis are the dominant community of Manipur, concentrated in the Imphal valley.
An independent Manipur, the leaders believed, would lead to self-rule for the Nagas, the Ahoms (Assam’s erstwhile ruling dynasty), and so on.
“Most of these outfits are depleted and with a cadre strength of 1,000-3,500. The meeting underscores their desperation, but we are taking note of this move,” an army officer said.
Jamir in Manipur, holds meeting with Ibobi; political parties Correspondent Imphal, (NPN):

Former Maharashtra Governor Dr. S.C. Jamir of Nagaland arrived Imphal by a special aircraft Saturday and later held separate closed door meetings with prominent political leaders of the state including chief minister, O Ibobi Singh and opposition leader Radhabinod Koijam.
Senayangba Chubatoshi Jamir, who also served as chief minister of Nagaland since 1982, arrived Imphal airport at 8 am from Dimapur for a two-day visit.
His visit comes close on the heels of the refusal of the Manipur vehicles owners to ply the Imphal-Dimapur section of the NH-39 till compensation of vehicles damaged or burnt down in Nagaland was not made and also assurance of that road would free of extortion menace in Nagaland.
Soon after arrival at the Raj Bhavan, Dr. Jamir held closed door meetings with the chief minister, former chief ministers and state Congress leaders. However, details of the meetings could not be obtained.
He also held a one-hour meeting with chief minister O. Ibobi Singh, after holding separate meetings with opposition leader and former chief minister Radhabinod Koijam of NCP and sitting MP of Raijya Sabha and former chief minister Rishang Keishing.
After the meetings with the current chief minister and former chief ministers, Jamir also held meetings with state Congress president, Gaikhangam, party leaders, former MLA A.S. Arthur, Victor Keishing, son of Rishang Keishing who is also general secretary of state youth Congress.
None of those who held meetings with the veteran Congress leader from Nagaland were willing to divulge anything. Even government officials and Raj Bhavan sources remained tight lipped.
Observers here believe that Jamir had been sent by New Delhi to assess the situation in Manipur particularly after the souring of relationship between the two states in the aftermath of the ban on the entry of NSCN (I-M) leader Th. Muivah by the Ibobi government. The relationship worsened when eight Manipur vehicles were torched in Nagaland following the ban imposed on all Manipur vehicles on NH 39 by the Naga Students Federation.
After more than sixty days of road blockades on the NH 39 and 53 were lifted by NSF and ANSAM, the Transporters and Drivers’ Council, an apex body of the drivers refused to ply on the NH 39 unless the Nagaland government and the Centre paid compensation for trucks damaged or burned in Nagaland by blockade enforcers and making the road extortion free.
A highly placed source in Kohima claimed that Nagaland state was unaware of the demands of the TDC since both the drivers and Manipur state had not apprised Kohima about the demands.
The Central security forces, CRPF and ITBPF personnel deployed within the Nagaland section of the NH-39 have been withdrawn since Manipur vehicles continue to boycott the road.
However despite the boycott several Manipur-bound truckers take the route despite warnings on illegal taxes and all kinds of taxes imposed by underground factions and other unions.
Meanwhile, intelligence sources disclosed that hill-based underground factions will soon launch extortion on NH 53.

Keep open mind for peace: Jamir OUR CORRESPONDENT The telegraph
Kohima, July 13: Former Nagaland chief minister S.C. Jamir visited Manipur last week to broker peace with Nagaland and discuss the proposed visit of NSCN (I-M) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah to Somdal in Ukhrul district. He met Manipur chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh, former chief ministers, Congress leaders and other prominent politicians.
“Jamir and K. Therie (former power minister in Jamir’s Congress ministry) met Manipur leaders as well as central leaders. The Centre wants Jamir’s opinions and role,” a source close to Jamir told The Telegraph.
The former chief minister, however, said his visit to Imphal on July 9 and 10 was to meet the leaders of Manipur to garner collective support to resolve the issues with an “open mind”.
Therie, however, did not comment about the meeting with the Manipur leaders.
Congress sources in Nagaland said Jamir and Therie had tried to convince the Manipur government and political leaders to facilitate Muivah’s visit to his ancestral village in Ukhrul.
But the NSCN (I-M) alleged that Jamir was working against the wishes and aspirations of the Naga people.
Muivah, who is currently touring Nagaland on a “peace mission”, slammed the former chief minister for his statement that the Naga political problem should be solved by the Nagas of Nagaland. He also castigated the rival NSCN (K) for speaking in Jamir’s tone.
The former chief minister had escaped attacks on his life by the NSCN (I-M) at least four times.
Congress sources in Kohima said Jamir might come back to the state politics to salvage the disintegrating Congress party.


Press Release
12th July 2010

Reflecting the overwhelming spirit that has taken hold of the Zeliangrong people on the peace and reconciliation mission initiated by Hon’ble Ato Kilonser Th.Muivah a grand reception was accorded at Peren town.Significantly, every Zeliangrong village starting from Medziphema to Peren town were waiting on the road with the welcome banner.School children in uniform with flags in their hands lined up the roads as the entourage crossed one village after another.Ato Kilonser was so impressed at the manner of arrangement that look dignified in more than one way.He commended that Peren is our last stop under the ongoing reconciliation mission but it has turned out to be the best in every respect. ‘It is inspiring to witness such beautiful reception and a huge turn out of the public’ he said.

Touching on the topic he said that we cannot remain like this. We have to understand each other. If the Nagas failed this time we would be a lost people without hope.We must step forward to correct ourselves,leaving aside individual’s interest, he added. He also said that God knows what is best for the Nagas but if the Nagas cannot realize this there lies the problem and there is danger. God gave eternal salvation to the Nagas and has solved our problem but if we are not serious of this there is problem.

He enlighten the Zeliangrong people that God gave the Nagas its land,history and right. And not the Indian or Chinese or the people who gave the Nagas the land and history. This is the most precious thing he added. With this he drive home the point that the foundation of the Naga nation is laid down by God.
Showing his respect to what Jadonang was for the Zeliangrong people he said that Jadonang knew that the British people are not the master of the Nagas,but master of themselves. He goes on to explain that Nagas are not created to be under the British or India’s control.And the way Jadonang think is correct though he may not know God.

Recollecting those days he said that once upon a time Nagas were not a united force.There was constant fighting among the villages. Today we have the spirit and the feeling to fight for our right. And this is our strength. He explained that Naga.s future will be in danger if this is not realized.Jadonang and Phizo are gone but if we know our rights we can be the strongest nation.And there will be no tomorrow or today for the Nagas.

He keeps reminding that it was the right decision taken by the NNC at the right time that save the Naga nation. He thank God for giving such wisdom to the NNC leaders. He said that after the British left India the Mizo people,Khasis,Garos,Meiteis,Assamese,Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir was never able to take the right decision and today they are all under Indian union. But the Nagas took the right decision to stay separate from India as an independent nation. NNC must have received inspiration from Jadonang.

He narrated how the Nagas stood their ground for more than 60 years notwithstanding the fact that Nehru helplessly tried to finish the Nagas by military force but failed miserably. And he brought the point how India ultimately gave up use of military means to solve Naga problem,to initiate signing ceasefire with NSCN to kick off the peace process.
If Nagas do the will of God He will always be there for us he said.

Bringing back the glorious days of NNC he said that NNC took two historical decision-to be their own master and to make Nagaland for Christ,and explain that this decision has guided the Nagas throughout.
The unfortunate story of Shillong Accord and how NSCN came into being to save the Naga nation was perspectively explained.The biggest achievement of Indo-Naga peace process which comes in the form of India giving recognition to unique history and situation of the Ngas in the the year 2002,July 11 at Amsterdam was shared to the Zeliangrong people,and he explain further that the people must know the peace process started and how and where it is going.

On reconciliation he said it should be brought about accepting that it is the will of God for the Nagas to forgive each other,and for political solution it should be based on Naga’s historical facts recognized by India. He added that the interest of Phizo or NNC or Khaplang or Isak-Muivah should matters in this crucial decision.

But he make it a point to say that in the name of peace and reconciliation Nagas should not be misled.There should be no confusion

He fervently appealed to the Zeliangrong people to understand the step taken by NSCN and promise that NSCN will never betray the people.

Issued by
MIP/GPRN

Frans on 07.14.10 @ 06:59 AM CST [link]


Saturday, July 10th

Muivah arrives in Kohima (NPN)


Muivah arrives Kohima
KOHIMA, JUL 8 (NPN):
After more than a month’s tour to several places in Nagaland, the NSCN (I-M) general secretary Th. Muivah arrived Kohima today afternoon, sources said. According to reliable sources, Th. Muivah would be staying here at The Heritage, Old DC Bungalow before he leaves for Peren July 10. Sources also said that Muivah would hold a consultative meeting with Angami public organisation and village elders Friday at Zonal Council Hall. NSCN (I-M) general secretary, during the past thirty days has toured several places including Pfutsero, Pughoboto, Tseminyu, Wokha, Mokokchung, Tuensang etc. After his visit to Peren, sources said Muivah is scheduled to visit Longleng and Mon.
http://www.nagalandpost.com/ShowStory.aspx?npoststoryiden=UzEwMjgyNzg%3d-XM5ls0ci6Nw%3d

NSF bandh Jul 10
DIMAPUR, JUL 8 (NPN):
Against the failure of the government to comply with its charter of demand and lapses of more than four months in brining a conclusion to the NPSC answer script swapping scam investigation, the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) has unanimously decided to carry out Kohima bandh July 10 from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. by closing down business and commercial establishment.
http://www.nagalandpost.com/ShowStory.aspx?npoststoryiden=UzEwMTQ4MDk%3d-5heOU%2fEqQwU%3d


6 Naga MLAs to stay away from session

Newmai News Network
Imphal, Jul 8: Out of the seven Independent MLAs who had submitted their resignations on May 6, six MLAs, all hailing from Naga community, pledged today that they would never participate in the ongoing Manipur legislative Assembly which kickstarted on Wednesday. The six MLAs are Dr Khasim Ruivah of Chingai Assembly Constituency in Ukhrul district, Awangbow Newmei of Tamei Assembly Constituency in Tamenglong district, Morung Makunga of Tengnoupal Assembly Constituency of Chandel district, K Raina of Tadubi Assembly Constituency in Senapati district, M Thorii of Mao Assembly Constituency, also in Senapati district and Danny Shaiza of Ukhrul Assembly Constituency. Initially there were seven Naga MLAs in the group but Wungnaoshang Keishing of Phungyar Assembly Constituency, Ukhrul district has started attending the ongoing Manipur legislative Assembly.
The six Independent MLAs disclosed today that on Wednesday they had dispatched a missive to the Speaker of Manipur Legislative Assembly pressing him to accept the resignations of the MLAs. The six Naga MLAs said that they have fulfilled all the official procedures and rules on matters related to the resignation of any MLA and questioned that there is no reason why the Speaker should not accept their resignations.

“We will continue to press to accept our resignations to the Speaker,” affirmed the six Naga MLAs. It is pertinent to note that these seven Naga MLAs had submitted their resignations in protest against the Mao-Gate firing which killed two Naga students on May 6 in the wake of the proposed NSCN-IM leader Thuingaleng Muivah’s visit and the Govt's decision to ban his visit.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/News_pages/Local%20news-02.html

ADC formation

IMPHAL, Jul 7: Following claims over formation of District Councils in respect of Churachandpur, Senapa-ti and Tamenglong, the Hill Department would be issuing an order tomorrow for giving go ahead signal, according to an official source. So far there has been no claim for the formation of District Councils in Sadar Hills, Ukhrul and Chandel, the source added.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/News%20archieves(English)/July-2010/Local%20news-08.html


ANSAM calls Chakka bandh

IMPHAL, Jul 8: In protest against all the alleged undemocratic and suppressive acts of the Govt of Ma-nipur, All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) has called a 72-hour Chakka bandh in all Naga areas with effect from 6 pm of July 12. Announcing this in a statement, the student body said that the Chakka bandh is being imposed in pursuance of the joint decision taken with United Naga Council on July 7 at Ta- hamzam. In a statement issued by its publicity wing, the student body has also urged the Naga people and general public to extend their solidarity by restraining themselves from travelling in any kind of vehicles during the bandh. However, emergency and other essential services like medical, electricity, fire service, water supply, postal and telecom services would be exempted from the purview of the bandh, the statement said, adding that any untoward incidence arising out of violation of the proposed restriction will be at one’s own risk.
Highlighting its grievances in its statement, the student body pointed out that tribal in Manipur have consistently demanded the extension of the provisions of the 6th Schedule of the Constitution of India to the hill areas of Manipur since 1990. After agreeing to accede to the demand, the Government of Manipur, however, maliciously stonewalled the process by inserting a rider that the 6th Schedule would be extended after ‘local adjust- ments and amendments’. Instead of sincerely pursuing their commitment, after 20 long years the communal Manipur State Government came out with the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (3rd Amendment) Act 2008, doctored and stripped off of all the provisions that go into self governance and the rights of the hill people over their land and resources and removing the primacy of the traditional institutions of the tribal.

It further observed that the voice of the Naga people which has been raised loud and clear was that the ADC election should not be imposed till such time the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council (3rd Amend- ment) Act, 2008 was amen-ded to secure the rights of the tribal people over their lands and the pre-eminence of tribal institutions which provides for democratic polity within their societies, and their right to self governance enshrined in the Indian constitution. This illegal manner in which the amendment was rushed through and the manner in which the ADC elections under the ‘unwanted 2008 Act’ was imposed in the face of strong protests contravene the rights of the tribal people. Left with no option, the Naga people under the leadership of United Naga Council were compelled to declare ADC election ‘Null and Void’ and further forewarned that under no circumstance the ADC shall be allowed to function in Naga areas. However, the Government of Manipur recently went ahead with their adamant attitude by administering oath to the infamous ADC candidates. The ANSAM demands all the unmandated members of ADC for immediate abdication from the office of the so called Autonomous District Council, the statement said. The Naga people have been persistently demonstrating democratic forms of agitation to register their grievances thereby to secure their rights to existence over their own land. However, instead of addressing the pertinent issues at hand, the Government of Manipur responded by choosing to issue arrest warrants against leaders of Naga civil societies with ‘wanted tag’ on the 7th June, 2010. Such act of criminalizing our leaders in whom we keep our hope and trust clearly speaks of the hegemonic agenda of the Government.

Furthermore, the statement noted that ANSAM had made its position clear that any attempt to militarize the Naga People’s areas, which threaten the right to existence and dignity of life, will not be tolerated. Yet, the State Government of Manipur continues to treat some of Naga areas as unsecured zone which otherwise are peaceful places. The intrusion of the security forces is by itself the cause of law and order situation in the otherwise peaceful Naga areas and that the protection of life and property of its citizen should be a priority, is farthest from the considerations of the communal Govt of Manipur.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/News_pages/Local%20news-08.html

ANSAM calls 72-hr bundh from July 12
Written by Mizoram Express Nation Jul 8, 2010 12 views
Imphal: The All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) has called for a 72-hour chaka bundh from July 12 in all Naga inhabited areas of the state in protest against the “undemocratic and suppressive acts of the state Government of Manipur”. ANSAM is demanding the repeal of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (3rd Amendment) Act 2008 which it claimed is “doctored and stripped off of all the provisions that go into self governance and the rights of the hill people over their land and resources and removing the primacy of the traditional institutions of the tribal”. The students said that the Naga people under the leadership of United Naga Council were compelled to declare ADC election “null and void”. It has asked all the “unmandated members of ADC” to immediateley resign from office of the so called Autonomous District Council. Manipur government recently had organised a big function for the swearing ceremony of the MDCs who were mostly Congressmen declared winners from uncontested seats.
However, ANSAM said, emergency and essential services viz, medical, electricity, fire-service, water supply, postal & telecom services will be exempted from the purview of the bundh. “Any untoward incidence arising out of violation of the proposed restriction will be at one’s own risk,” it warned.
http://mizoramexpress.com/index.php/2010/07/ansam-calls-72-hr-bundh-from-july-12/

ANSAM calls bandh to demand 6th Schedule
IMPHAL, July 8: All Naga Students' Association, Manipur (ANSAM) has today announced that the students body is calling a 72 hours 'Chakka bandh' an equivalent of economic blockade with effect from 6pm of July 12 in all the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur. Announcing this in a statement, the ANSAM said the agitation is against Manipur government’s alleged suppression of the rights of the tribal people. It said the decision to call the Chakka bandh was arrived during a joint meeting with the UNC held at Senapati on July 7. The Chakka bandh will however exempted for emergency and essential services like medical, electricity, fire-service, water supply, postal and telecom services. Any untoward incidence arising out of violation of the proposed restriction will be at one’s own risk," ANSAM cautions.
The ANSAM statement said tribal people have been demanding the extension of the provisions of the 6th Schedule of the Constitution of India to the hill areas of Manipur since 1990. After agreeing to accede to the demand, Manipur government however, maliciously stonewalled the process by inserting a rider that the 6th Schedule would be extended after local adjustments and amendments, the ANSAM statement said. "Instead of sincerely pursuing their commitment, after 20 long years the Manipur State Government came out with the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (3rd Amendment) Act 2008, doctored and stripped off of all the provisions that go into self governance and the rights of the hill people over their land and resources and removing the primacy of the traditional institutions of the tribals", it added.
The Naga students' body also said that the voice of the Naga people which has been raised loud and clear was that the Autonomous District Council elections should not be 'imposed' till such time the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council (3rd Amendment) Act, 2008 was amended to secure the rights of the tribal people over their lands and the pre-eminence of tribal institutions which provides for democratic polity within their societies, and their right to self governance enshrined in the Indian constitution. "This illegal manner in which the amendment was rushed through and the manner in which the ADC elections under the “unwanted 2008 Act” was imposed in the face of strong protests contravene the rights of the tribal people. Left with no option, the Naga people under the leadership of United Naga Council were compelled to declare ADC election 'null and void' and further forewarned that under no circumstance the ADC shall be allowed to function in Naga areas.
However, the Government of Manipur recently went ahead with their adamant attitude by administering oath to the infamous ADC candidates. The ANSAM demands all the unmandated members of ADC for immediate abdication from the office of the so called Autonomous District Council," the Naga students' asked. ANSAM then said that the Naga people have been persistently demonstrating democratic forms of agitation to register their grievances thereby to secure their rights to existence over their own land. "However, instead of addressing the pertinent issues at hand, the Government of Manipur responded by choosing to issue arrest warrants against leaders of Naga civil societies with “wanted tag” on June 7, 2010. Such act of criminalizing our leaders in whom we keep our hope and trust clearly speaks of the hegemonic agenda of the communal state Government," it alleged. The Naga students' body further said that it had made its position clear that any attempt to militarize the Naga people’s areas, 'which threaten the right to existence and dignity of life', will not be tolerated. "Yet, the state Government of Manipur continues to treat some of Naga areas as unsecured zone which otherwise are peaceful places. The intrusion of the security forces is by itself the cause of law and order situation in the otherwise peaceful Naga areas and that the protection of life and property of its citizen should be a priority, is farthest from the considerations of the communal Government of Manipur," ANSAM accused.
http://ifp.co.in/shownews.php?newsid=10851

Sushma Swaraj in town for a spot report
By Our Staff Reporter

IMPHAL, Jul 8: A team of BJP National leaders led by Opposition leader in the Lok Sabha, Sushma Swaraj arrived here today on a two-day visit to take a first hand account of the situation prevailing in the State.
Other members of the Central BJP team include Deputy leader in Rajya Sa-bha SS Ahluwalia, Rajya Sabha MP Chandan Mitra, National secretary Tapir Gao and zonal organising secretary, North East States P Chandrasekhar Rao.
Soon after their arrival at Imphal Airport, the Central BJP team called on Governor Gurbachan Jagat to discuss the situation in Mani- pur. Later in the evening, the visiting team also interacted with representatives of political parties and civil organisations over the same issue at the Nityaipat Chuthek of the State BJP Unit here. After meeting the Governor, a reception function in honour of the visiting Central team was hosted by the State BJP unit at GM Hall. Addressing the BJP Manipur Pradesh workers at the occasion, Sushma Swaraj observed that the solution to the territorial conflict between Nagaland and Manipur should be brought about through political consensus. No part of the land belonging to one State can be given away or take over by another State. On the prevailing situation in Manipur, she noted that public in Manipur have suffered a lot but the UPA Government at the Centre has not given any attention. Home Minister Chidam-baram has time for visiting Pakistan but for visiting Manipur.

Observing that BJP has no MP from Manipur, she assured that as a principal Opposition party in the Parliament, BJP would be taking up issue of Manipur so that a solution could be brought about soon. Zonal organising secretary P Chandrashekhar Rao said that Chief Minister O Ibobi-led SPF Government has failed to act responsibly towards ameliorate suffering of the people. Alleging that the State Government has become a den of corruption, Chandra-sekhar asserted that the State and its police, the judiciary and the bureaucrats have not live up to the expectation of the people and the administration has gone awry. There is no sign that the fund that have been provided by the Centre have been utilised properly here. Out of Rs 25 crores that had been provided for cleaning Loktak lake, only Rs I crore had been utilised. Yet the utilisation certificate signed by the Chief Minister has been submitted with the proposal for providing Rs 225 crores more. Surprisingly, there is no name of the agency in the project for Rs 225 crores, Chandrasekhar said.

MP Chandan Mitra pointed out that imposition of economic blockade along the National Highways for 70 days is something unheard of in other parts of India. Deputy leader of Rajya Sabha SS Ahluwalia observed that many well-known personalities have been produced from Manipur. But the Government has always tried to subdue them. He further said that there is the issue of Greater Nagaland within Nagaland but not in Manipur. Nor is there any issue of Greater Manipur in Manipur. The Government should pay serious attention to such issues.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/News_pages/Local%20news-04.html

O Joy stages walk-out over resignation stalemate
By Our staff Reporter

Fire brand O Joy lits up House

IMPHAL, Jul 8: Dis-agreeing with the conten- tion of the Assembly Spea-ker Dr S Budhichandra on the resignation of seven Naga independent MLAs, Opposition MLA O Joy Singh of the MPP today staged a walk-out from the House, adding punch to the proceedings. Prior to walking out, members of the House witnessed a heated exchange of words between the Speaker and MPP legislator with the latter expressing disgust that even after nearly four months of the Naga MLAs handing over their resignation papers to Dr Budhichandra, there is still no confirmation of whether their resignations have been accepted or not. In his ‘point of order’ presentation held after conclusion of the question hour, O Joy recounted that people of Manipur endured a critical phase recently when the Govt of Manipur defied the Centre’s approval to allow NSCN (IM) general secretary Th Mui-vah to visit manipur.

In the backdrop of the impasse, the Naga MLAs showing solidarity to the cause of the rebel leader, declared their intention to step down as MLAs through the media and subsequently tendered their resignation papers.
Despite this the Speaker is yet to initiate procedural obligations, accused the fiery Opposition MLA while quoting that under provision of the Rule of Procedural conduct of Busi- ness of an Assembly, the matter should have been disposed in case decision to resign is voluntarily taken. Alleging ambiguity on the part of the Speaker, Joy pointed out that in case the resignation papers of the said seven Naga Indpen-dent MLAs have been accepted, relevant steps need to be adopted by apprising the matter to the Election Commission of India so that the vacant seats, if any, could be filled up without inordinate delay. Insisting that the Spea-ker declare decision on the issue, the MPP Legislature Wing Leader also fumed that he has no desire to share the same roof with individuals (MLAs) whose sole objective is to disseminate Manipur.
In his response, Dr Bu-dhichandra maintained that submission of resignation papers of the seven MLAs were received through post and fax messages in April this year and were not in compliance with relevant norms.
Further conveying that explanation of the seven MLAs on the issue was not satisfactory and as such a definite decision had been elusive so far, the Speaker assured that within a short period a final decision will be taken.
However the explanation did not satisfy O Joy who asked the Speaker to ensure presence of the seven MLAs allegedly attempting to divide the land and people of Manipur before walking out of the Assembly followed by a chaotic scene inside the Assembly.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/News_pages/Local%20news-01.html
Valley versus Hill
Dolly Kikon
A week before two Naga boys – Chakho and Loshou – were killed by the paramilitary Manipur Police Commandos at Mao Gate, on the Manipur-Nagaland border; a week before 4000 people from Senapati District in Manipur were displaced from their homes to languish in makeshift camps, hospitals and homes of relatives around Nagaland; a week before Thuingaleng Muivah, the longtime Naga militant leader, attempted to visit his home village of Somdal, in Manipur; a week before 6 May 2010, when those two deaths started the recent flood of bottled-up sentiment in the Northeast – the signs of the Ibobi Singh-led Manipur government setting itself against a section of its own people were there for all to see.

Since 12 April, the All Naga Students’ Association of Manipur (ANSAM), along with a few other groups, had imposed an economic blockade on Manipur, in support of their demands regarding the Autonomous District Council (ADC) elections in the hill areas of Manipur (see accompanying article, ‘Peoples under siege’). But from 5 pm on 2 May, after the Imphal government banned Muivah from entering the state, the government imposed Section 144, legislation prohibiting all gatherings in the hill districts of Manipur (where Manipur’s Naga population is concentrated), and deployed extra security forces. It then went on to block the Mao Gate road – National Highway 39, the first point of entry from Nagaland into Manipur, prohibiting all vehicles from Nagaland and beyond from entering Manipur. Backed by armoured cars, advanced weaponry and bulletproof armour, paramilitary troops set up bunkers surrounding the Mao Gate area, rolled in boulders and locked down the road completely. In the event, Muivah stayed out.

Manipur is already conflict-riddled. But thanks to Ibobi Singh’s government, today Manipur stands closer to being called a communal state, where a Hindu government rules the valley and the ‘uncivilised’ people inhabit the many hill tracts. When on 20 May, in the midst of the recent surge in unrest, the Congress party MP from Manipur, Thokchom Meinya, appeared on a nationally broadcast news show during prime time to declare that Manipur is a Hindu state, it was another reminder of how his Chief Minister, Ibobi Singh, has invented himself as the Narendra Modi of the Northeast. While Hindutva ideology has defined Modi’s politics, Ibobi Singh has managed to blend in permutations of ethnic politics, religion and colonial stereotypes of hill versus valley (where the latter is considered the obvious seat of power) to govern present-day Manipur. The consequences have been disastrous, and they will likely get worse.
Manipur is one of the most multi-ethnic states in India, and it requires a confident government to talk to all ethnic groups amidst longstanding demands, varying topography, armed groups or religious beliefs. The state is a miniature of India at large, with numerous identities and as many if not more demands. Unfortunately, the stories of persecution and discrimination too remain the same, centring on allegations of anti-hill racism and discrimination by the ethnic Meitei, the dominant valley inhabitants. The basic grievance revolves around how the Imphal Valley and the Meitei community have dominated the politics and history of the state for decades, if not centuries. On the one hand, the hill people allege that Meitei officials dominate the state’s governance structure, and point out how state development funds rarely reach the hill districts. The minimum a state is expected to provide, they argue, is roads, hospitals, schools and a proper allotment of state funds; but that even this does not happen. On the other hand, the Meitei say that it would be unfair to dub the government’s action the will of the valley’s communities at large – its inhabitants, too, have been victims of state oppression, including under the Ibobi Singh government, they say.

Beyond the valley

It is important to understand the political and historical process of state formation in Manipur, how the seven Meitei clans were subjugated through war and conquest, and eventually converted to Vaishnavism, established as the state religion during the early 18th century. Historians and political commentators in the Imphal Valley are critical of how the state’s history has centred on the Kangla Fort, the traditional seat of Meitei sovereigns, thereby reinforcing a stereotyped ‘valley centric’ approach. Any history with a kingdom generates nostalgia, but nostalgia that glorifies a hegemonic structure is dangerous because it reinforces a history in which one group dominates over the rest. Suppression by force is of course the easiest method for governments in violent places such as Manipur, but it starts a disastrous progression of legitimacy through force. The crisis in Manipur today is not one of poor governance and ethnic politics. Rather, it is the refusal of those who represent the state of Manipur to let go of a hegemonic politics that uses a militarised establishment and keeps power, culture and history trapped in the valley floor. The fact is that the issue of Manipur’s ‘territorial integrity’ is to be found in the hands of both the valley and hill people. Both groups will ultimately have to decide whether this territorial integrity is actually the most pressing demand, when any vision of a shared history and politics of the people who inhabit the valley and hills has, eventually, disintegrated.
The economic blockade that started on 12 April brought immediate concerns to the fore for both people from the hill and valley: food, fuel, medicines. But it also reminded all involved of a sharp sense of divide, where the people of the hills have little if anything to do with the valley’s authored history – and, therefore, governance. Neither do the valley people occupy themselves with the hill people in their daily routines, other than to include the hill areas under the critical rubric of Manipur’s territorial integrity. There is a longstanding demand for Nagalim – a greater Naga homeland including Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and even Burma – but this demand for a Greater Nagaland had nothing to do with the present crisis. The economic blockade addressed the crisis of governance resulting from the announcement of the Autonomous District Council (ADC) elections in the hill districts of Manipur. The Imphal government’s refusal to talk to groups who have called the economic blockade, and instead to request the Guwahati High Court to order arrest warrants on leaders who called the blockade, reflects how dialogue between people and government, or even people to people, has become an impossible aspiration in Manipur today. Each group chokes on its aspirations amidst this polarised reality, between being free from or integrated into Manipur. The Imphal government, meanwhile, has made its priorities very clear: elections in the ADC and power are more important for it than food, medicine and fuel for the ordinary citizens – or perhaps Ibobi Singh is nursing the vain hope that the suffering caused by the blockade will make the people see his government as a saviour.

Naga dimension

When the Manipur government blocked National Highway 39 on 1 May, it put a stop to yet another opportunity to engage with Muivah and kick-start a dialogue about the aspirations of the people – both those who inhabit the hill and those who live in the valley. The Mao Gate violence five days later, and the economic blockade in general, now promises to etch a sad line in the sand, creating a social divide for the foreseeable future. One could argue that the central government was at fault in the first place, for having originally extended permission to Muivah to visit his home village. Some would also certainly question Muivah’s motives behind trying to make that visit in the first place, after a break of some four decades.

Neither of these questions, however, detracts from the fact that, during the aftermath of Muivah’s attempt, New Delhi has yet again mishandled a critical political issue in the Northeast. Its vacillation and inability to intervene decisively has now succeeded in re-setting the Northeast on fire, even though New Delhi officials have conveniently shifted the blame onto the ‘divisive’ people of Manipur to deal with the fallout. A functioning central government that keeps track of issues of the Northwest would have questioned why an elected state government is unable – rather, unrepentant and unwilling – to talk with a group of students and peacefully address their demands. For Manipur to be democratic, it is essential to admit that its fate is intertwined with that of the Naga peace process, and more now than ever before. The state has one of the largest Naga communities outside Nagaland, and many of the landmark cases against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, and the larger violation of human rights by the state, were from the hills of Manipur. The struggle for justice by the Naga of Manipur has often emerged as a longing for a Naga homeland, where all Naga can live under a common administration. Irrespective of being divided along lines of administrative jurisdiction, beliefs or political ideologies, all Naga people have come together to support the peace process that started in 1997. The Imphal government cannot do justice to the entirety of the people of Manipur if it decides to remain oblivious to this simple fact. From peace campaigns such as the Journey of Conscience of the late 1990s, which travelled all over India and the Northeast, today the Naga have initiated a reconciliation campaign, called A Journey of Common Hope. Different formulations and permutations have been proffered regarding concepts of homeland, territoriality, self-determination and sovereignty – a conversation that now has a life of its own. Naturally, the Naga community and the government, both at the Centre and in the states of the Northeast, do not agree on all issues. But shutting down a highway, blockading people from each other, even if they are destined to meet in a heated argument, and terrorising one section in a brutal attempt to force submission – this is not the democracy one expects of an elected government of a state of the Northeast of India.

Dolly Kikon is a doctoral candidate at the Department of Anthropology at Stanford University, California.
Source: HimalMag
http://www.morungexpress.com/analysis/51272.html

Wungnaoshang not conspicuously absent in House
Newmai News Network

Imphal, Jul 7: Except for Wungnaoshang Kei-shing, no Naga MLAs who had resigned in the wake of Mao-Gate firing incident, turned up for the Manipur Assembly Bud-get Session which star- ted today. The Naga MLAs had earlier come under pressure from UNC and ANSAM to resign over the ADC election stand off. Wungnaoshang Kei-shing, the MLA from Phungyar Assembly Constituency attended the opening day of the Manipur Budget session for a brief period.

Seven Independent MLAs which include Dr Khasim Ruivah, Morung Mokunga, Danny Shai-za, Awangbow Newmei, Thorii, K Raina and Wungnaoshang Kei-shing submitted their resignations on May 6 in protest against the firing of the State security forces at Mao Gate in the Manipur-Nagaland border that had killed two Naga students. The State security forces resorted to firing in the heat of protest by the Nagas at Mao Gate demanding that NSCN-IM leader Thuingaleng Muivah be allowed to visit his native village Somdal in Ukhrul district. Meanwhile, till date the Speaker of the Manipur Legislative Assembly is yet to accept the resignations of the seven Naga MLAs. Sitting arrangements for the already 'resigned' MLAs were made by the official of the Assembly secretariat.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/News%20archieves(English)/July-2010/Local%20news-08.html

Budget session for 2010-2011 fiscal kickstarts
CM presents Budget estimate of Rs 5965 cr
By our Staff Reporter

IMPHAL, Jul 7: Presenting the full budget of the State Government on the opening day of the Monsoon se-ssion today, Chief Minister O ibobi Singh, who also holds the Finance portfolio, has expressed that with the revision of pay and pen- sions based on the 6th Central Pay Commission, the pressure on non-plan expenditure is likely to increase during the current year and beyond. While the Budget estimate of Rs 5965.24 crores for the 2010-2011 fiscal was placed before members of the House, which is an increase of 13 percent compared to revised estimates of the previous bud- getary allocation, the CM pointed out that recommendation of the Central Pay Commission would mean unavoidable need for creation and filling up of a large number of posts and vacant posts respectively in key departments like police, health and education and district councils. Out of the total budget estimates of Rs 5368.27 crores for the 2010-2011 fiscal, he said the revenue receipts are estimated as Rs 5368.63 with the capital receipts put at Rs 596.97 crores.

It is said that under the 13th Finance Commission, the total transfer of fund of the State will be Rs 13567.50 crores for the period 2010-2015, also an increase of 97 percent as compared to provision under the 12th Finance Commission. The chief minister further informed the House that the Panchayati Raj institution, Municipalities and Autonomous District Councils will immensely benefit from the 13th Finance Commission reco- mmendations with Rs 315.90 crores allocation for these local bodies. He highlighted that Rs 51 crores meant for infrastructure development of ADCs will have to be earmarked from the 2011-12 fiscal. While conceding that management of finances of a fiscally weak State like Manipur is a challenging task as bulk of the State expenses is dependent on funds doled out by the Central Government, the CM also pointed out that the total revenue expenditure has been estimated at Rs 4049.79 crores while capital expenditure is pegged at Rs 1896.21 crores which means a fiscal deficit estimate of Rs 282 crores. He also explained that a full Budget is being presented this session as the Plan Size for 2010-2011 and the quantum of non-plan allocations for same fiscal, under the 13th Finance Co-mmission award has been made available to the State Government. Highlighting past achie-vements and elaborating future priorities, challenges and concerns of the SPF Government, Ibobi nevertheless asserted that no effort would be spared to address these challenges and concerns.

Further claiming that overall growth momentum since the past 5-6 years continues to be sustained, he pointed out that Gross State Domestic Product at pre-sent prices increased from Rs 5847.89 crores in 2007-08 to Rs 6343.73 crores in 2008-08 to an estimated Rs 6902.60 crores in 2009-2010. The Finance Minister in-charge also informed members of the House that with growing reluctance of the Central Government to meet non-plan gap through additional transfers and shortfall in the State’s resources being inevitable, the SPF Government is left with no other option but to make all out effort to utilise (scarce) available resources carefully so as to mobilise additional tax and non-tax revenues on ‘our own’.

Referring to provisions and fiscal adjustment of the 13th Finance Commission for the period 2010-2015, he statement that Manipur has to maintain revenue surplus and at the same time reduce fiscal deficit and outstanding total debt to 3 percent of 54.3 percent of the GSDP respectively by 2014-15. Amendment of Manipur Fiscal Responsibility and Management Rules as per the charted roadmap is necessary for availing the spe- cific grants and benefits of loan write-off facility under the 13th Finance Commission award, said the Chief Minister. With regard to resources of the State, he listed collections from VAT, power receipts and miscellaneous general services as potential sources out of which the CM expected that State’s share in Central taxes and duties would be increased by over 58 percent that the revised estimated figure of 2009-2010 fiscal. Ibobi also proposed an expenditure estimates for the current fiscal of Rs 5946 crores out of which Rs 3027.06 crores has been classified as non-plan expenditure, Rs 2600 crores under State plan and Rs 318.94 crores under Centrally Sponsored Schemes, Central Plan Schemes and NEC Schemes. He, however, conveyed that provisions of CSS, CPS and NEC schemes are subject to changes as per actual releases during the ongoing financial year. While enlisting completion of Khuga, Thoubal and Dolaithabi projects as top priority of the Government, he made equal stress on infrastructure development of health, education, water supply, sports and culture among other sectors where maximum attention would be given. He also assured that adequate financial provisions would be earmarked for the welfare of Scheduled Tribes and Schedules Castes as well as OBCs and minorities. Members of the State Assembly also observed two minutes silence in honour of Bhairon Singh Sekhawat the former vice-President of India who passed away during the intervening period of the house.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/News%20archieves(English)/July-2010/Local%20news-08.html


Resignation Uncertainty
Imphal Free Press
It is confounding that the Manipur Legislative Assembly should be placed in a situation where it is not known for sure what its exact strength is. In the wake of the agitation to have the ADC election decision of the Manipur government aborted, and also in protest against the government’s decision not to allow the NSCN(IM) general secretary, Thuingaleng Muivah, to enter Manipur to visit his home village Somdal in Ukhrul district, seven Independent Naga MLAs had tendered their resignation, first by fax from New Delhi on May 6, and then later in person in Imphal. The Assembly Speaker, Sapam Budhichandra Singh, said nothing in public on the matter and simply allowed curiosity to thin down and finally fade away. The natural presumption was, the resignations had been accepted, and in six months, there would be by-elections to fill the vacancies as per the mandatory provisions of the Indian Constitution. Exactly two months and a day later, when the full Budget Session of the Assembly was convened, to everybody’s surprise, the seating arrangements made in the Assembly included seats for the “resigned” Independent Naga MLAs. This could not have been done without a green signal from the Speaker, and the Speaker too could not have given the green signal if he himself also did not have a green signal from the “resigned” MLAs that their resignation papers would be (or perhaps has been) withdrawn. Indeed, although six of the MLAs have not been spotted inside the hall during the first two days of the current session of the Assembly, there was one who indeed presented himself on both the days. It is uncertain if the other six MLAs signed the attendance register although they did not enter the Assembly hall, for the register or its content were not revealed to reporters who tried to probe the matter, with Assembly officials telling them it is in the custody of the Speaker.
What exactly is going on? Does not the Speaker of the Assembly owe an explanation to the House as well as to the public on this matter? It is also surprising that while press reporters are curious, the legislators, both on the Ruling as well as on the Opposition benches, don’t seem to be, for no urgent appeal or queries on the matter has been raised on the floor of the Assembly, even after two days of sitting. The matter is far from trivial. Even as laymen, we can imagine situations of Constitutional crisis resulting out of the deliberately allowed uncertainty. If tomorrow for instance, there were to be a voting on any important issue, what exactly would the number the Speaker consider as the simple majority of the House? Would it be calculated with the seven “resigned” MLAs or without them? If it is a crucial matter, and opinion closely divided, the figure arrived at as the simple majority can make or undo government policies or even the government itself, as it were. So why is this state of uncertainty allowed to persist? We hope at least by the third day of the sitting of the House, the question would be raised and a definite answer on the status of the seven “resigned” Naga MLAs clarified beyond any further doubt.
The uncertainty is going to cause another constitutional crisis if it is allowed to linger on any further. The Indian Constitution makes it mandatory for a vacancy in the Assembly (or Parliament) not to be allowed for more than six months. This means that if the resignations are final and official, it would already be time for preparation for by-elections to the vacated seats. Now that it has already been a little over two months since the resignation papers were submitted, there would be only four months left for the mandatory by-election exercises, leaving little time for prospective candidates to prepare. If delayed any further, there may not even be time enough for completing official election formalities before the elections become due, leading to a definite Constitutional crisis. Leaving the Constitutional crisis aside, the other important question is, why are the people being taken so much for granted? This deliberate uncertainty is almost as good as a blatant lie to the public. Whichever way the decision is, be it a case of the seven seats becoming vacant, or there having been a rapprochement and the resignation papers either withdrawn or by mutual consent rejected, the Speaker and indeed the government should publicly clarify without any further delay.
http://ifp.co.in/editorials.php


Frans on 07.10.10 @ 03:29 PM CST [link]


Thursday, July 8th

53 houses along Nagaland-Assam border gutted United news of India



53 houses along Nagaland-Assam border gutted United news of India

Kohima, A devastating fire broke out in the Khan Basti under Balijan 'C' area along the Nagaland-Assam border under Bokajan police station, reduced 53 thatched houses to ashes and rendered about 150 families homeless.
Official source at Dimapur today said the blaze, believed to have erupted from the kitchen of a family yesterday, quickly engulfed all the thatched houses of the Khan Basti, which extends upto Karbi Anglong district of Assam.
The area also borders the LRC Colony and Island Colony of Dimapur town and trigerred panic on the Nagaland side that the fire could affect these colonies too.
Most of the families of Khan Basti were of non-local people, who earned their livelihood in Dimapur. As there was no immediate help of fire service from the Assam side, fire tenders from Dimapur rushed to the spot and doused the blaze in an hour.
No casualty was reported so far in the incident, the sources said
.PRESS STATEMENT
Dated, the 8th July 2010

The tribal in the present state of Manipur have consistently demanded the extension of the provisions of the 6th Schedule of the Constitution of India to the hill areas of Manipur since 1990. After agreeing to accede to the demand, the Government of Manipur, however, maliciously stonewalled the process by inserting a rider that the 6th Schedule would be extended after “local adjustments and amendments”. Instead of sincerely pursuing their commitment, after 20 long years the communal Manipur State Government came out with the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (3rd Amendment) Act 2008, doctored and stripped off of all the provisions that go into self governance and the rights of the hill people over their land and resources and removing the primacy of the traditional institutions of the tribal.

The voice of the Naga people which has been raised loud and clear was that the ADC election should not be imposed till such time the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council (3rd Amendment) Act, 2008 was amended to secure the rights of the tribal people over their lands and the pre-eminence of tribal institutions which provides for democratic polity within their societies, and their right to self governance enshrined in the Indian constitution. This illegal manner in which the amendment was rushed through and the manner in which the ADC elections under the “unwanted 2008 Act” was imposed in the face of strong protests contravene the rights of the tribal people. Left with no option, the Naga people under the leadership of United Naga Council were compelled to declare ADC election “Null and Void” and further forewarned that under no circumstance the ADC shall be allowed to function in Naga areas. However, the Government of Manipur recently went ahead with their adamant attitude by administering oath to the infamous ADC candidates. The ANSAM demands all the unmandated members of ADC for immediate abdication from the office of the so called Autonomous District Council.

The Naga people have been persistently demonstrating democratic forms of agitation to register their grievances thereby to secure their rights to existence over their own land. However, instead of addressing the pertinent issues at hand, the Government of Manipur responded by choosing to issue arrest warrants against leaders of Naga civil societies with “wanted tag” on the 7th June, 2010. Such act of criminalizing our leaders in whom we keep our hope and trust clearly speaks of the hegemonic agenda of the communal state Government.

ANSAM have made its position clear that any attempt to militarize the Naga People’s areas, which threaten the right to existence and dignity of life, will not be tolerated. Yet, the state Government of Manipur continues to treat some of Naga areas as unsecured zone which otherwise are peaceful places. The intrusion of the security forces is by itself the cause of law and order situation in the otherwise peaceful Naga areas and that the protection of life and property of its citizen should be a priority, is farthest from the considerations of the communal Government of Manipur.

In protest against all these undemocratic and suppressive acts of the state Government of Manipur, ANSAM, in pursuance of joint decision with United Naga Council dated Tahamzam, the 7th July 2010, calls for a 72 hour CHAKA BANDH w.e.f, 6:00 pm of 12th July 2010 in all the Naga areas. Naga people and general public are urged to extend their solidarity by restraining themselves from travelling in any kind of vehicles during the bandh.

However, emergency and essential services viz, medical, electricity, fire-service, water supply, postal & telecom services will be exempted from the purview of the bandh. Any untoward incidence arising out of violation of the proposed restriction will be at one’s own risk.


Publicity Wing,
All Naga Students’ Association Manipur

Press Release
Chuchuyimlang(Mokokchung)
7th July,2010

As a continuation of ‘Good Will’ mission in Mokokchung area Ato Kilonser Th.Muivah went to Chuchuyimlang and held meeting with the people of Langpangkong and the neighbouring Phom. Significantly, Lima,the Pastor of Chuchuyimlang Baptist Church in his invocation prayer said,”We need peace and unity among the Nagas and we need freedom.But there can be no freedom without unity..” He seek the blessing of God upon the Nagas to understand together for a meaningful reconciliation.

Giving a short speech Mr.T.Nukshi,President LTM,said that while Nagas must come understand together for reconciliation the Nagas should be proud of being the longest freedom struggling people in the world and never bow down to give up our rights.

“There is a feeling of pride in meeting you,especially the dance troupe who turned up in traditional costume. We respect you and will not forget you..”,said Muivah. He talk about how the name Nagas was given by the British when they came from Burma and met the Shan people.who described the Nagas as people who decorated their ears.

He addresses the people saying that in this changing world the Nagas must take the best decision. Otherwise, there is danger for the Nagas.In this connection he reminded the people about the historical facts of the NNC period when the best decision was taken at the right time by Phizo,Imkongmeren, R.Sakhrie,Kughato Sukhai,Khodao and others to assert the separate identity of Naga independent and not to subject themselves to India. Under NNC’s political wisdom the Nagas refused to toe the line of the Assamese,Khasis,Meiteis,Jammu and Kashmir,Hyderabad etc to be a part of Indian union. Thus had there been no NNC Nagas would have been a lost people. Muivah thank God for guiding the NNC .
He goes on to assert that the land of the Nagas is given by God and not by India,and God has a purpose for the Nagas.God gave the Nagas the land, history and rights. There should be no confusion about this.But if Nagas fail to understand this there will be problem. He touched on the point that the problem with India has to be set aside and the problem among the Nagas must be solved first.

On the Naga reconciliation he stressed on the points that Nagas as Christians must accept reconciliation as the will of God,and therefore,reconciliation should be in the name of God. On Naga political solution he said that it should be on the basis of Naga historical fact as recognized by government of India and not under the constitution of India. The interest of NNC or Khaplang nor the interest of Isak-Muivah should be allowed to come in between, he added
Muivah explained to the people that the futile attempt to crush the Nagas begun during the time of Nehru, but the Nagas stood their ground for more than 60 years. And ultimately the use of force to solve Naga problem was given up by India. During the peace talks with India Muivah has to warned government of India representative Padmanabhaiah not to repeat the mistakes of Nehru.”We must stand by what is given by God,and if we cannot take this decision we are lost people. And this is the greatest danger.”, he said.Healso explained that in this particular juncture the Nagas cannot afford to stay neutral between right and wrong.

The Shillong Accord of 1975 as the biggest mistake in the political struggle of the Naga history and beginning of the conflict among the Nagas was also narrated in detail. He said that anything that goes against the national decision has never done good for the Nagas.He reminded the words of Assam Governor LP.Singh who said,”the Longest insurgency problem in Southeast Asia is solved once and for all.” But he was proved wrong by the Nagas who stood their ground for the right of the Nagas.

Muivah said that to create problem among the Nagas by the Nagas is the biggest weakness of the Nagas, and this must be done away with.And time has come to understand each other.

Issued by
MIP/GPRN



Frans on 07.08.10 @ 05:29 PM CST [link]


Tuesday, July 6th

‘We have to understand each other’ morungexpress



‘We have to understand each other’ morungexpress

Dimapur, July 5 (MExN): General Secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim Th Muivah has reached out to the Nagas of the Eastern Naga People Organization (ENPO) pointing out that “we have to understand each other”. “We are one and united in our common aspiration and I will be failing you my Naga people if I had not come to you. We too will be in great danger if many of the problems created by the Nagas cannot be solved by us”, stated a message issued by Muivah to the ‘Nagas of ENPO’.
Stating that from his early life he had heard about the Nagas in “free Nagalim”, Muivah pointed out that the people of the ENPO had a “proud history” because they were the master of their lands and destiny. On the other hand “Nagas in other parts of Nagalim” faced wave after waves of onslaught from the imperialist forces and were forcibly occupied for a period of time by the British. “Yet, when the time came, unlike other ill-fated nationalities they took the right decision at the right time. They exercised their right of self-determination and declared their independence on 14th August 1947, one day prior to India’s independence and subsequently took several steps in affirmation to that stand - 1951 plebiscite wherein 99.9 % voted for ‘free Nagalim’ and the boycott of India’s general election in the year 1952 and 1957”, Muivah recounted in the statement released to the media.
Pointing out that one of the central points in all the struggles around the world was the attempt of all nations to reshape their history although in many cases the wrongs and humiliation inflicted on them could not be undone, Muivah stated that the Nagas in “Free Nagalim” were also a victim of an intentional distortion campaign when their land was termed as “No man’s land” by Jawaharlal Nehru. According to Muivah this “legitimized the states to posses your beloved land through such fictitious history”. “I see the precedence that has happened to many other indigenous peoples around the globe when the imperialist forces created a legal fiction termed as ‘Discovery’ or ‘terra nullius’ that means ‘legally unoccupied empty-land’. Such imaginary concepts justified the free grapping or claim over territories by the so called conquerors”.
Muivah put the query as to what the stand of the eastern Nagas would be and whether the people had examined how they must decolonize the imposition of ideas on us by the imperialist forces. “It is our bounden duty to reclaim our history by exercising our right to self-determination. You must know that the affairs of the suppressed nation’s vis-à-vis the international communities are changing to accommodate the rights of all the oppressed nations. You should not be left behind in ignorance and imprudence. Arise!!!” Muivah stated in his message.
Stating that states in order to crush our right for freedom had invented many ingenious ways to divide and weaken the Nagas, Muivah mentioned that the Naga homeland was fragmented and placed under various states within India and also in Myanmar (erstwhile Burma). They had also effectively wielded the policy of dividing the Nagas through the various Accords and Agreements that had weakened our people’s historical aspiration. Thus, our national movement witnessed systematic divisive policies orchestrated by the states, Muivah stated in the statement.
Pointing out that God has given the Nagas their land, Muivah urged that it was our duty and right to protect it. “The defense of our homeland is a serious matter. I tell you my Naga people the plan and purpose of God for the Nagas is diametrically opposed to the policies of the imperialist. The bigger issue is do we understand our rights or should we linger and wait for others to come and teach us our freedom? We must be the master of our situation but it will be a great mistake if we believe that others will decide our fate”, Muivah stated in his message.
Acknowledging that at the right time the Naga National Council (NNC) and its leaders including AZ. Phizo, Imkongmeren, Whenha, Kughato Sukhai, Khodao Yanthan, T. Sakhrei and others had given Nagas the right direction, Muivah stated that these leaders had taught us our rights and freedom. However, the states concerned played their role effectively and our freedom struggle was disturbed with the signing of the Shillong Accord in 1975, Muivah stated while going on to describe it as the root cause of division amongst the Nagas. “Afterwards in the later part of eighties the states played their card well again and the worst massacre happened in the East when S.S. Khaplang and the Indian Agencies organized and accused Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah of collecting arms and surrendering to India and butchered nearly 200 of our precious cadres”, Muivah recalled.
Yet, despite the deep wounds that have been inflicted on the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN), Muivah pointed out that under the spiritual counsel of Isak Chishi Swu, they decided to go ahead with “Reconciliation”. “After three days of national fasting and repentance we issued the declaration of reconciliation on 13th January 2007. Therefore, we are totally committed to this process but it must be unambiguous to us that the Naga people will have the final say bearing in mind our historical decisions, that is, ‘Nagalim for Christ’ and ‘Unique history and situation of the Nagas’, Muivah stated.
On the declaration of cease-fire on August 1, 1997 between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, Muivah informed that this came about subsequent to both the entities agreeing that the political negotiation will be initiated on three foundations – at the highest level, without pre-condition and outside India in a third country. According to Muivah the opening point of this political negotiation highlights the fact that Indo-Naga issue is firstly not India’s “Internal law and order issue” but a “political issue”, secondly, it was between “two entities” and thirdly a “Fresh political settlement” on the Nagas will be arrived at only through an honourable and negotiated political negotiation.
Stating that the Indo-Naga conflict has dragged on for more than six decades, Muivah reminded that “no Agreements or Accords had been accepted by the Nagas who love their rights” and that today the current political dialogue with the GOI bears testimony of its commitment to all the historical decisions taken by the Naga people and the NNC. Muivah informed that only after five years and six months of tough negotiation the GOI recognized the “Unique history and situation of the Nagas” and termed this as an official recognition of all the past historical decisions taken by the Naga people. “Therefore, the Naga people must judge whether the current political dialogue is a surrender negotiation or otherwise”.
Reminding that the best defining moment has arrived once again in our time, Muivah stated that it was our bounden duty to grasp this historic moment. “While continuing the journey of ‘Peace and reconciliation’ we will not allow any other undesirable approach to hinder the process because this golden moment in our history must be safeguarded at all cost. We continue to urge the Naga people not to be simply misled by the divisive policy of the self-seeking Nagas and also our opponents. All of us must be clear on this”, Muivah added while assuring that they will “not fail you our Naga people” and reassuring that they will come back to the people when the right time comes for us to decide the final political settlement with India. “We will not betray God, the Naga people and our historical decision. We will continue to stand for the truth we know”, Muivah stated.

Hunt for blockade bosses - Manipur cops take steps to arrest duo after court orders OUR CORRESPONDENT --- The Telegraph

Imphal, July 2: Manipur police are on the hunt for leaders of two Naga groups that imposed the 69-day economic blockade on two prime routes, choking supply of essentials to the state. Director-general of police Yumnam Joykumar Singh today said efforts were on to arrest United Naga Council (UNC) president Samson Remei and All Naga Students Association, Manipur (Ansam) president David Choro.

"The warrants have been issued (against the two leaders) and cash awards on their arrest have been announced. We are looking for them and will arrest them," Joykumar Singh told reporters today.

Imphal police had registered a case against Remei and Choro for imposing the economic blockade along the Imphal-Jiribam and Imphal-Dimapur highways from April 11 midnight. The blockade, however, was suspended on June 18.

Following a request from the police, the chief judicial magistrate, Imphal issued warrants against the two Naga leaders. The police case against the two Naga activists came after the Imphal bench of Gauhati High Court ordered arrest of Choro for imposing the economic blockade, following a public interest litigation.

Choro, however, attended a public meeting in the Senapati district headquarters yesterday. The meet - "Naga convention" - resolved to "sever" all political ties with the Manipur government and decided to launch a "non-cooperation" movement against the alleged "anti-Naga" policy of the state government.

The convention also declared the autonomous district council elections "null and void" and that the councils would not be allowed to function. Joykumar Singh said the state police department was facing shortage of manpower in dealing with the problem of insurgency.

"We are facing manpower shortage. But once the ongoing training is over and recruitment completed, we will have a comfortable strength. This will be achieved in one year's time," the DGP said.

The sanctioned strength of Manipur police is 33,000. Currently, 4,000 constables are undergoing training at the Manipur Police Training School. In addition to this, 1,600 constable drivers and 2,500 riflemen will be trained. Physical tests for 400 sub-inspectors, assistant sub-inspectors, among others will start from July 6.

Manipur police are planning to raise a woman battalion of the India Reserve Battalion with a strength of 652.
"Once the recruits are inducted, we will have enough strength to deal with the prevailing situation in the state," the police official added.

India's forgotten state ST
With the NDA in strange boycott mode, which nobody either understands or supports, and the nationalists and secularists in narcissistic mood, either appreciating their mirror images or trying to settle scores with each other, god seems to be the only agency available to take care of national affairs, as devotees would like to see, believing this is god's own nation.
Hence we can be content with our IIC (the India [ Images ] International Centre) discussions and missiles on the Election Commission. The nation is perfectly in the hands of the upper storied Master of the Heavens.
Manipur is in serious turmoil, yet none bothers. It is a jewel in the crown of the age-long civilisational body of the nation, surrounded by beautiful lakes, mountains, inhabited by the great dancers and scholars and poets who have influenced the heart and mind of rest of India and taken the fragrance of our cultural garden far and wide around the globe. But now it is burning and the soul of India is in tears.
Last week the greatest treasure of the tiny tribal state, a library containing thousands of rare manuscripts and books, dating hundreds of years back, was burnt down. The physical losses ran into several crores of rupees, but the real value can never be calculated, as the national treasure of the rarest of manuscripts and literature is lost forever.
It was burnt because the local Meitei movement, actively supported by the Communists and the church, wanted the Bengali script to be replaced by Meitei and the library contained books in the Bengali script, because that has been the long time cherished tradition of the state.
Now, who owns Bengali? It is an Indian script, having its roots in Sanskrit and a perfect national language. Why should the love for Meitei be transformed into a hatred for Bengali? Knowledge in any language and script is precious and needs to be preserved unless you decide to be the Taliban [ Images ], happy to destroy a Bamiyan and a Takshshila.
But neither the so-called mainline press nor mainland politicians bothered to read the agony of Manipur and kept issuing statements on the Election Commission and the blunder-land called Parliament. Manipur is bleeding and its age-long relations with the rest of India and her traditions are under great strain.
Why Manipur is burning
A couple of months back the vice-chancellor of Manipur University was abducted and tortured, because the extremist organisation Kanglei Yayol Kannan Lup wanted its own man to head the audio-visual research centre at the university. He had, in fact, appointed a person supported by another extremist students organisation, the United National Liberation Front, and was later shot in the leg. None protested, not the faculty nor the students.
In Manipur, the national song is banned and is not sung either in schools or any other public platform. Even Manipuri books are not allowed to include it in their pages. In the text book screening committees, set up by the government representatives of separatist organisations like the All Manipur Students Union, the Democratic Students Alliance of Manipur, the Manipur Students Federation (a Maoist outfit) force the committee to teach only Manipur issues, leaving out of its gambit Gandhi, Nehru and other national heroes. The State Council of Research and Training just cannot say 'no' to these elements.
The Manipur Implosion
In a Robin Hood role, student organisations check teachers' conduct and cut their salary if they are found to be absent from classes. The money collected is deposited in students' organisations accounts.
In the government sector, the Kanglipak Communist Party, the United National Liberation Front and the Kanglei Yayol Kannan Lup are most active and impose a 'tax' none can refuse. Government employees are forced to give 1 to 2 per cent of their salary and each central project contractor or the officer in charge has to cough up 10 to 20 percent of the project cost. It is all in the open.
People who have the 'blessings' of the separatist organisations run the show in the offices like gangsters, become the source of all information and guide the 'actions' if needed. The separatist movements have taken root with clear support from Leftist extremist groups and church-inspired elements.
The Soldier's Dilemma
This tendency has further been strengthened by the sheer apathy of the Delhi [ Images ] sultans, who remain satisfied with their blurred image of a Hindustan, which does not really matter beyond Kolkata [ Images ] in the east.
The last ten years have seen a meticulous consolidation of the separatist forces. The AMSU was formed in 1962 as a genuine students body, which was 'taken over' by the separatist UNLF in 1997. The People's Liberation Army, another insurgent outfit, ended up having a different students body named the Manipur Students Federation (Maoist).
A breakaway group from the UNLF was formed as the KYKL in 1985 which joined hands with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland -- Isaaac-Muivah group (NSCN-IM) who helped it counter the influence of the UNLF, its arch enemy. The KYKL has established its students group, DESAM, having almost total control over Manipur University.
Another influential revivalist movement leader revered is Khonangthava who emerged as a powerful reformist in the early 20th century and emphasised Manipur's pre-Vaishnavite traditions. After great debate and pressure from separatist students organisations, the vice-chancellor had to concede their demand to have his statue on the university campus, though the teachers opposed it saying Khonangthava was neither a religious leader not an academician.
Mass murders, burning of books, denouncing Indian tradition and laws, nude demonstrations against army 'brutalities' and Delhi's rule and opposing anything that makes Manipur undisputedly a part of the national mosaic are the signs representing this tiny state of the famous Radha Krishna dance forms and a great tradition of literature. Anyone listening?
When you push your own people to harder options even to meet modest legitimate demands, old ties are severed in a fit of anger, that's the lesson of history Delhi should not forget.
Tarun Vijay is the editor of Panchjanya, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh weekly. The views expressed here are his own. He can be reached at tarunvijay@vsnl.com">tarunvijay@vsnl.com
http://www.rediff.com/news/2005/may/10tarun.htm

THE 3rd NAGA PEOPLES’ CONVENTION
1st July, 2010, Mini Indoor Studium, Tahamzam.

THEME: “TOWARDS SELF - GOVERNANCE”

ORDER OF PROGRAM


1. Registration of Delegates : 10:00 a.m.
2. Opening Hymn : “How Great Thou Art”
3. Invocation : L. Kokho, Pastor, Mao Baptist Church, Senapati Hq.
4. Welcome Note : General Secretary, UNC
“Life Pages”
5. Introduction : Vice President, UNC
6. Keynote Address : President, UNC
7. Presentation of Position Paper : Convenor, UNC-CC
“Glory Explosion”
8. Solidarity Messages
1. Convenor, Naga Parliamentarians’ Forum
2. Representative, resigned Naga MLAs.
3. Mr. V. Sword, Retd. Addl. Dy. Comptroller. Auditor General, GOI

“Life Pages”
4. President, NPO
5. President, CNPO
6. President, TNL
7. Convenor, ZIB

“Life Pages”
9. NPC Declaration : Speaker, UNC
10. Vote of thanks : President, Naga Women’s Union
11. Closing Hymn : “We Shall Overcome”
12. Benediction : C. M. Joy, Pastor, New Eden Prayer Centre, Senapati.
COMMUNITY MEAL :
Moderator : 1. Paul Leo, 2. Artax Shimray
Rapportuers : 1. L. Adani, 2. Chingya Luithui



Cc:


Justice Denied to Tribals in the Hill Districts of Manipur
--- Bela Bhatia
Around 30 km from Kohima is Mao Gate, the border between Nagaland and Manipur. Mao Gate takes its name from Mao village that falls on both sides of the border and the Mao community of the Nagas that inhabits this region. Though this border area is part of Senapati district, which along with the adjoining Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Chandel districts comprise four of the five hill districts of Manipur, these districts are in fact a continuum of present day ‘Nagaland’ in every sense – topographically, socially and culturally. This southern stretch is now on the other side only due to the arbitrary boundaries that were created by the Indian state that chose to retain the British occupation of the historical political entity ‘Nagalim’ (the homeland of the Naga people) and its division between India and Burma (Myanmar), after its own independence from colonial rule. What was started by the British in the first part of the 19th century was continued and further exacerbated by India during the last six decades.
Nagalim today stands divided between India occupied Naga territory and the Burmese occupied Naga territory, the two parts separated by the Chindwin river, the international boundary line formalized as recently as 1972. As part of its occupation strategy, the Indian state further divided the Naga area under its control, despite it being a contiguous area, into (parts of) four states: Nagaland, Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. Likewise, the Nagas under Burmese occupation were divided between Sagaing sub-division and Kachin state.
It is in the context of this historical injustice done to the Naga people that we need to understand the recent happenings between Manipur and Nagaland. The crisis that started on 1 May when the Manipur government banned Thuinglaeng Muivah, General Secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim - Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) from visiting Somdal, his village in Ukhrul district after more than four decades of being away is not about a person or a village but about the illegitimate power of a government over a people. It is about the quest of a people for their homeland that was unjustly wrested from them, the quest of a people for sovereignty that was not respected, when a legitimate demand was quelled by brute force, when every trick was used to sap their fine spirits and make them bend under the weight of an unjust rule. It is about the story of the Naga people during the last six decades under Indian occupation. And now after this history of pain, even when a formal peace process is on for the last 13 years, no consideration is shown towards the leader of a people by the state government though the central government is supposedly negotiating with NSCN at the highest level as an equal. How are a self-respecting people to understand this?
This is yet another instance when the government resorts to militarization allegedly to avoid tension and maintain ‘law and order’ but instead plunges the entire region into a full-scale crisis – social, economic and political. Its belligerent stand leads to protests that have by and large remained peaceful. The protests have however failed so far to make the government rethink its decision. Instead the government has stubbornly stuck to its original line thereby continuing to cause hardship to the citizens on both sides, fuelling the tension already created and sowing seeds for a possible larger conflagration.

In Mao Land
The story began on 1 May 2010 when all dailies announced that the Manipur government had denied permission to Muivah on the grounds that it might cause ‘communal disharmony endangering the peaceful coexistence of different ethnic communities.’ This decision came as a jolt since the Centre had already given its consent.
The tone was set the following morning, when a heavy deployment of hundreds of Manipur armed forces including police commandos, Manipur Rifles and Indian Reserve Battalion (IRB) personnel moved into the border areas and villages at Mao Gate (on NH 39) to prevent Muivah’s visit, scheduled for 3 May. One of the first actions of the forces was to pull down the traditional welcome arch and banners put up by the Naga community to welcome Muivah at Mao Gate. Soon after, Section 144 CrPc was imposed in Senapati and Ukhrul districts and curfew clamped. There were reports of harassment of travellers by the Manipur police personnel, who had severely restricted vehicular entry from Nagaland.
By then, a tense atmosphere prevailed at Mao Gate with police flag marches and armoured vehicles on display. People in the hill districts had started protesting against the imposition of Section 144 and the ban on Muivah’s entry. In Ukhrul town, there was a public meeting of over ten thousand persons followed by a candle light vigil. Women of nine villages around Mao started an indefinite protest in Mao village, as did women of thirteen surrounding villages in Tadubi. Even as news came of peaceful protests from all Naga inhabited areas of Manipur one also began to hear of more direct action like the attack by a group of women on a police station in Ukhrul and the torching of five stranded trucks with Manipur number plates by unidentified persons late at night on 3 May.
I visited Mao Gate on 4 May, as part of a women’s team. Just outside Kohima our vehicle started climbing, the winding road taking us through villages and forests leaving the terraced fields at a distance below. We could see that the past loomed above and everywhere in many ways. The ‘security’ forces occupy entire hill ranges. We go past the Assam Rifles camp. The board outside boldly declares: ‘Friends of the Hill People.’ We go past Kigwema village and sure enough the Kigwema ‘army’ camp is right above. Be it the Indian army, paramilitary or the police there have been so many different armed forces and for so long – more than five decades – that for the Nagas this ‘Friendship’ under the shadow of the gun has become part of their daily lives and landscape.
A little beyond Viswema, 8 km before Mao Gate, we saw a truck burnt to cinders, and soon another four vehicles in a similar state. At Khuzama village, we met some members of the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF). We learnt that NSF is the oldest civil society organization, older even than the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA) and the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR). Each tribe has its own students union, and all are under the NSF. The organisation also covers all the Naga youth in Nagaland as well as the Naga inhabited areas. Later, together with these NSF representatives, NMA women of the Mao area and some local media persons, we proceeded to the border.
We were stopped at the border by the Manipur police who said they had orders not to allow any ‘media’ to enter. Eventually they allowed us entry for a short while. We were able to visit the women’s protests in Mao and Tadubi villages, where we found impressive assemblies of thousands of Mao Naga women in traditional black and red shawls, of all ages, many with children, settled on both sides of the National Highway 39. These were “silent” protests, but not if one read the scores of placards women were carrying: “Muviah has a right to visit his birth place”, “Respect Indo-Naga Ceasefire”, “Down with the Ibobi government”, “We want peaceful settlement”, “Nagas are one”, “No more militarization”, “We want peaceful co-existence”, “Expedite peace process”, “Do not provoke peace”, amongst others.
“Why was curfew and 144 imposed? There was no turmoil here, no reaction, even after they directly provoked us by pulling down our welcome gate,” said one member of the Mao Naga Women’s Welfare Association. Another woman in her thirties said: “I have never seen so many forces in the last three decades. Why have they been deployed? We are not having a war.” Other women and men said: “This is unconstitutional and undemocratic.” “Our future is threatened.” “Such actions are inviting ethnic clashes.”
Despite these democratic protests, the Manipur cabinet reaffirmed its earlier decision. Meanwhile feelings of indignation and anger were building up. The students were irked by the government’s stand and use of armed forces to deny entry to the public as well as to turn away Naga Hoho, NSF, NMA and NPMHR leaders from the border. The NSF maintained that by denying them access to the Nagas on the other side and ‘an entry in our own land’ the government had insulted the entire Nagas. On 3 May, the NSF had issued an ultimatum demanding that the Manipur government revoke Section 144 in Naga inhabited areas and issue an apology within 24 hours, else there would be a bandh on all Manipur vehicles in these areas. Since these conditions were not met, the indefinite bandh started from the evening of 4 May.
On 5th evening a villager from Songsong was assaulted by IRB personnel. The next day, when women of Songsong and other villages protested against this assault and demanded that the forces should leave, they were tear-gassed by police commandos and then fired upon by IRB personnel. Two college students, Daikho Loshuo (23) and Neli Chakho (21) from Kalinamai village, were killed on the spot and Lokho, a postgraduate student from Songsong, was critically injured. As the public ran for cover, the security personnel fired tear gas, injuring at least 70 persons, mostly women since they were at the front, though the exact number of injured is not known since many fled to the jungles. The IGP however denied the firing in a media interview, saying that “We did not have any firing order so there was no open firing.”
A black flag march was held in honour of the martyrs at Mao Gate the following day and 6 May was proclaimed as ‘Black Thursday.’ Six Independent Naga members of the Manipur Legislative Assembly resigned. Meanwhile, fearing further armed action, hundreds of villagers fled from their homes and crossed the border. With just enough time to gather their children and no available transport, most of them took the jungle route. Initially the villagers of Khuzama, the first village across the border, sheltered them in the local church. Later they were shifted to Kisama. A headcount that week showed that there were 444 ‘internally displaced persons’ in the camp besides another 2000 who were reported to be in Kohima and Dimapur sheltered by relatives. The bordering villages of Mao Gate wore a deserted look after the 6 May incident.
By this time, a convergence of various Naga organisations could be observed. The civil society organisations had formed a Coordination Committee of Naga Civil Society and the various NSCN factions had formed a Joint Working Group.
Despite direct provocation, the reaction of the Naga organisations has by-and-large remained nonviolent. Diverse forms of nonviolent resistance have been used, such as press statements, public meetings, dharnas, rallies, bandhs, blockades, and solidarity actions in other parts of the Northeast and of India. However, the mainstream media have failed to appreciate this entire spectrum of nonviolent resistance, the cause behind it, or the absence of an adequate response from the State. Instead, most of the attention has been on the blockade, with the Nagas being shown as the culprits. This calls for a closer examination of the origin of this blockade.

The Case of the Two Blockades
First of all, it is important to register that it is not one but two blockades which started at different times and for different reasons. The first blockade was imposed on 11 April by the All Naga Students’ Association Manipur and All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur to protest against the elections scheduled for 26 May for the Autonomous District Councils (ADC) under the controversial Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act (Third Amendment), 2008. The second blockade was imposed by the NSF on the evening of 4 May and was reaffirmed following the 6 May firing. Following this, a counter-blockade was imposed by the All Manipur United Clubs Organisation and United Committee Manipur on 6 May. Since the chronology of events clarifies the reasons behind the second blockade, let us examine the causes behind the first.

Administration in the Hill Areas
The five hill districts of Manipur cover around 90 per cent of the area of the state and are home to 29 government-recognized tribal communities (besides smaller communities that are not yet recognized). According to the 2001 census, tribals are 34 per cent of the state population but 92 per cent of the population of the hill districts. The tribal population can be clubbed under two broad ethnic groups: the Nagas (18 tribes) and the Kuki-Chin-Zomi (17 tribes). The Nagas are a little more than half of the tribal population, followed by the Kukis, Mizos and other smaller tribes. While the presence of Nagas is highest in Ukhrul (93 per cent) and Tamenglong (78 per cent), they are a little over half in Senapati (55 per cent) and almost half in Chandel (47 percent). The Kuki-Chin-Zomi tribes are the majority in Churachandpur district. The Meiteis (often referred to as Manipuri), Pangals (Manipur Muslims) and other communities such as Bhamons make up the third ‘non-tribal’ group and live primarily in the state's valley region; their population is 66 per cent of the total 23 lakhs (2001 census).
After independence, the government of India attempted to safeguard the interests and well-being of its tribal population by including special provisions in the Fifth and the Sixth Schedules of the Constitution. While the Fifth Schedule outlined the structure of governance of Scheduled Areas in tribal interests, the Sixth Schedule was conceived as an instrument of tribal self-rule. Tribal areas in nine states of mainland India are included under the Fifth Schedule and the Sixth Schedule covers such areas in four northeastern states: Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram (with special constitutional provisions as Article 371B in Assam and Article 371G in Mizoram). Arunachal Pradesh was in the Sixth Schedule but has subsequently adopted the Panchayati Raj (with some additional safeguards as in Article 371H) and Nagaland though theoretically under the Sixth Schedule was never governed by its provisions in practice and since 1962, when it became a State, has been governed as per Article 371A. The hill districts of Manipur however were not included in either the Fifth or Sixth Schedules. Manipur is the only state of the seven northeastern states where the provisions of the Sixth Schedule have never applied.
Instead, the dual system of administration for the Hills and the Valley that came into existence after the British annexed the independent kingdom of Manipur in 1891 continued after independence and even after 1949 when this kingdom along with the hills merged into the Indian union. During the period of Manipur’s transition from being a Union Territory to Statehood in 1972, a succession of Acts attempted to administer the Hill areas: The Manipur Hill People’s (Administration) Regulation Act, 1947; The Manipur Village Authorities (Hill Areas) Act, 1956; The Manipur (Hill Areas) Acquisition of Chief’s Rights Act, 1967; and The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971. Besides, a Hill Areas Committee (HAC) comprising of elected members of the Legislative Assembly from the Hill areas was in place since Manipur was a Union Territory. It would have ceased to be operative after Manipur became a State but was kept in place by the introduction of a special provision (Article 371C) through a constitutional amendment in 1971. Article 371C also empowered the Governor to report directly to the President regarding the administration in the Hill areas and stipulated that: “… the executive power of the Union shall extend to the giving of directions to the State as to the administration of the said areas.”
Though the stated objectives of the said Acts and provisions were “to safeguard the interests” of the Scheduled Tribes, the tribal communities did not believe this. They saw these Acts as an attempt by the State to extend its control in the Hill areas. For instance, the Village Authorities Act was seen as an attempt to weaken the customary basis of the village polity by introducing the concept of a village authority whose members would be elected and whose size would depend on the number of tax-paying households in the village (this was a change from the 1947 Act which upheld the customary system in this respect). This was in contrast to the traditional system based on clan representation (as in the case of Tangkhul Nagas where the representative is nominated or elected by his clan members and can be removed only by them and not even by the Chief) or nomination (as in the case of the Kukis where the Chief of the village used to nominate members). The Act also tried to weaken the powers of the Chiefs (for example the role they played in village courts). A government report asserts that: “This Act may be regarded as one of the first steps towards the democratisation of hill administration in Manipur. By placing certain restrictions on the powers of the Chief and by introducing adult franchise at the lowest level of administration … the common villagers became aware of democratic values and practices.” But the tribals took a different view. The Act was opposed quite strongly by most of them, especially the Kukis, who believed that the Act was an attempt to “do away with the rights of the Chiefs over land.” It was this insecurity that led the Kuki National Assembly to demand for a Kuki State (within the Indian Union) in 1960. The Act was however implemented in 1957 and 725 village authorities were constituted in seven sub-divisions of the hill districts.
The 1967 Acquisition of Chief’s Rights Act could not be implemented. As the name suggests, the Act aimed at abolishing the traditional system of Chieftainship, compensating the Chiefs, and extending The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reform Act, 1960, to the hill areas thereby authorizing ‘the State Government to acquire the rights, title and land in the hill areas.’ The Act was seen as a way of weakening the authority of the Chief and thereby the autonomy of the tribe and clan especially in respect to land.

Resistance to The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act: 1972 to 2010
Such being the experience of the tribal communities with legislations, they could not greet The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971 with anything resembling enthusiasm. The Act met with severe opposition from its inception on the grounds that it posed a danger to the autonomy the tribal communities enjoyed under their traditional systems of self-governance in all spheres of life. The unified demand of all tribal communities (despite protracted tensions between some of them such as the Nagas and Kukis, Paites and Kukis, or Kukis and Zomis) was that the Act be modified to include the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution.
Opposition notwithstanding, the Act was effected and six District Councils were put in place in the hill areas in 1973, though they could function only until late 1980s after which they had to be suspended due to continuous resistance. Things came to a head during the 1984 Assembly elections when the district councils started demanding greater autonomy. Until then (and even later) the 17 subjects that were supposedly under the “control and administration” of the district councils (as per section 29 of the Act) were not so in reality because the required devolution never happened (the Act mentions that these functions were “subject to such exceptions and conditions as the Administrator may make and impose”). In the next two decades, council elections were successfully boycotted.
The government responded by taking one step forward and two steps backwards: in 1975 the First Amendment Bill was passed with some changes, followed by a more substantial move towards making the District Councils ‘autonomous’ by passing The Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District Council Bill in July 2000. However, no further progress was made on this and a Second Amendment Bill was passed in March 2006 effectively revoking it. After another two years of silence, the Third Amendment Bill was presented in the Legislative Assembly on 19 March 2008. However there were allegations of irregularities in the processes that followed, and the Bill was eventually withdrawn. Two irregularities were pointed out:
(i) The State Assembly constituted an extra constitutional body called the Select Committee to work on [Principal Bill 2008] introduced by the HAC. Three of the five members …are not elected from the Hill Areas of the state. (ii) Many clauses in the report of the Select Committee …were found in bad taste. [It] wanted to delete the word “Autonomous” from the title …. [replace] ‘Self Government” [with] “Local Self Governance”, “Tribals” [with] “People of the Hill Areas”…
The Manipur government then attempted to get an Ordinance promulgated by the Governor. People wondered as to why this was being done because the life of an ordinance cannot exceed seven-and-a-half months and it would have to be presented in the next Assembly session (within the first six weeks) as a Bill or it would cease to operate (Article 213: 2a). Moreover, this legislative power of the Governor was an emergency power for taking immediate action at a time when the legislature was not in session – and what was the emergency? However, the Governor having been “satisfied that circumstances exist[ed] which render[ed] it necessary for him to take immediate action”(Article 213: 1) gave his acceptance to the Ordinance, after the initial draft was amended, on 12 May 2008. It should be noted that “An Ordinance promulgated under this article [has] the same force and effect as an Act of the Legislature of the State assented to by the Governor (clause 2) and “Notwithstanding anything in the Constitution, the satisfaction of Governor mentioned in clause (1) shall be final and conclusive and shall not be questioned in any court on any ground.” (clause 4).
There was some mention that the Cabinet had not consulted the HAC at this stage, there was also talk that the proposed Ordinance had used the special provisions of 371C to include the Bill under Article 243M of the Panchayat (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 (to which the corresponding provisions in the 11th Schedule would apply) so that the district councils would be under the control of the state legislature; accordingly, the State Election Commission had been vested with powers of preparation of the electoral rolls while earlier it was the office of the Administrator who undertook this through the Hill Ministry of the state.
On 10 October 2008, The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (Third Amendment) Bill, 2008 was presented in the Legislative Assembly. As the following excerpt from the proceedings show there was little discussion on the Bill before it was passed. A few members did raise dissatisfaction that the bill had been presented in the house after promulgating the ordinance and referred to a select committee thus not allowing them a chance to have a discussion on the Principal Bill, one member even cautioned that “passing of the Bill without any discussion of the Principal Bill would have serious consequences”, there were suggestions that public opinion should be solicited, procedural lapses rectified, suitable amendments made and only then should it be passed. A question was also raised regarding a new insertion regarding a ‘hill department.’ But these objections and suggestions (of six MLAs) were brushed aside by the Chief Minister who argued that the Bill was not very different from the 1971 Act and hence could be passed without much discussion:
Shri O. Ibobi Singh, Hon’ble Chief Minister clarifying to the discussion pointed out the need for passing the bill in order to conduct the long pending election of the District Councils due to which development of the hill area had been hampered and added that the government had no intension (sic) to pass the bill arbitrarily. He further said that the present bill was the same Act of 1971 and the house had discussed it many times in the past and hence another discussion was not very necessary and therefore, appealed to the members to pass the bill unanimously in the interest of the hill people….

Interestingly, D.D. Thaisii (Tribal Development Minister) reiterated that the Bill needed to be passed “in the interest of the hill people …..and the necessary amendment can be done later on.” The opinion of the Chief Minister and the Tribal Development Minister (both of the Indian National Congress) along with one Independent MLA prevailed over the opinion of the six MLAs (four of whom were from the Manipur People’s Party, one from the National People’s Party and one from the Indian National Congress) who had demanded further discussion, rectification or amendment. After deleting the words “the hill department of” the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (Third Amendment) Bill, 2008, was passed that day.
How should we understand this? What was the need to hurry on an issue which has waited for nearly 40 years for a fair resolution? Especially considering that the original Act was not only rejected by the people but in a sense by the government too since it introduced a new version in the form of the 2000 Bill (even though the changed version was also subsequently revoked). A review of the Act is called for in order to comprehend why it has been termed ‘dangerous.’

Why is the District Council Act deemed ‘dangerous’?
Even from a quick look one can see that there is much in this Act that would justifiably make any freedom loving tribal nervous. First, the District Councils as envisaged in the Act are certainly not Autonomous. In fact they are under the control of the Deputy Commissioner of the ‘autonomous district,’ who would be appointed by the ‘Administrator’ (one understands this position to be that of the Governor). For instance, the Deputy Commissioner would have the power (Section 46: 3) to suspend the execution of any resolution or order of the District Council and prohibit the doing of any act if he may see it to be “in excess of the powers conferred by law” or “likely to lead to a breach of the peace, or to cause annoyance or injury to the public or to any class or body of persons.”
Second, while there is scope (under Section 29 (1) of Chapter 3) for the District Councils to have various executive functions such as maintenance of schools, dispensaries, roads and also some aspects of the management of land and forests, this is only in so far as these matters are entrusted to them by the Administrator in consultation with the HAC. The Act does not confer any legislative powers on the councils although Section 29 (2) authorises them to make recommendations to the Government on specific issues such as appointment or succession of Chiefs, inheritance of property, and social customs. All judicial powers remain with the state government. Similarly, all cases in the district would have to go to the district court for adjudication. To sum up, the powers of the District Council are rather limited:
The district administration exercises supreme control over the district council in executive, legislative and judicial matters. The proposals for framing rules, regulations and by-laws, developmental works and executive and judicial matters are submitted to the district administration after these are passed in the district council. The district administration has to approve the proposals. Generally, the important executive, legislative and judicial activities are carried out by the district administration. …. the district council does not posses the financial, administrative and functional powers of an effective local self-government. …. Thus, the autonomy granted to the district councils under the Act remains elusive.
In these and other ways the Act vindicated the fears of tribal organizations that it could seriously jeopardize the rights of the tribal people who would be at the mercy of the Deputy Commissioner who had overwhelming power over the District Council even though it was a body of elected representatives; also since the District Council for its part had the power to curtail the decisions of the village authority. As one commentator put it ‘the Manipur government turned the district councils into its agents instead of truly autonomous bodies.’

Sixth Schedule Denied
As mentioned above the tribal communities of Manipur have been waging a protracted struggle for the hill areas to be included in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. It is quite striking that there is almost no specific mention of the hill areas of Manipur in the significant debates and documents on the subject. Even though the hill people of the areas that were included in the Schedule had expressed reservation at the time of inclusion as admitted by Rev. JJM Nichols Roy during the Constituent Assembly debate (“….these hill people feel that even this Sixth Schedule has controlled them too much and that they have not got enough [of] what they would like to have”), and the last decades have borne this out to some extent, nevertheless the Sixth Schedule is clearly superior to the 1971 Act in its vision, philosophy and content.
The Sixth Schedule allows for greater autonomy in the structure as well as the functions of the Councils. It has divided tribal areas in the states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram into autonomous districts and empowered the Governor to further divide the districts into autonomous regions (if there are different Scheduled Tribes in the district) as well as to change the size and number of existing districts. Each autonomous district would have a District Council of not more than thirty members, four of whom would be nominated by the Governor and the rest elected, and each autonomous region would have a Regional Council.
The Schedule gives legislative powers to the District and Regional Councils, where the District Council would have the power ‘in respect of all areas within the district except those which are under the authority of Regional Councils, if any …’ (paragraph 3). The Regional Council therefore would be free to make laws related to the use of land (except land lawfully acquired by the Government for public purpose), management of any forest (except reserved forest), use of water, regulation of shifting cultivation, policing, appointment or succession of Chiefs, inheritance of property, marriage and divorce as well as social customs. However these laws would come into effect only after the assent of the Governor. Likewise executive powers for the administration of basic services and judicial powers have been accorded to the Regional and District Councils within a framework of rules that are to be worked out jointly with the Governor. Besides, amongst other powers the District Councils would be able to make regulations for the control of money lending and trading by non-tribals, and for the collection and sharing of land revenue, taxes and royalties (including mining of minerals) .
For our purposes a crucial difference between the 1971 Act and the Sixth Schedule is that even though the latter does not grant complete autonomy (Regional and District Councils are subject to approval, consultation, correction, suspension and dissolution by the Governor), nevertheless, it offers a ‘charter of autonomy’ and a real potential for democracy. For instance, under the Sixth Schedule there is no single officer like a Deputy Commissioner with power over the District Councils, and the Councils have not only executive but also legislative, judicial, developmental and financial powers and functions that are mandatory. Additionally, while in the present administrative structure in Manipur, the HAC offers some protection to the tribals under Article 371C, much depends on the initiative and energy of the MLAs from the hill areas who are its members. In fact, tribal communities recognize that the complacency of the HAC members has contributed to their adverse situation.
The case for the Sixth Schedule has also been made by many high level government committees but has been disregarded. For instance, the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (chaired by Justice M.N. Venkatachaliah, former Chief Justice of India) in its report submitted in March 2002 recommended that the Sixth Schedule be extended to the hill districts of Manipur. Nearly a decade earlier (1994) another government report of MPs and Experts had bemoaned the fact that these areas had been excluded from the Fifth and Sixth Schedules. State cabinet meetings have endorsed this demand not once but thrice (13 May 1991, 17 August 1992 and 28 March 2001) though with an inserted clause (“… with certain local adjustments and amendments”) about which the central government has sought clarification many times. Besides, the HAC has also passed resolutions recommending the Sixth Schedule, as early as in 1974.
Despite the legitimate claim for the Sixth Schedule, and the rejection of the Act, it became clear to the tribals in March-April 2010 that the state government was planning to hold the ADC elections soon. This led to a revival of the earlier agitation on the issue. Chief Minister’s announcement of the election schedule (on 26 April) caused the current uproar. The Manipur Tribal Joint Action Committee and All Manipur Tribal Union declared the day as ‘Black-Day’ in the history of the tribal people of Manipur, accusing the Chief Minister of attempting to get the ADCs in place ‘manipulatively.’ Other tribal organisations like the Kuki Inpi Manipur (the appex body of the Kukis) reiterated the objection and demanded that the elections be held under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule “to fulfill the aspiration of the tribal people of Manipur and to protect the integrity of the State.”
The tribal organizations then approached the governor, prime minister and home minister and sought their urgent intervention. The governor told them to cooperate with the election process and said that all necessary amendments would be made after the elections! This was unacceptable to these organisations who maintained that nothing short of the Sixth Schedule would be acceptable. They believed that once the elections were held under the Act, “the tribal people would be victims of economic and political exploitation and stagnation for another generation to come.”
Hence the blockade continued and later merged with the other blockade, started after Muivah’s visit was blocked by the armed forces. The two blockades are two ends of the same story – an old story. A step-by-step escalation in response to the decisions and actions of the state government, these blockades raise the crucial question about how should a people express disaggrement and dissent in our democracy. As in this case, the government completely disregarded the sustained nonviolent democratic movement by tribals. Nothing came of decades of resistance or self-imposed deprivation (under suspended district councils little planned development happened after 1988). Instead, the government reverted to the 1971 Act. If this is not undemocratic governance, what is? What must a people do to register their protest and be heard?

Humanitarian Crisis vs. Humanitarian Crisis
These two blockades, and the third blockade (which has existed for so long that it has become part of everyday life and therefore invisible) of the State against the tribal people where the democratic rights of the citizens of hill areas have been trampled upon with impunity for decades, make us face the fact that any mention of ‘humanitarian crisis’ caused as a consequence of the road blockades should not also forget the other ‘humanitarian crisis’ caused due to years of neglect, discrimination, political marginalisation and subjugation that has been the lot of the tribal population in general and Nagas in particular in Manipur.
This is not to undermine the negative effects of the recent road blockades. As a consequence of the blockades the prices of essential commodities including food, fuel and medicines shot up, causing much inconvenience to the people, especially of Imphal valley. However, it is unfortunate that the media projected this as a conflict between Nagas and Meiteis. The blockades were against the seat of government, and if the seat had been elsewhere no doubt the direction of the blockades would have changed too. While the ill-effects of the blockades necessitate rethinking of this mode of agitation (or at least of how long it can be stretched), one should not lose sight of the political question and injustice that led to the agitation in the first place. Nor should one overlook the fact that neither the blockades nor their adverse effect had any impact on the state government’s stance.
It would have been useful if the people of the valley had also taken up the cause of the tribal people as their own and restrained the government from taking recourse to militarization and going ahead with district council elections, which it could do with almost no opposition from the valley districts. But this is perhaps too much to ask: there is a conflict of interest here, and in the face of one’s own interests, few can stand firm on principles, values and duty. The fear and insecurities displayed by the chief minister and his colleagues are largely shared by the people in the valley districts. This is the fear of a dominant community which is restricted to around 10% of the total land area of the state - not because they were pushed to this state of confinement by the hill people but because this is the way it always was. The valley districts have a functional panchayat system since 1960 (later enhanced with the 73rd and 74th amendments) and there has been sustained development there even if its pace and quality have been unsatisfactory. But for their future expansion the hill territories would be important.
The tribal people feel that one significant reason why they have been denied the Sixth Schedule so far is so that the State can gain control over their land through other means. They want to protect themselves from laws that could exploit them and alienate them from their land and other resources. This is not just a matter of livelihoods but also a safeguard of their way of life since their economic, social and political systems are interlinked. No survey has been done of land ownership in the hill areas since the land is mostly collectively owned. In the absence of land records and titles not only are people unable to get loans from the government, they are also vulnerable to “outsiders” (i.e., non-tribals, if the consitutional protection that they have so far is lifted or circumscribed). Already, the government has made several attempts to extend The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960, to the hill areas. When it was first enacted, the hill areas were clearly exempt. But later (in 1967) the government made an abortive attempt to cover the hill areas through the Chief’s Act. Subsequently, the sixth amendment to the Land Reforms Act (in 1989) attempted to open a passage to the hills by inserting an exception to the exempt clause that allowed the state government to extend whole or part of any section of the Act to any of the hill areas by a notification in the official gazette. This filled the tribals with dread. This amendment however was opposed and could not be implemented. Nevertheless, the 1960 Act was able to make a move into the hill territories. The Act meant only for plains was extended also to the plain areas of the hill districts. Since the Act involved conducting a survey, conferring ownership rights and collection of revenue, its implementation led to privatization of land in some plain areas of three hill districts. During the last few years, there has also been a campaign for a uniform land law for the entire state. Tribals have been opposing it and demanding a separate land law for the hill areas but nothing has come of it. This fear of land alienation into non-tribal hands is quite real since this has been the experience in most scheduled areas of the country. Also, there are international examples of how demographies of “occupied territories” (eg, West Bank) can be changed over time by precisely similar state-sponsored settlements and corresponding laws in their favour, that overtime leave the original residents with a fait accompli that they are then made to accept as “reality”.
The tribals are also wary of land being taken away in the name of ‘public purpose’ as is happening in many other parts of the country, often without any compensation. Already large “development” projects are located or planned to be located in the hills and inroads have been made by contractors into their forests. At the root of all these problems, in their view, is a structure of governance that does not allow them to be in control of their present and future. The struggle for the Sixth Schedule is therefore a fundamental struggle for their very existence and way of life.
Nobody can deny that the demand for the Sixth Schedule in the hill districts is a valid one, and is pertinent for all the tribes and not only the Nagas. Fear of the Sixth Schedule is an old one – even the Constituent Assembly debates on the subject reveal the feudal mindset of some legislators and leaders who believed that by allowing the tribals to be autonomous one would lose them to China or Burma or they would go the Tibet way; one member even warned that “[t]he Communists will come and they will have a free hand … [and] we will have no government there”!
In Manipur, granting of Sixth Schedule for the hill districts is often seen as tantamount to acceding to the demand of Nagalim and a separate Kuki state (conversely, Naga and Kuki insurgents have started viewing “the Sixth Schedule as a means of suppressing their demands...”). But the state cannot have it both ways – refuse to grant the Sixth Schedule and also talk about “territorial integrity” at the same time. The government has lost all moral integrity on which to rest its case. It could have done so if it had treated its tribal citizens (including Nagas) justly. By not conceding Sixth Schedule and by forcing the district council elections the government has only alienated the tribals further. The hill areas have been deprived of what is due to them for decades - this can hardly be a motivating factor for them to stay within the fold. The disenchantment with the Manipur state is not of Nagas alone. Through its actions the state government has only exposed its own fear psychosis – the fear of the wrongdoer.
Some may view recent developments as an indication that the conflict was over. The elections to the district councils were held as per schedule, the blockades were lifted, and police and paramilitary withdrawn from the border villages. But in crucial respects the situation has deteriorated. The Naga civil society organisations have declared the elections in the Naga inhabited areas as “null and void.” Further, they have affirmed that they were severing all ties with the Manipur government and would like the central government to make alternative arrangements. This kind of breaking point was expected. In the absence of a suitable self-governance structure, no response from the state government to their democratic resistance, and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 (AFSPA) still being in force in the hill districts (the ceasefire agreement notwithstanding) the Naga organisations had started a civil disobedience movement against the Manipur government in 2005: United Naga Council submitted hill house tax of 93,227 households for 2006 to the prime minister in June that year; prescribed textbooks for secondary schools were surrendered and 156 private schools adopted the Nagaland Board of Secondary Education syllabus; and schools and colleges in the Naga inhabited areas sought affiliation with the Nagaland Board and Nagaland Univeristy. The struggle with the state government however had not disrupted relations with the people in the valley, especially the Meiteis. However in May this year when the crisis around Mao Gate and the blockades was escalating, especially after the firing incident, and there was little solidarity from the Meiteis (who are the dominant community not only in society but also in the state government and legislature) the Naga Hoho announed that the Nagas could no longer continue to relate with the Meiteis. This unfortunate development is the result of the recent deadlock, created by the Manipur government in the first instance but also the central government which continued to watch while the situation worsened without making any timely or meaningful intervention.

Peace without Justice?
One would like to think that control by denying basic democratic rights cannot last forever, but in this case it has already lasted for more than six decades. The conflict(s) in Manipur can be resolved if there is political will, if the government respects the rule of law, and if it is willing to treat all its citizens equally. And above all if it does not resort to militarization. There has been militarization here for long years as in few places in the country, and it has not solved anything – on the contrary. Yet, no lesson has been learnt.
A large part of the present crisis has been due to the heavy deployment of armed forces at the border. Several additional companies of the paramilitary were sent by the Centre to lift the blockade (though this decision came at the same time as that of the blockades being lifted) with the intention of stationing two companies permanently. At the most this would mean that blockade as a form of protest will be curtailed, but will the cause of the conflict be addressed through this? The mere presence of armed forces in large numbers is likely to cause problems. We have to only recall the way the armed forces opened fire on villagers in Tamenglong (in May) without much thought when the truck carrying essential commodities that they were escorting slipped off the road on its own accord. These hill districts have been a site of many serious human righs violations in the past. One has to only pick up a NPMHR report to see the scores of instances of killing, rape, torture that are part of the memory and that have shaped the psychology of the people of this region. The ceasefire agreement between the Government of India and the NSCN does not apply to Manipur. AFSPA is still in force. During the present crisis people have protested peacefully and with restraint – by deploying such large contingents of armed forces is the government not being provocative? And if there is slippage would that by default be attributed to ‘rebel forces’ and all toll on human life dismissed as ‘collateral damage’?
In the present conflict, the State has missed an opportunity to strengthen peace. It does not require an exceptionally discerning eye to see that this was a completely avoidable turn of events. The stance and actions of the governments made a mockery of the ongoing peace process. Practicing peace requires another kind of sincerity and commitment than talking peace. The simple desire of the Naga leader to visit his village could have been met in a dignified manner. Despite the fact that central questions like the NSCN demand for Nagalim is on the negotiating table, the Manipur government in an early announcement said that it would not allow Muivah to enter Manipur until the demand for Nagalim was withdrawn! Or that Muivah could enter if he was simply going to visit his home but not if he had a political agenda. Can one really expect a political person to go anywhere without his politics? The fear of course was that he would speak about integration of the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur with Nagaland. And this could not be allowed especially at the time when the district council elections were due. But isn’t there freedom of expression? Muivah’s visit was going to be only for four days. Even if he did speak about integration during the four days, which he surely would, what is stopping the Manipur government from campaigning on ‘territorial integrity’ for the remaining 361 days?
No peace can be achieved without the ability to respect the other and in the present context this would necessarily mean being respectful of the rights of the other. The Naga people have a right to live together (a desire that has been expressed since 1920), which would mean redrawing state borders. Borders are seen to be sacrosanct in a worldview where a people may well get divided but the border must stay intact. As the Naga leaders have emphasised, the land they are asking for is theirs and not an inch of anybody else’s land. Why should then this just claim be denied? The Naga quest for justice should of course not obviate consideration of other tribes residing in the same regions or neighbouring ones. However, the recent trajectory of events has reaffirmed the struggle of the Nagas to redraw the borders so that no authority can turn a Naga away from her home or land. Peaceful co-existence is possible only with the fulfillment of rights.

References
Chakma (2010): ‘Why the road blocks really started’. Hindustan Times. 23 May
Chamroy, N (2008): On Autonomous District Councils in Manipur. 6 May. (http://www.tangkhul.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=1201)
Chiphang, Addie (2010): ‘Ukhrul denounces ADC 2008 Act.’ The Sangai Express. 6 April.
Dena, Lal (2010): “Manipur Hill Tribes ‘still waiting for justice’.” Mizoram Express. 20 May.
Fernandes, Walter and Sanjay Barbora. eds. (2009): Land, People and Politics: Contest Over Tribal Land in Northeast India (Guwahati: North Eastern Social Research Centre).
Gangte, Thangkhotinmang S (nd): Land Problem and Ethnic Tension in Northeast India with special reference to Manipur, a monograph.
Hansaria, B.L. (revised by Vijay Hansaria) (2005): Sixth Schedule to the Constitution. Second edition. (Delhi: Universal Law Publishing Company).
Haokip, T.T. (2009): “Critically Assessing Kuki Land System in Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Horam, M. and S.H.M. Rizvi (Singh, K.S. General editor) (1998): People of India: Manipur. Vol. 31. (Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India and Seagull Books).
Institute for Human Development (2006): Manipur State Development Report. Sponsored by the Planning Commission, Draft Report. (Delhi: Government of India.)
Kamei, Gangmumei (2009): “Ethnicity, Identity and Land in Tribal Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Mashangva, Somi. 2010. ‘Why Manipur District Council Act is ‘dangerous’ for hill tribes’, Mizoram Express. 27 May.
Newmai News Network. 2010. ‘Tribal righs body says rules under ADC Act full of errors’, 17 April.
Nongkynrih, A.K. (2009): “Privatisation of Communal Land of the Tribes of North East India: Sociological Viewpoint” in Fernandes, Walter and Sanjay Barbora. eds.
Sagar, Narain. 2010. ‘Mayhem in Mao, 2 Students Killed.’ Eastern Mirror. Dimapur, 7 May.
Singh, Mangi S. (2009): “Land, Ethnic-Relations and the 9th Assembly Elections in the Hills of Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Singh, Priyoranjan ed. (2009): Tribalism and the Tragedy of the Commons: Land, Identity and Development: The Manipur Experience (New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House).
Shimray, U.A.(2007): Naga Population and Integration Movement (New Delhi: Mittal Publications).
Shimray, U.A. (2009): “Land use system in Manipur Hills: A case study of the Tangkhul Naga” in Fernandes, Walter and Sanjay Barbora. eds.
Takhellambam, Bhabananda (2009): “Contesting Space, Competing Claims, Shaping Places: Violent Conflicts and Development in Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Zolengthe (2008): ‘ADC ordinance promulgated after governor’s assent.’ 14 May. (zspdelhi.wordpress.com; source: Imphal Free Press).

India's forgotten state
May 10, 2005 10:55 IST
With the NDA in strange boycott mode, which nobody either understands or supports, and the nationalists and secularists in narcissistic mood, either appreciating their mirror images or trying to settle scores with each other, god seems to be the only agency available to take care of national affairs, as devotees would like to see, believing this is god's own nation.
Hence we can be content with our IIC (the India [ Images ] International Centre) discussions and missiles on the Election Commission. The nation is perfectly in the hands of the upper storied Master of the Heavens.
Manipur is in serious turmoil, yet none bothers. It is a jewel in the crown of the age-long civilisational body of the nation, surrounded by beautiful lakes, mountains, inhabited by the great dancers and scholars and poets who have influenced the heart and mind of rest of India and taken the fragrance of our cultural garden far and wide around the globe. But now it is burning and the soul of India is in tears.
Last week the greatest treasure of the tiny tribal state, a library containing thousands of rare manuscripts and books, dating hundreds of years back, was burnt down. The physical losses ran into several crores of rupees, but the real value can never be calculated, as the national treasure of the rarest of manuscripts and literature is lost forever.
It was burnt because the local Meitei movement, actively supported by the Communists and the church, wanted the Bengali script to be replaced by Meitei and the library contained books in the Bengali script, because that has been the long time cherished tradition of the state.
Now, who owns Bengali? It is an Indian script, having its roots in Sanskrit and a perfect national language. Why should the love for Meitei be transformed into a hatred for Bengali? Knowledge in any language and script is precious and needs to be preserved unless you decide to be the Taliban [ Images ], happy to destroy a Bamiyan and a Takshshila.
But neither the so-called mainline press nor mainland politicians bothered to read the agony of Manipur and kept issuing statements on the Election Commission and the blunder-land called Parliament. Manipur is bleeding and its age-long relations with the rest of India and her traditions are under great strain.
Why Manipur is burning
A couple of months back the vice-chancellor of Manipur University was abducted and tortured, because the extremist organisation Kanglei Yayol Kannan Lup wanted its own man to head the audio-visual research centre at the university. He had, in fact, appointed a person supported by another extremist students organisation, the United National Liberation Front, and was later shot in the leg. None protested, not the faculty nor the students.
In Manipur, the national song is banned and is not sung either in schools or any other public platform. Even Manipuri books are not allowed to include it in their pages. In the text book screening committees, set up by the government representatives of separatist organisations like the All Manipur Students Union, the Democratic Students Alliance of Manipur, the Manipur Students Federation (a Maoist outfit) force the committee to teach only Manipur issues, leaving out of its gambit Gandhi, Nehru and other national heroes. The State Council of Research and Training just cannot say 'no' to these elements.
The Manipur Implosion
In a Robin Hood role, student organisations check teachers' conduct and cut their salary if they are found to be absent from classes. The money collected is deposited in students' organisations accounts.
In the government sector, the Kanglipak Communist Party, the United National Liberation Front and the Kanglei Yayol Kannan Lup are most active and impose a 'tax' none can refuse. Government employees are forced to give 1 to 2 per cent of their salary and each central project contractor or the officer in charge has to cough up 10 to 20 percent of the project cost. It is all in the open.
People who have the 'blessings' of the separatist organisations run the show in the offices like gangsters, become the source of all information and guide the 'actions' if needed. The separatist movements have taken root with clear support from Leftist extremist groups and church-inspired elements.
The Soldier's Dilemma
This tendency has further been strengthened by the sheer apathy of the Delhi [ Images ] sultans, who remain satisfied with their blurred image of a Hindustan, which does not really matter beyond Kolkata [ Images ] in the east.
The last ten years have seen a meticulous consolidation of the separatist forces. The AMSU was formed in 1962 as a genuine students body, which was 'taken over' by the separatist UNLF in 1997. The People's Liberation Army, another insurgent outfit, ended up having a different students body named the Manipur Students Federation (Maoist).
A breakaway group from the UNLF was formed as the KYKL in 1985 which joined hands with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland -- Isaaac-Muivah group (NSCN-IM) who helped it counter the influence of the UNLF, its arch enemy. The KYKL has established its students group, DESAM, having almost total control over Manipur University.
Another influential revivalist movement leader revered is Khonangthava who emerged as a powerful reformist in the early 20th century and emphasised Manipur's pre-Vaishnavite traditions. After great debate and pressure from separatist students organisations, the vice-chancellor had to concede their demand to have his statue on the university campus, though the teachers opposed it saying Khonangthava was neither a religious leader not an academician.
Mass murders, burning of books, denouncing Indian tradition and laws, nude demonstrations against army 'brutalities' and Delhi's rule and opposing anything that makes Manipur undisputedly a part of the national mosaic are the signs representing this tiny state of the famous Radha Krishna dance forms and a great tradition of literature. Anyone listening?
When you push your own people to harder options even to meet modest legitimate demands, old ties are severed in a fit of anger, that's the lesson of history Delhi should not forget.
Tarun Vijay is the editor of Panchjanya, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh weekly. The views expressed here are his own. He can be reached at tarunvijay@vsnl.com">tarunvijay@vsnl.com
http://www.rediff.com/news/2005/may/10tarun.htm


Frans on 07.06.10 @ 04:16 PM CST [link]


Monday, July 5th

Muivah reach Tuensang on goodwill mission Says reconciliation first not unity Nagaland Page



Muivah reach Tuensang on goodwill mission Says reconciliation first not unity Nagaland Page

Dimapur, July 3: NSCN (IM) general secretary Th Muivah on his 'peace and reconciliation mission' across Nagaland Saturday reached Tuensang where he made a sincere appeal to the people the need to understand each other by not allowing India to take advantage of the differences among the Nagas.
Addressing a public meeting at Tuensang town hall today, Muivah alos differed with the stand taken by the Tuensang people and the NSCN (K) that there should be unity first and solution next, saying this is "a very irresponsible way of facing the Naga issue."
Indicating that such approach should be left aside, he said reconciliation must come first on the basis of Naga history and without considering the interest of Shillong Accord or Khaplang interest or Isak-Muivah interests and only then there will be solution.
"When we come to you to trust and understand each other please don't fail this time.We have to forget the past mistakes and forgive each other. This is your time to take correct decision," he said.
The NSCN (IM) leader also told the gathering that recognition of the uniqueness of Naga history and situation by India is a big political achievement for the Nagas. "This is a big political achievement for the Nagas because agreement was reached that solution to Naga issue has to be based on Naga history," he said.
Muivah further informed that the NSCN during the talks with India has given three commitments - no imposition, not to accept Indian constitution and honorable and final solution to be decided in consultation with the Naga people, informed a press release issued by the MIP/GPRN. (Page News Service)

NE forum decries Naga identity, history morungexpress
Dimapur, July 3 (MExN): An organization, Assam, Arunachal & Manipur Protection Forum, today issued a copy of a letter addressed to Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, containing a perspective not many have expressed openly in the media. The statement said the Naga people of heritage were not even a kingdom, leave alone a “unified nation;” Nagas did not have any independent political existence at all immediately before or after the British rule; they were in fact a primitive society steeped in feudal warfare and village-based communities and without contact with the outside world or without education, according to a statement from an organization calling itself the Assam, Arunachal & Manipur Protection Forum.
The organization addressed a letter to the PM stating why the Naga undergrounds demands for “greater” Nagaland or “unified nation” has no clause to stand on. The letter explained: “There was no existence of a definite political structure that governs a clearly demarcated area of land which is inhabited by a people who accept this arrangement and have close contact with each other. It also demands that the political structure would either be monarchy, a democracy, an autocracy, an oligarchy, a dictatorship or any other structure that is universally accepted by political scientist as an independent, self governing and well- defined political entity or a nation.
Other areas in the northeast like Assam, Manipur, Tripura and Kacharis had their territories and their kingdoms. But Nagas did not have definite and unified political structure nor did they exist as a nation. They were actually a group of heterogeneous, primitive and diverse tribes living in far-flung villages that had very little in common and negligible contact with each other. Education did not exist and awareness about the world outside was totally absent. Each village was practically an entity in itself. A village does not make a nation. The head-hunting was prevalent, mutual suspicion and distrust was rife. People led an insular and isolated life. Internecine warfare was the order of the day. There was no trust or interaction between different tribes. In these circumstances, the question of a unified “Naga Nation” did not arise. No one can dispute this historical truth.”
On the claim of the NSCN (IM), the church and other underground groups that Nagas were an “independents nation” till the British conquered them, the organization queried: “Did they have a boundary for Naga nation? As late as 1940 when British rule was almost over, a large part of today’s Nagaland did not even exist on their maps. Even Tuensang & Mon was under North East Frontier Agency (NEFA). It was given to Nagaland on Ist December 1963 when the 16th State of Nagaland was carved out because of 16 point agreement with Naga People’s Convention (NPC) in 1960.”
The letter also reminded that today’s Naga youths feel that the Nagas can do without “sovereignty” if it means pulling the society back by hundreds if not thousand of years in terms of social evolution. “They want to march forward along with the rest of the world. They are practical and realistic and know that dreams alone cannot provide bread and butter to the people. They are fed up of violence and killings and view India as a home for better opportunities. It would be extremely uncharitable and petty to denigrate such section of the society,” the letter reminded the PM. The forum advised the Government of India to seriously consider these issues before jumping to hasty and wrong conclusions.
The letter also mentioned of the Naga political dialogues overshadowing the rampant extortion networks run by NSCN (IM) in Dimapur, Kohima, Mokokchung and elsewhere; its blatant use of violent coercion to ensure population support and its explicit hand in the small arms network running from Thailand to India via Myanmar and from Cox-Bazaar in Bangladesh.

Tuensang was short-changed by Nehru: Muivah The Imphal Free Press

TUENSANG, Jul 3: NSCN (I-M) general secretary, Th. Muivah who arrived at Tuensang on Saturday said Tuensang area which was a freeland was downgraded by former prime minister Late Jawaharlal Nehru as “no man’s land” and described it as “wrong” on the part of Nehru, according to Nagaland’s prominent English daily, Nagaland Post.

The report quoted Muivah as saying Nehru called Tuensang by that name as he did not want the land to be called Naga land but a land that anybody could claim. “This is disrespect to the Nagas and to the six tribes of Tuensang which must be corrected. We have to understand our history and our right that we are the master of ourselves,” Muivah said according to statement from the MIP of the NSCN (I-M).

He was addressing a mammoth gathering here at town hall on Saturday.

Muivah mentioned the names of NNC leaders like Phizo, Imkongmeren, Kughato Sukhai, Khodao Yanthan and others who saved the Nagas.

“Had NNC not taken the right decision at the right time the Naga would have been a lost people,” he said. The MIP said Muivah narrated the historical fact of how the Nagas proved Nehru wrong by standing against the mighty force of India and how the realization on the futility of seeking military solution came to take hold of India when Chief of Indian Army Gen. Choudhury openly declared, “military solution is no longer possible.”

He reminded the Tuensang people that Nehru was a person who showed no respect to the historical rights of the Nagas. He said Nehru was never able to crush the Nagas despite sending 200,000 troops into Naga areas.

Muivah also talked on the “tragic history” of NNC and Shillong Accord and how Phizo proved himself wrong by not condemning the Shillong Accord because it was not the decision of the Naga nation. As Shillong Accord was the conflicting point in Naga history Muivah explained in detail and how the nation was saved, the MIP said.

Muivah called upon the people of Tuensang to stand firm on the process of reconciliation which he said would bring a positive response in the near future.

Short speeches were also delivered by various tribal presidents including, Chang Khulie Setshang, Yimchungrü Tribal Council, Khiamnuingan Tribal Council, United Sangtam Likhum Bumji and GB’s Federation Tuensang district.

The programme was chaired by ENPO vice president, K. Khaming while the invocation was pronounced by secretary Pastor Union Tuensang Town.
Buddhists under threat to embrace Christianity in Arunachal Pradesh From Jyoti Lal Chowdhury, Silchar Organizer
ARUNACHAL PRADESH in north east region of the country is a home to 20 major and about 100 sub tribes. They have been living peacefully for centuries. But, they are now in perpetual fear, particularly after the Chinese aggression of 1962, of extinction of their distinct culture and tribal faiths at the hands of Christian missionaries. In fact, this oasis of peace in the turbulent frontier region has also come under the impact of feverish proselytisation design. Although there was not a single Christian in 1951, their number rose to 1438 in 1961, 2,593 in 1971 and in 2001, the trend is quite alarming.

This is clear from the census report of 2001. Of the total population of 10,97,968, 7,05,158 are schedule tribes, constituting 64.2 per cent of total population. Of the total population of ST, 47.2 per cent has been returned as "other religion followers", besides 26.5 per cent of STs are Christians, 13.1 per cent Hindus and 11.7 per cent Buddhists. Sizeable population among Adi, Nishi, Nocte and Wancho have been converted to Christianity. Khampti, Monpa, Momba, Sherdukpen and Singpho are mostly followers of Buddhism.

Foreseeing the alarming trend of conversion activities of the missionaries, it is to be recalled, all the tribal organisations started mass movement against it and ultimately the territorial Assembly passed the Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Indigenous Faith Bill 1978 providing legal and constitutional protection from conversion to other faiths alien to Arunachal Pradesh, "by force, fraud, inducement and allurement."

But despite the Act and the inner line restrictions on movement of non-tribals, missionaries could make considerable headway in bringing a sizeable number of tribals into Christian fold, particularly in Lohit and Subansiri district. Arunachalees still recall with gratitude the fold stand taken by Lt. Governor K A A Raja and the then Chief Minister Prem Khandu Thangon for the enactment of the Religious Freedom Bill in the face of stiff opposition by the Christian political leaders of Meghalaya and Nagaland and the influential ‘Shillong Churches Committee’.

The dreaded terrorist outfit National Socialist Council of Nagaland led by Isac Chish Swu, chairman, and Thuingalem Muivah, general secretary, better known as NSCN (IM) and regarded as the fountain-head of insurgency in north east region, which is claiming and campaigning for the inclusion of Naga inhabited areas of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh in greater Nagaland, has hidden its design to convert the people of these contiguous areas into Christianity.

After Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh is now the soft target of the missionaries with enormous funds from Uncle Sam’s country. It was not long ago that a group of 11 American and Canadian missionaries in the name of four-day harvest and healing festival near Itanagar induced the innocent people of the state for religious conversion. They not only camouflaged their identity but also their intent and purpose, besides four if them could make their entry in the state on the strengthen of two visas and two passports.

The Buddhists monks said that in the last days, of May 22 NSCN (IM) rebels armed with AK 47 and SLRs warned the villagers to convert to Christianity by June 4 or else face dire consequences. They have identified the militant commander leader Mitchel Lingam Tangkhul. Both the Buddhists monks have drawn the attention of the government, security forces and international Buddhists Forum towards the NSCN (IM) threat.

He threatened them to embrace Christianity and cautioned them not to celebrate any festival in glory of Buddha. The role of catholic priests of Miao Bishop’s is also reported by the Forum.
GPRN/NSCN warns outside contractors The Sangai Express / Addie Chiphang
Ukhrul, July 03 2010: Taking serious note over repeated complaints from public on sub-standard execution of works, the Government Peoples Republic of Nagaland (GPRN)/ NSCN has warned the contractors who are executing developmental works only in name sake.

Talking to this correspondent, Wung Tangkhul Region (WTR) Central Administrative Officer (CAO) Wungmaring said WTR has been looking into these complaints with all seriousness and has finally decided to root-out the epidemic.

Wungmaring informed that considering and weighing all the pros and cons, GPRB/NSCN has decided that no contractor from outside the district will be allowed to take up the contract works in the district including that of PMGSY.

Looking from the past record, WTR office has established thatcontractors from outside have never been able to live up to the expectation of the people.

Hence, the time has come to overhaul the entire system of contract work in the district, Wungrimang added.

Asking all the stakeholders not to interfere, Wungmaring firmly stated that this call of Aza requires to be adhered in the interest of the people.

Any violation of this call would invite unwanted consequences, he warned.
'Adequate security needed on NH 53 to check extortion' Hueiyen News Service
All Manipur Inter-State Bus Association wants a comprehensive transport policy with a long lasting vision so that the grievances facing by the transporters and highway travelers could be solved forever, said the president of the association, Budha Luwang today.

Talking to Hueiyen Lanpao, the president related inconveniences and difficulties experiencing by the on the national highways by the vehicles servicing on the national highways and said it is unfortunate when authorities concerns could not dealt with the anti-social elements on both the NH-39 and NH-53. Despite banning imposition of bandh and economic blockade on the highways by an order of the court, the same is not obeying by any authority or civil organisation and continue imposition of the same unabated.

It is wordless to express the difficulties and atrocities receiving by the highway travelers on the NH-39 apart from uncountable numbers of illegal taxes imposed on the highway by different underground groups.

Few to mention are road tax, good tax, godown tax, vehicle tax, entry fees, etc., Budha said.

The taxes are paying to them not willingly but compel to pay as they would attack or torched the vehicle for not paying the “taxes”, he revealed.

Even though the ban on Manipur vehicles in Nagaland by NSF and economic blockade on the highways by ANSAM lifted around two week back, so far no intimation received from the DGP of Nagaland giving assurance for allowing state vehicles passing through Nagaland, he said.

Before the economic blockade in Manipur section of the highway and ban on Manipur vehicles in Nagaland was imposed, around 30 inter-state buses were in service but now only two to three inter-state buses are in service on the NH-53, he revealed.

He further urged the authority concerns to deploy adequate state security forces on the stretch of the NH-53 so that vehicles and travelers on the highway avoid the same faith that befell to them.

State government need to give top priority in controlling and checking extortion menaces on the highway first.
Purpose served, CCNCS dissolved Newmai News Network
Dimapur, July 04, 2010: Coordination Committee of Naga Civil Societies (CCNCS) has been dissolved. The Naga frontal organisations including the Naga Hoho, the United Naga Council (UNC) and many others formed the CCNS in the wake of the recent impasse pertaining to Nagaland and Manipur social unrest.

A meeting of the Coordination Committee of Naga Civil Society (CCNCS) was held at Kohima on July 3 to review and report-back to its constituent civil society organisations and to examine, whether the continuation of the Committee is required or not.

On analyzing the circumstances under which the Committee was formed and the subsequent interventions it has made to restore normalcy in the back-drop of the May 6 Mao-Gate incident and the social unrest thereafter, the members present felt convinced and satisfied that it has "served the purpose for what it was formed".

"Therefore, the CCNCS would like to say that this Committee stands dissolved with effect from July 4, 2010," annouced the CCNS.

In the meantime, the CCNS said that it would like to take this opportunity to inform the Naga public and all concerned well wishers and others too, some of the activities it has undertaken and to say that, not a day has passed without one thing or the other happening at every stage of the last 54 days of the "CCNCS in the service of our people in distress" and to thank every individual, sections of people and organizations for enabling us to carry out our responsibilities with support and co-operation.

"We also seek apologies if we have hurt the sentiments of any people or organizations while discharging our duties with the best of intentions and as necessitated by circumstances of prevailing situations which were beyond our control," it added.
Four gprn/nscn regions slams th. muivah Nagaland Page
With our conscience clear from any confusion; our genuine desire to achieve the aspiration of the Naga people; our firm belief that Naga people, sooner than later, must, embark on a journey of common hope, the four GPRN/NSCN Regional Chairmen namely Khiamnungan Region, Chang Region, Yimchungru Region and Sangtam Region would like to jointly issue this joint statement to the Naga people that the visit of Th. Muivah to various areas in Nagaland state must be viewed with clear understanding of the entire background.
Firstly, Th. Muivah's original destination was Somdal Village in Manipur. Visiting Naga areas in Nagaland is a back-up plan and therefore his journey and repetitive lectures at different towns and villages is not from his heart. Sympathy waves are earned not demanded. The integration issue which primarily denotes integrating, firstly, Naga inhabited areas of Manipur into the state of Nagaland before any other Naga area is costing the Nagas dear. This obsession has eaten deep into his psyche that even if GOI and Naga people agrees to a practical solution to the Indo-Naga political problem, he would still be a victim of political fantasy.
Secondly, Muivah's political ambition is isolating and compartmentalizing Nagas further. Neighboring states clearly understands the history, culture and land of the Nagas. Valued reasons, peaceful people to people dialogue and correct diplomacy at a correct time could have triumphed over suspicions and misconceptions. God created Naga homeland but He never ordered that Nagas to live in animosity with our neighbors. Mr. Th. Muivah has alerted every Naga neighbor to live in maximum preparedness politically, socially and economically. Nagas have never been so vulnerable. Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler, in 1939, overran and captured the mineral rich area of Alsace and Lorraine belonging to Austria with an excuse that artificial boundary had divided his people. His demand that the land and people are inseparable caused World War II.
Thirdly, solution to seven decades old Naga political problem is never Th. Muivah's topmost priority. We feel that he will certainly not hesitate to burn Nagaland for a few more decades if it serves his unimaginative slogan. It is time for the Nagas to tell him in the face that the name of Almighty God and the so-called national principle cannot always be manipulated to suit his personal agenda.
Fourthly, the Khiamnungan people, Yimchungru people, Chang people and Sangtam people still recalls the horror and brutality perpetrated by Muivah's men in Eastern Nagaland 30 years ago. The world will never know how the worst degree of human barbarity was heaped upon the innocent inhabitants of Lainong, Pangmi, Khiamnungan and Yimchungru people. Many are living witnesses. We have listened to the wailings of the men, women and children who were lucky to escape bloody massacres. We are also aware that many Kuki villages and inhabitants in western side were wiped out. We realize that wherever Th. Muivah goes, innocent lives are lost.
Lastly, When Naga people are yearning for peace and reconciliation through the good works of FNR, we feel that peace missions must be undertaken in commonality and inclusive of all groups. It is not a journey of common hope if Mr. Th. Muivah ventures out to Naga areas propagating his political ambition, reconciliation on his own terms and insisting that only his faction is genuine while others are Indian agents. This can never be a peace mission. It is anti-reconciliation and divisive diplomacy. On the basis of the above points, we urge the Naga people to insist on embarking on a genuine common journey where suspicion, hatred and animosity do not rear their ugly heads. We believe that believers in peace and reconciliation would journey without the protection of Z plus Indian security, Assam Rifles, IRB, state police force. Whether Th. Muivah ventures into our regions or not, Nagas in the four regions have long measured him.
1.SHAMBAI KHIAMNUNGAN,
Chairman, Khiamnungan Region, GPRN/NSCN.
2.I IMLONG CHANG,
Chairman, Chang Region.
3.ASOKHIUNG YIMCHUNGRU,
Chairman, Yimchungru Region.
4.YANGSIBA SANGTAM,
Chairman, Sangtam Region, GPRN/NSCN.

Naga Hoho acknowledges ban lift on Sumi Hoho (NPN):
DIMAPUR, Stating that it was “perturbed” over the banning of Sumi Hoho and Western Sumi Hoho by the NSCN (I-M), the Naga Hoho on Sunday said it was “extremely happy” at the lifting of the ban. “We strongly believe that such gesture shall surely strengthen the reconciliation and peace process simultaneously in days to come,” the Naga Hoho said in a statement released here.
Naga Hoho president, Keviletuo Kiewhuo and general secretary P. Chuba said it had on July 31, 2008 stated that whatever the motive might be, banning of organizations or imposition of one’s will upon others would further aggravate the human relationship and requested both the parties to trash out the differences by sitting across the table in the interest of common Naga people.
The Hoho said it was put in an awkward position towards strengthening the hands of Naga Hoho as visualized earlier owing to non-cooperation from both the parties for almost two years.
The Hoho acknowledged the revocation of the ban on Sumi Hoho without any condition.
It fervently appealed to all political groups/ organizations to revoke all forms of ex-communication/ ban on any community/ individuals if such cases still persisted unaddressed so as to ensure the spirit of genuine reconciliation among the Naga families.

Frans on 07.05.10 @ 07:57 AM CST [link]



Justice Denied to Tribals in the Hill Districts of Manipur --- Bela Bhatia through UNC


Justice Denied to Tribals in the Hill Districts of Manipur
--- Bela Bhatia through UNC
Around 30 km from Kohima is Mao Gate, the border between Nagaland and Manipur. Mao Gate takes its name from Mao village that falls on both sides of the border and the Mao community of the Nagas that inhabits this region. Though this border area is part of Senapati district, which along with the adjoining Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Chandel districts comprise four of the five hill districts of Manipur, these districts are in fact a continuum of present day ‘Nagaland’ in every sense – topographically, socially and culturally. This southern stretch is now on the other side only due to the arbitrary boundaries that were created by the Indian state that chose to retain the British occupation of the historical political entity ‘Nagalim’ (the homeland of the Naga people) and its division between India and Burma (Myanmar), after its own independence from colonial rule. What was started by the British in the first part of the 19th century was continued and further exacerbated by India during the last six decades.
Nagalim today stands divided between India occupied Naga territory and the Burmese occupied Naga territory, the two parts separated by the Chindwin river, the international boundary line formalized as recently as 1972. As part of its occupation strategy, the Indian state further divided the Naga area under its control, despite it being a contiguous area, into (parts of) four states: Nagaland, Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. Likewise, the Nagas under Burmese occupation were divided between Sagaing sub-division and Kachin state.
It is in the context of this historical injustice done to the Naga people that we need to understand the recent happenings between Manipur and Nagaland. The crisis that started on 1 May when the Manipur government banned Thuinglaeng Muivah, General Secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim - Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) from visiting Somdal, his village in Ukhrul district after more than four decades of being away is not about a person or a village but about the illegitimate power of a government over a people. It is about the quest of a people for their homeland that was unjustly wrested from them, the quest of a people for sovereignty that was not respected, when a legitimate demand was quelled by brute force, when every trick was used to sap their fine spirits and make them bend under the weight of an unjust rule. It is about the story of the Naga people during the last six decades under Indian occupation. And now after this history of pain, even when a formal peace process is on for the last 13 years, no consideration is shown towards the leader of a people by the state government though the central government is supposedly negotiating with NSCN at the highest level as an equal. How are a self-respecting people to understand this?
This is yet another instance when the government resorts to militarization allegedly to avoid tension and maintain ‘law and order’ but instead plunges the entire region into a full-scale crisis – social, economic and political. Its belligerent stand leads to protests that have by and large remained peaceful. The protests have however failed so far to make the government rethink its decision. Instead the government has stubbornly stuck to its original line thereby continuing to cause hardship to the citizens on both sides, fuelling the tension already created and sowing seeds for a possible larger conflagration.

In Mao Land
The story began on 1 May 2010 when all dailies announced that the Manipur government had denied permission to Muivah on the grounds that it might cause ‘communal disharmony endangering the peaceful coexistence of different ethnic communities.’ This decision came as a jolt since the Centre had already given its consent.
The tone was set the following morning, when a heavy deployment of hundreds of Manipur armed forces including police commandos, Manipur Rifles and Indian Reserve Battalion (IRB) personnel moved into the border areas and villages at Mao Gate (on NH 39) to prevent Muivah’s visit, scheduled for 3 May. One of the first actions of the forces was to pull down the traditional welcome arch and banners put up by the Naga community to welcome Muivah at Mao Gate. Soon after, Section 144 CrPc was imposed in Senapati and Ukhrul districts and curfew clamped. There were reports of harassment of travellers by the Manipur police personnel, who had severely restricted vehicular entry from Nagaland.
By then, a tense atmosphere prevailed at Mao Gate with police flag marches and armoured vehicles on display. People in the hill districts had started protesting against the imposition of Section 144 and the ban on Muivah’s entry. In Ukhrul town, there was a public meeting of over ten thousand persons followed by a candle light vigil. Women of nine villages around Mao started an indefinite protest in Mao village, as did women of thirteen surrounding villages in Tadubi. Even as news came of peaceful protests from all Naga inhabited areas of Manipur one also began to hear of more direct action like the attack by a group of women on a police station in Ukhrul and the torching of five stranded trucks with Manipur number plates by unidentified persons late at night on 3 May.
I visited Mao Gate on 4 May, as part of a women’s team. Just outside Kohima our vehicle started climbing, the winding road taking us through villages and forests leaving the terraced fields at a distance below. We could see that the past loomed above and everywhere in many ways. The ‘security’ forces occupy entire hill ranges. We go past the Assam Rifles camp. The board outside boldly declares: ‘Friends of the Hill People.’ We go past Kigwema village and sure enough the Kigwema ‘army’ camp is right above. Be it the Indian army, paramilitary or the police there have been so many different armed forces and for so long – more than five decades – that for the Nagas this ‘Friendship’ under the shadow of the gun has become part of their daily lives and landscape.
A little beyond Viswema, 8 km before Mao Gate, we saw a truck burnt to cinders, and soon another four vehicles in a similar state. At Khuzama village, we met some members of the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF). We learnt that NSF is the oldest civil society organization, older even than the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA) and the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR). Each tribe has its own students union, and all are under the NSF. The organisation also covers all the Naga youth in Nagaland as well as the Naga inhabited areas. Later, together with these NSF representatives, NMA women of the Mao area and some local media persons, we proceeded to the border.
We were stopped at the border by the Manipur police who said they had orders not to allow any ‘media’ to enter. Eventually they allowed us entry for a short while. We were able to visit the women’s protests in Mao and Tadubi villages, where we found impressive assemblies of thousands of Mao Naga women in traditional black and red shawls, of all ages, many with children, settled on both sides of the National Highway 39. These were “silent” protests, but not if one read the scores of placards women were carrying: “Muviah has a right to visit his birth place”, “Respect Indo-Naga Ceasefire”, “Down with the Ibobi government”, “We want peaceful settlement”, “Nagas are one”, “No more militarization”, “We want peaceful co-existence”, “Expedite peace process”, “Do not provoke peace”, amongst others.
“Why was curfew and 144 imposed? There was no turmoil here, no reaction, even after they directly provoked us by pulling down our welcome gate,” said one member of the Mao Naga Women’s Welfare Association. Another woman in her thirties said: “I have never seen so many forces in the last three decades. Why have they been deployed? We are not having a war.” Other women and men said: “This is unconstitutional and undemocratic.” “Our future is threatened.” “Such actions are inviting ethnic clashes.”
Despite these democratic protests, the Manipur cabinet reaffirmed its earlier decision. Meanwhile feelings of indignation and anger were building up. The students were irked by the government’s stand and use of armed forces to deny entry to the public as well as to turn away Naga Hoho, NSF, NMA and NPMHR leaders from the border. The NSF maintained that by denying them access to the Nagas on the other side and ‘an entry in our own land’ the government had insulted the entire Nagas. On 3 May, the NSF had issued an ultimatum demanding that the Manipur government revoke Section 144 in Naga inhabited areas and issue an apology within 24 hours, else there would be a bandh on all Manipur vehicles in these areas. Since these conditions were not met, the indefinite bandh started from the evening of 4 May.
On 5th evening a villager from Songsong was assaulted by IRB personnel. The next day, when women of Songsong and other villages protested against this assault and demanded that the forces should leave, they were tear-gassed by police commandos and then fired upon by IRB personnel. Two college students, Daikho Loshuo (23) and Neli Chakho (21) from Kalinamai village, were killed on the spot and Lokho, a postgraduate student from Songsong, was critically injured. As the public ran for cover, the security personnel fired tear gas, injuring at least 70 persons, mostly women since they were at the front, though the exact number of injured is not known since many fled to the jungles. The IGP however denied the firing in a media interview, saying that “We did not have any firing order so there was no open firing.”
A black flag march was held in honour of the martyrs at Mao Gate the following day and 6 May was proclaimed as ‘Black Thursday.’ Six Independent Naga members of the Manipur Legislative Assembly resigned. Meanwhile, fearing further armed action, hundreds of villagers fled from their homes and crossed the border. With just enough time to gather their children and no available transport, most of them took the jungle route. Initially the villagers of Khuzama, the first village across the border, sheltered them in the local church. Later they were shifted to Kisama. A headcount that week showed that there were 444 ‘internally displaced persons’ in the camp besides another 2000 who were reported to be in Kohima and Dimapur sheltered by relatives. The bordering villages of Mao Gate wore a deserted look after the 6 May incident.
By this time, a convergence of various Naga organisations could be observed. The civil society organisations had formed a Coordination Committee of Naga Civil Society and the various NSCN factions had formed a Joint Working Group.
Despite direct provocation, the reaction of the Naga organisations has by-and-large remained nonviolent. Diverse forms of nonviolent resistance have been used, such as press statements, public meetings, dharnas, rallies, bandhs, blockades, and solidarity actions in other parts of the Northeast and of India. However, the mainstream media have failed to appreciate this entire spectrum of nonviolent resistance, the cause behind it, or the absence of an adequate response from the State. Instead, most of the attention has been on the blockade, with the Nagas being shown as the culprits. This calls for a closer examination of the origin of this blockade.

The Case of the Two Blockades
First of all, it is important to register that it is not one but two blockades which started at different times and for different reasons. The first blockade was imposed on 11 April by the All Naga Students’ Association Manipur and All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur to protest against the elections scheduled for 26 May for the Autonomous District Councils (ADC) under the controversial Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act (Third Amendment), 2008. The second blockade was imposed by the NSF on the evening of 4 May and was reaffirmed following the 6 May firing. Following this, a counter-blockade was imposed by the All Manipur United Clubs Organisation and United Committee Manipur on 6 May. Since the chronology of events clarifies the reasons behind the second blockade, let us examine the causes behind the first.

Administration in the Hill Areas
The five hill districts of Manipur cover around 90 per cent of the area of the state and are home to 29 government-recognized tribal communities (besides smaller communities that are not yet recognized). According to the 2001 census, tribals are 34 per cent of the state population but 92 per cent of the population of the hill districts. The tribal population can be clubbed under two broad ethnic groups: the Nagas (18 tribes) and the Kuki-Chin-Zomi (17 tribes). The Nagas are a little more than half of the tribal population, followed by the Kukis, Mizos and other smaller tribes. While the presence of Nagas is highest in Ukhrul (93 per cent) and Tamenglong (78 per cent), they are a little over half in Senapati (55 per cent) and almost half in Chandel (47 percent). The Kuki-Chin-Zomi tribes are the majority in Churachandpur district. The Meiteis (often referred to as Manipuri), Pangals (Manipur Muslims) and other communities such as Bhamons make up the third ‘non-tribal’ group and live primarily in the state's valley region; their population is 66 per cent of the total 23 lakhs (2001 census).
After independence, the government of India attempted to safeguard the interests and well-being of its tribal population by including special provisions in the Fifth and the Sixth Schedules of the Constitution. While the Fifth Schedule outlined the structure of governance of Scheduled Areas in tribal interests, the Sixth Schedule was conceived as an instrument of tribal self-rule. Tribal areas in nine states of mainland India are included under the Fifth Schedule and the Sixth Schedule covers such areas in four northeastern states: Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram (with special constitutional provisions as Article 371B in Assam and Article 371G in Mizoram). Arunachal Pradesh was in the Sixth Schedule but has subsequently adopted the Panchayati Raj (with some additional safeguards as in Article 371H) and Nagaland though theoretically under the Sixth Schedule was never governed by its provisions in practice and since 1962, when it became a State, has been governed as per Article 371A. The hill districts of Manipur however were not included in either the Fifth or Sixth Schedules. Manipur is the only state of the seven northeastern states where the provisions of the Sixth Schedule have never applied.
Instead, the dual system of administration for the Hills and the Valley that came into existence after the British annexed the independent kingdom of Manipur in 1891 continued after independence and even after 1949 when this kingdom along with the hills merged into the Indian union. During the period of Manipur’s transition from being a Union Territory to Statehood in 1972, a succession of Acts attempted to administer the Hill areas: The Manipur Hill People’s (Administration) Regulation Act, 1947; The Manipur Village Authorities (Hill Areas) Act, 1956; The Manipur (Hill Areas) Acquisition of Chief’s Rights Act, 1967; and The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971. Besides, a Hill Areas Committee (HAC) comprising of elected members of the Legislative Assembly from the Hill areas was in place since Manipur was a Union Territory. It would have ceased to be operative after Manipur became a State but was kept in place by the introduction of a special provision (Article 371C) through a constitutional amendment in 1971. Article 371C also empowered the Governor to report directly to the President regarding the administration in the Hill areas and stipulated that: “… the executive power of the Union shall extend to the giving of directions to the State as to the administration of the said areas.”
Though the stated objectives of the said Acts and provisions were “to safeguard the interests” of the Scheduled Tribes, the tribal communities did not believe this. They saw these Acts as an attempt by the State to extend its control in the Hill areas. For instance, the Village Authorities Act was seen as an attempt to weaken the customary basis of the village polity by introducing the concept of a village authority whose members would be elected and whose size would depend on the number of tax-paying households in the village (this was a change from the 1947 Act which upheld the customary system in this respect). This was in contrast to the traditional system based on clan representation (as in the case of Tangkhul Nagas where the representative is nominated or elected by his clan members and can be removed only by them and not even by the Chief) or nomination (as in the case of the Kukis where the Chief of the village used to nominate members). The Act also tried to weaken the powers of the Chiefs (for example the role they played in village courts). A government report asserts that: “This Act may be regarded as one of the first steps towards the democratisation of hill administration in Manipur. By placing certain restrictions on the powers of the Chief and by introducing adult franchise at the lowest level of administration … the common villagers became aware of democratic values and practices.” But the tribals took a different view. The Act was opposed quite strongly by most of them, especially the Kukis, who believed that the Act was an attempt to “do away with the rights of the Chiefs over land.” It was this insecurity that led the Kuki National Assembly to demand for a Kuki State (within the Indian Union) in 1960. The Act was however implemented in 1957 and 725 village authorities were constituted in seven sub-divisions of the hill districts.
The 1967 Acquisition of Chief’s Rights Act could not be implemented. As the name suggests, the Act aimed at abolishing the traditional system of Chieftainship, compensating the Chiefs, and extending The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reform Act, 1960, to the hill areas thereby authorizing ‘the State Government to acquire the rights, title and land in the hill areas.’ The Act was seen as a way of weakening the authority of the Chief and thereby the autonomy of the tribe and clan especially in respect to land.

Resistance to The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act: 1972 to 2010
Such being the experience of the tribal communities with legislations, they could not greet The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971 with anything resembling enthusiasm. The Act met with severe opposition from its inception on the grounds that it posed a danger to the autonomy the tribal communities enjoyed under their traditional systems of self-governance in all spheres of life. The unified demand of all tribal communities (despite protracted tensions between some of them such as the Nagas and Kukis, Paites and Kukis, or Kukis and Zomis) was that the Act be modified to include the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution.
Opposition notwithstanding, the Act was effected and six District Councils were put in place in the hill areas in 1973, though they could function only until late 1980s after which they had to be suspended due to continuous resistance. Things came to a head during the 1984 Assembly elections when the district councils started demanding greater autonomy. Until then (and even later) the 17 subjects that were supposedly under the “control and administration” of the district councils (as per section 29 of the Act) were not so in reality because the required devolution never happened (the Act mentions that these functions were “subject to such exceptions and conditions as the Administrator may make and impose”). In the next two decades, council elections were successfully boycotted.
The government responded by taking one step forward and two steps backwards: in 1975 the First Amendment Bill was passed with some changes, followed by a more substantial move towards making the District Councils ‘autonomous’ by passing The Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District Council Bill in July 2000. However, no further progress was made on this and a Second Amendment Bill was passed in March 2006 effectively revoking it. After another two years of silence, the Third Amendment Bill was presented in the Legislative Assembly on 19 March 2008. However there were allegations of irregularities in the processes that followed, and the Bill was eventually withdrawn. Two irregularities were pointed out:
(i) The State Assembly constituted an extra constitutional body called the Select Committee to work on [Principal Bill 2008] introduced by the HAC. Three of the five members …are not elected from the Hill Areas of the state. (ii) Many clauses in the report of the Select Committee …were found in bad taste. [It] wanted to delete the word “Autonomous” from the title …. [replace] ‘Self Government” [with] “Local Self Governance”, “Tribals” [with] “People of the Hill Areas”…
The Manipur government then attempted to get an Ordinance promulgated by the Governor. People wondered as to why this was being done because the life of an ordinance cannot exceed seven-and-a-half months and it would have to be presented in the next Assembly session (within the first six weeks) as a Bill or it would cease to operate (Article 213: 2a). Moreover, this legislative power of the Governor was an emergency power for taking immediate action at a time when the legislature was not in session – and what was the emergency? However, the Governor having been “satisfied that circumstances exist[ed] which render[ed] it necessary for him to take immediate action”(Article 213: 1) gave his acceptance to the Ordinance, after the initial draft was amended, on 12 May 2008. It should be noted that “An Ordinance promulgated under this article [has] the same force and effect as an Act of the Legislature of the State assented to by the Governor (clause 2) and “Notwithstanding anything in the Constitution, the satisfaction of Governor mentioned in clause (1) shall be final and conclusive and shall not be questioned in any court on any ground.” (clause 4).
There was some mention that the Cabinet had not consulted the HAC at this stage, there was also talk that the proposed Ordinance had used the special provisions of 371C to include the Bill under Article 243M of the Panchayat (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 (to which the corresponding provisions in the 11th Schedule would apply) so that the district councils would be under the control of the state legislature; accordingly, the State Election Commission had been vested with powers of preparation of the electoral rolls while earlier it was the office of the Administrator who undertook this through the Hill Ministry of the state.
On 10 October 2008, The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (Third Amendment) Bill, 2008 was presented in the Legislative Assembly. As the following excerpt from the proceedings show there was little discussion on the Bill before it was passed. A few members did raise dissatisfaction that the bill had been presented in the house after promulgating the ordinance and referred to a select committee thus not allowing them a chance to have a discussion on the Principal Bill, one member even cautioned that “passing of the Bill without any discussion of the Principal Bill would have serious consequences”, there were suggestions that public opinion should be solicited, procedural lapses rectified, suitable amendments made and only then should it be passed. A question was also raised regarding a new insertion regarding a ‘hill department.’ But these objections and suggestions (of six MLAs) were brushed aside by the Chief Minister who argued that the Bill was not very different from the 1971 Act and hence could be passed without much discussion:
Shri O. Ibobi Singh, Hon’ble Chief Minister clarifying to the discussion pointed out the need for passing the bill in order to conduct the long pending election of the District Councils due to which development of the hill area had been hampered and added that the government had no intension (sic) to pass the bill arbitrarily. He further said that the present bill was the same Act of 1971 and the house had discussed it many times in the past and hence another discussion was not very necessary and therefore, appealed to the members to pass the bill unanimously in the interest of the hill people….

Interestingly, D.D. Thaisii (Tribal Development Minister) reiterated that the Bill needed to be passed “in the interest of the hill people …..and the necessary amendment can be done later on.” The opinion of the Chief Minister and the Tribal Development Minister (both of the Indian National Congress) along with one Independent MLA prevailed over the opinion of the six MLAs (four of whom were from the Manipur People’s Party, one from the National People’s Party and one from the Indian National Congress) who had demanded further discussion, rectification or amendment. After deleting the words “the hill department of” the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (Third Amendment) Bill, 2008, was passed that day.
How should we understand this? What was the need to hurry on an issue which has waited for nearly 40 years for a fair resolution? Especially considering that the original Act was not only rejected by the people but in a sense by the government too since it introduced a new version in the form of the 2000 Bill (even though the changed version was also subsequently revoked). A review of the Act is called for in order to comprehend why it has been termed ‘dangerous.’

Why is the District Council Act deemed ‘dangerous’?
Even from a quick look one can see that there is much in this Act that would justifiably make any freedom loving tribal nervous. First, the District Councils as envisaged in the Act are certainly not Autonomous. In fact they are under the control of the Deputy Commissioner of the ‘autonomous district,’ who would be appointed by the ‘Administrator’ (one understands this position to be that of the Governor). For instance, the Deputy Commissioner would have the power (Section 46: 3) to suspend the execution of any resolution or order of the District Council and prohibit the doing of any act if he may see it to be “in excess of the powers conferred by law” or “likely to lead to a breach of the peace, or to cause annoyance or injury to the public or to any class or body of persons.”
Second, while there is scope (under Section 29 (1) of Chapter 3) for the District Councils to have various executive functions such as maintenance of schools, dispensaries, roads and also some aspects of the management of land and forests, this is only in so far as these matters are entrusted to them by the Administrator in consultation with the HAC. The Act does not confer any legislative powers on the councils although Section 29 (2) authorises them to make recommendations to the Government on specific issues such as appointment or succession of Chiefs, inheritance of property, and social customs. All judicial powers remain with the state government. Similarly, all cases in the district would have to go to the district court for adjudication. To sum up, the powers of the District Council are rather limited:
The district administration exercises supreme control over the district council in executive, legislative and judicial matters. The proposals for framing rules, regulations and by-laws, developmental works and executive and judicial matters are submitted to the district administration after these are passed in the district council. The district administration has to approve the proposals. Generally, the important executive, legislative and judicial activities are carried out by the district administration. …. the district council does not posses the financial, administrative and functional powers of an effective local self-government. …. Thus, the autonomy granted to the district councils under the Act remains elusive.
In these and other ways the Act vindicated the fears of tribal organizations that it could seriously jeopardize the rights of the tribal people who would be at the mercy of the Deputy Commissioner who had overwhelming power over the District Council even though it was a body of elected representatives; also since the District Council for its part had the power to curtail the decisions of the village authority. As one commentator put it ‘the Manipur government turned the district councils into its agents instead of truly autonomous bodies.’

Sixth Schedule Denied
As mentioned above the tribal communities of Manipur have been waging a protracted struggle for the hill areas to be included in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. It is quite striking that there is almost no specific mention of the hill areas of Manipur in the significant debates and documents on the subject. Even though the hill people of the areas that were included in the Schedule had expressed reservation at the time of inclusion as admitted by Rev. JJM Nichols Roy during the Constituent Assembly debate (“….these hill people feel that even this Sixth Schedule has controlled them too much and that they have not got enough [of] what they would like to have”), and the last decades have borne this out to some extent, nevertheless the Sixth Schedule is clearly superior to the 1971 Act in its vision, philosophy and content.
The Sixth Schedule allows for greater autonomy in the structure as well as the functions of the Councils. It has divided tribal areas in the states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram into autonomous districts and empowered the Governor to further divide the districts into autonomous regions (if there are different Scheduled Tribes in the district) as well as to change the size and number of existing districts. Each autonomous district would have a District Council of not more than thirty members, four of whom would be nominated by the Governor and the rest elected, and each autonomous region would have a Regional Council.
The Schedule gives legislative powers to the District and Regional Councils, where the District Council would have the power ‘in respect of all areas within the district except those which are under the authority of Regional Councils, if any …’ (paragraph 3). The Regional Council therefore would be free to make laws related to the use of land (except land lawfully acquired by the Government for public purpose), management of any forest (except reserved forest), use of water, regulation of shifting cultivation, policing, appointment or succession of Chiefs, inheritance of property, marriage and divorce as well as social customs. However these laws would come into effect only after the assent of the Governor. Likewise executive powers for the administration of basic services and judicial powers have been accorded to the Regional and District Councils within a framework of rules that are to be worked out jointly with the Governor. Besides, amongst other powers the District Councils would be able to make regulations for the control of money lending and trading by non-tribals, and for the collection and sharing of land revenue, taxes and royalties (including mining of minerals) .
For our purposes a crucial difference between the 1971 Act and the Sixth Schedule is that even though the latter does not grant complete autonomy (Regional and District Councils are subject to approval, consultation, correction, suspension and dissolution by the Governor), nevertheless, it offers a ‘charter of autonomy’ and a real potential for democracy. For instance, under the Sixth Schedule there is no single officer like a Deputy Commissioner with power over the District Councils, and the Councils have not only executive but also legislative, judicial, developmental and financial powers and functions that are mandatory. Additionally, while in the present administrative structure in Manipur, the HAC offers some protection to the tribals under Article 371C, much depends on the initiative and energy of the MLAs from the hill areas who are its members. In fact, tribal communities recognize that the complacency of the HAC members has contributed to their adverse situation.
The case for the Sixth Schedule has also been made by many high level government committees but has been disregarded. For instance, the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (chaired by Justice M.N. Venkatachaliah, former Chief Justice of India) in its report submitted in March 2002 recommended that the Sixth Schedule be extended to the hill districts of Manipur. Nearly a decade earlier (1994) another government report of MPs and Experts had bemoaned the fact that these areas had been excluded from the Fifth and Sixth Schedules. State cabinet meetings have endorsed this demand not once but thrice (13 May 1991, 17 August 1992 and 28 March 2001) though with an inserted clause (“… with certain local adjustments and amendments”) about which the central government has sought clarification many times. Besides, the HAC has also passed resolutions recommending the Sixth Schedule, as early as in 1974.
Despite the legitimate claim for the Sixth Schedule, and the rejection of the Act, it became clear to the tribals in March-April 2010 that the state government was planning to hold the ADC elections soon. This led to a revival of the earlier agitation on the issue. Chief Minister’s announcement of the election schedule (on 26 April) caused the current uproar. The Manipur Tribal Joint Action Committee and All Manipur Tribal Union declared the day as ‘Black-Day’ in the history of the tribal people of Manipur, accusing the Chief Minister of attempting to get the ADCs in place ‘manipulatively.’ Other tribal organisations like the Kuki Inpi Manipur (the appex body of the Kukis) reiterated the objection and demanded that the elections be held under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule “to fulfill the aspiration of the tribal people of Manipur and to protect the integrity of the State.”
The tribal organizations then approached the governor, prime minister and home minister and sought their urgent intervention. The governor told them to cooperate with the election process and said that all necessary amendments would be made after the elections! This was unacceptable to these organisations who maintained that nothing short of the Sixth Schedule would be acceptable. They believed that once the elections were held under the Act, “the tribal people would be victims of economic and political exploitation and stagnation for another generation to come.”
Hence the blockade continued and later merged with the other blockade, started after Muivah’s visit was blocked by the armed forces. The two blockades are two ends of the same story – an old story. A step-by-step escalation in response to the decisions and actions of the state government, these blockades raise the crucial question about how should a people express disaggrement and dissent in our democracy. As in this case, the government completely disregarded the sustained nonviolent democratic movement by tribals. Nothing came of decades of resistance or self-imposed deprivation (under suspended district councils little planned development happened after 1988). Instead, the government reverted to the 1971 Act. If this is not undemocratic governance, what is? What must a people do to register their protest and be heard?

Humanitarian Crisis vs. Humanitarian Crisis
These two blockades, and the third blockade (which has existed for so long that it has become part of everyday life and therefore invisible) of the State against the tribal people where the democratic rights of the citizens of hill areas have been trampled upon with impunity for decades, make us face the fact that any mention of ‘humanitarian crisis’ caused as a consequence of the road blockades should not also forget the other ‘humanitarian crisis’ caused due to years of neglect, discrimination, political marginalisation and subjugation that has been the lot of the tribal population in general and Nagas in particular in Manipur.
This is not to undermine the negative effects of the recent road blockades. As a consequence of the blockades the prices of essential commodities including food, fuel and medicines shot up, causing much inconvenience to the people, especially of Imphal valley. However, it is unfortunate that the media projected this as a conflict between Nagas and Meiteis. The blockades were against the seat of government, and if the seat had been elsewhere no doubt the direction of the blockades would have changed too. While the ill-effects of the blockades necessitate rethinking of this mode of agitation (or at least of how long it can be stretched), one should not lose sight of the political question and injustice that led to the agitation in the first place. Nor should one overlook the fact that neither the blockades nor their adverse effect had any impact on the state government’s stance.
It would have been useful if the people of the valley had also taken up the cause of the tribal people as their own and restrained the government from taking recourse to militarization and going ahead with district council elections, which it could do with almost no opposition from the valley districts. But this is perhaps too much to ask: there is a conflict of interest here, and in the face of one’s own interests, few can stand firm on principles, values and duty. The fear and insecurities displayed by the chief minister and his colleagues are largely shared by the people in the valley districts. This is the fear of a dominant community which is restricted to around 10% of the total land area of the state - not because they were pushed to this state of confinement by the hill people but because this is the way it always was. The valley districts have a functional panchayat system since 1960 (later enhanced with the 73rd and 74th amendments) and there has been sustained development there even if its pace and quality have been unsatisfactory. But for their future expansion the hill territories would be important.
The tribal people feel that one significant reason why they have been denied the Sixth Schedule so far is so that the State can gain control over their land through other means. They want to protect themselves from laws that could exploit them and alienate them from their land and other resources. This is not just a matter of livelihoods but also a safeguard of their way of life since their economic, social and political systems are interlinked. No survey has been done of land ownership in the hill areas since the land is mostly collectively owned. In the absence of land records and titles not only are people unable to get loans from the government, they are also vulnerable to “outsiders” (i.e., non-tribals, if the consitutional protection that they have so far is lifted or circumscribed). Already, the government has made several attempts to extend The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960, to the hill areas. When it was first enacted, the hill areas were clearly exempt. But later (in 1967) the government made an abortive attempt to cover the hill areas through the Chief’s Act. Subsequently, the sixth amendment to the Land Reforms Act (in 1989) attempted to open a passage to the hills by inserting an exception to the exempt clause that allowed the state government to extend whole or part of any section of the Act to any of the hill areas by a notification in the official gazette. This filled the tribals with dread. This amendment however was opposed and could not be implemented. Nevertheless, the 1960 Act was able to make a move into the hill territories. The Act meant only for plains was extended also to the plain areas of the hill districts. Since the Act involved conducting a survey, conferring ownership rights and collection of revenue, its implementation led to privatization of land in some plain areas of three hill districts. During the last few years, there has also been a campaign for a uniform land law for the entire state. Tribals have been opposing it and demanding a separate land law for the hill areas but nothing has come of it. This fear of land alienation into non-tribal hands is quite real since this has been the experience in most scheduled areas of the country. Also, there are international examples of how demographies of “occupied territories” (eg, West Bank) can be changed over time by precisely similar state-sponsored settlements and corresponding laws in their favour, that overtime leave the original residents with a fait accompli that they are then made to accept as “reality”.
The tribals are also wary of land being taken away in the name of ‘public purpose’ as is happening in many other parts of the country, often without any compensation. Already large “development” projects are located or planned to be located in the hills and inroads have been made by contractors into their forests. At the root of all these problems, in their view, is a structure of governance that does not allow them to be in control of their present and future. The struggle for the Sixth Schedule is therefore a fundamental struggle for their very existence and way of life.
Nobody can deny that the demand for the Sixth Schedule in the hill districts is a valid one, and is pertinent for all the tribes and not only the Nagas. Fear of the Sixth Schedule is an old one – even the Constituent Assembly debates on the subject reveal the feudal mindset of some legislators and leaders who believed that by allowing the tribals to be autonomous one would lose them to China or Burma or they would go the Tibet way; one member even warned that “[t]he Communists will come and they will have a free hand … [and] we will have no government there”!
In Manipur, granting of Sixth Schedule for the hill districts is often seen as tantamount to acceding to the demand of Nagalim and a separate Kuki state (conversely, Naga and Kuki insurgents have started viewing “the Sixth Schedule as a means of suppressing their demands...”). But the state cannot have it both ways – refuse to grant the Sixth Schedule and also talk about “territorial integrity” at the same time. The government has lost all moral integrity on which to rest its case. It could have done so if it had treated its tribal citizens (including Nagas) justly. By not conceding Sixth Schedule and by forcing the district council elections the government has only alienated the tribals further. The hill areas have been deprived of what is due to them for decades - this can hardly be a motivating factor for them to stay within the fold. The disenchantment with the Manipur state is not of Nagas alone. Through its actions the state government has only exposed its own fear psychosis – the fear of the wrongdoer.
Some may view recent developments as an indication that the conflict was over. The elections to the district councils were held as per schedule, the blockades were lifted, and police and paramilitary withdrawn from the border villages. But in crucial respects the situation has deteriorated. The Naga civil society organisations have declared the elections in the Naga inhabited areas as “null and void.” Further, they have affirmed that they were severing all ties with the Manipur government and would like the central government to make alternative arrangements. This kind of breaking point was expected. In the absence of a suitable self-governance structure, no response from the state government to their democratic resistance, and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 (AFSPA) still being in force in the hill districts (the ceasefire agreement notwithstanding) the Naga organisations had started a civil disobedience movement against the Manipur government in 2005: United Naga Council submitted hill house tax of 93,227 households for 2006 to the prime minister in June that year; prescribed textbooks for secondary schools were surrendered and 156 private schools adopted the Nagaland Board of Secondary Education syllabus; and schools and colleges in the Naga inhabited areas sought affiliation with the Nagaland Board and Nagaland Univeristy. The struggle with the state government however had not disrupted relations with the people in the valley, especially the Meiteis. However in May this year when the crisis around Mao Gate and the blockades was escalating, especially after the firing incident, and there was little solidarity from the Meiteis (who are the dominant community not only in society but also in the state government and legislature) the Naga Hoho announed that the Nagas could no longer continue to relate with the Meiteis. This unfortunate development is the result of the recent deadlock, created by the Manipur government in the first instance but also the central government which continued to watch while the situation worsened without making any timely or meaningful intervention.

Peace without Justice?
One would like to think that control by denying basic democratic rights cannot last forever, but in this case it has already lasted for more than six decades. The conflict(s) in Manipur can be resolved if there is political will, if the government respects the rule of law, and if it is willing to treat all its citizens equally. And above all if it does not resort to militarization. There has been militarization here for long years as in few places in the country, and it has not solved anything – on the contrary. Yet, no lesson has been learnt.
A large part of the present crisis has been due to the heavy deployment of armed forces at the border. Several additional companies of the paramilitary were sent by the Centre to lift the blockade (though this decision came at the same time as that of the blockades being lifted) with the intention of stationing two companies permanently. At the most this would mean that blockade as a form of protest will be curtailed, but will the cause of the conflict be addressed through this? The mere presence of armed forces in large numbers is likely to cause problems. We have to only recall the way the armed forces opened fire on villagers in Tamenglong (in May) without much thought when the truck carrying essential commodities that they were escorting slipped off the road on its own accord. These hill districts have been a site of many serious human righs violations in the past. One has to only pick up a NPMHR report to see the scores of instances of killing, rape, torture that are part of the memory and that have shaped the psychology of the people of this region. The ceasefire agreement between the Government of India and the NSCN does not apply to Manipur. AFSPA is still in force. During the present crisis people have protested peacefully and with restraint – by deploying such large contingents of armed forces is the government not being provocative? And if there is slippage would that by default be attributed to ‘rebel forces’ and all toll on human life dismissed as ‘collateral damage’?
In the present conflict, the State has missed an opportunity to strengthen peace. It does not require an exceptionally discerning eye to see that this was a completely avoidable turn of events. The stance and actions of the governments made a mockery of the ongoing peace process. Practicing peace requires another kind of sincerity and commitment than talking peace. The simple desire of the Naga leader to visit his village could have been met in a dignified manner. Despite the fact that central questions like the NSCN demand for Nagalim is on the negotiating table, the Manipur government in an early announcement said that it would not allow Muivah to enter Manipur until the demand for Nagalim was withdrawn! Or that Muivah could enter if he was simply going to visit his home but not if he had a political agenda. Can one really expect a political person to go anywhere without his politics? The fear of course was that he would speak about integration of the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur with Nagaland. And this could not be allowed especially at the time when the district council elections were due. But isn’t there freedom of expression? Muivah’s visit was going to be only for four days. Even if he did speak about integration during the four days, which he surely would, what is stopping the Manipur government from campaigning on ‘territorial integrity’ for the remaining 361 days?
No peace can be achieved without the ability to respect the other and in the present context this would necessarily mean being respectful of the rights of the other. The Naga people have a right to live together (a desire that has been expressed since 1920), which would mean redrawing state borders. Borders are seen to be sacrosanct in a worldview where a people may well get divided but the border must stay intact. As the Naga leaders have emphasised, the land they are asking for is theirs and not an inch of anybody else’s land. Why should then this just claim be denied? The Naga quest for justice should of course not obviate consideration of other tribes residing in the same regions or neighbouring ones. However, the recent trajectory of events has reaffirmed the struggle of the Nagas to redraw the borders so that no authority can turn a Naga away from her home or land. Peaceful co-existence is possible only with the fulfillment of rights.

References
Chakma (2010): ‘Why the road blocks really started’. Hindustan Times. 23 May
Chamroy, N (2008): On Autonomous District Councils in Manipur. 6 May. (http://www.tangkhul.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=1201)
Chiphang, Addie (2010): ‘Ukhrul denounces ADC 2008 Act.’ The Sangai Express. 6 April.
Dena, Lal (2010): “Manipur Hill Tribes ‘still waiting for justice’.” Mizoram Express. 20 May.
Fernandes, Walter and Sanjay Barbora. eds. (2009): Land, People and Politics: Contest Over Tribal Land in Northeast India (Guwahati: North Eastern Social Research Centre).
Gangte, Thangkhotinmang S (nd): Land Problem and Ethnic Tension in Northeast India with special reference to Manipur, a monograph.
Hansaria, B.L. (revised by Vijay Hansaria) (2005): Sixth Schedule to the Constitution. Second edition. (Delhi: Universal Law Publishing Company).
Haokip, T.T. (2009): “Critically Assessing Kuki Land System in Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Horam, M. and S.H.M. Rizvi (Singh, K.S. General editor) (1998): People of India: Manipur. Vol. 31. (Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India and Seagull Books).
Institute for Human Development (2006): Manipur State Development Report. Sponsored by the Planning Commission, Draft Report. (Delhi: Government of India.)
Kamei, Gangmumei (2009): “Ethnicity, Identity and Land in Tribal Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Mashangva, Somi. 2010. ‘Why Manipur District Council Act is ‘dangerous’ for hill tribes’, Mizoram Express. 27 May.
Newmai News Network. 2010. ‘Tribal righs body says rules under ADC Act full of errors’, 17 April.
Nongkynrih, A.K. (2009): “Privatisation of Communal Land of the Tribes of North East India: Sociological Viewpoint” in Fernandes, Walter and Sanjay Barbora. eds.
Sagar, Narain. 2010. ‘Mayhem in Mao, 2 Students Killed.’ Eastern Mirror. Dimapur, 7 May.
Singh, Mangi S. (2009): “Land, Ethnic-Relations and the 9th Assembly Elections in the Hills of Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Singh, Priyoranjan ed. (2009): Tribalism and the Tragedy of the Commons: Land, Identity and Development: The Manipur Experience (New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House).
Shimray, U.A.(2007): Naga Population and Integration Movement (New Delhi: Mittal Publications).
Shimray, U.A. (2009): “Land use system in Manipur Hills: A case study of the Tangkhul Naga” in Fernandes, Walter and Sanjay Barbora. eds.
Takhellambam, Bhabananda (2009): “Contesting Space, Competing Claims, Shaping Places: Violent Conflicts and Development in Manipur” in Singh, Priyoranjan. ed.
Zolengthe (2008): ‘ADC ordinance promulgated after governor’s assent.’ 14 May. (zspdelhi.wordpress.com; source: Imphal Free Press).

Frans on 07.05.10 @ 07:28 AM CST [link]


Saturday, July 3rd

The Naga Quest for identity & the Indian apathy Zhokusheyi Rhakho Morung



The Naga Quest for identity & the Indian apathy Zhokusheyi Rhakho Morung

Its astounding to see that Asia's longest running insurgency in the country of world largest democracy is yet to see its logical end. 62 years since, India still lack the wisdom and vision to solve the same.
when Nehru opted for a military solution to the then surging Naga Nationalism he might have comprehended more of immediate victory than the impact it would have to the whole of NE and protracted conflict with Nagas in the long run nor the Nagas leaders themselves never comprehended of internal belligerency as of now. Nagas would never have been too finicky about their identity had it not been for the reckless military action of Govt. of India(GOI) which blew things out of proportion. The Nagas, located as such in a landlocked geography, sooner or later would have come to some sort of relationship with India and the NE as a whole would have been under relative peace. But the new India brimming with self-confidence of its large army and the Nagas as tiny as they were did not merit any second thought of the policy makers. India did occupy Nagaland and went ahead to establish Nagaland state which was intended with a smallest possible size hoping that nagas would be appeased or too weak to fight if fragmented under different administration though Nagas favored administration of all naga inhabited areas, and the GOI had every means to grant the same without much brouhaha in the earlier days like the NE state reorganization act of 1972 and still can do so if it wants, but it just opt the colonial boundaries in setu. Unfortunately, it became the problem of Manipur, Assam Arunachal and even Myanmar when nationalism spread there too. India failed to exorcised or win the Nagas even after posting a quarter of its 1.2 million strong army under intensive operation. The very fact that insurgency is deeply entrenched as ever testify that military solution failed. For any big power like India, to occupy is easy but the real problem is consolidation of its rule. Thus, the US debacle in Vietnam, USSR tragedy in Afghanistan and India in Nagaland, etc.
No set of people has borne the burnt of Indian military like the Nagas since independence. The army & paramilitary forces armed with plethora of extra ordinary power like AFSPA, created mayhem and collateral destruction never realizing that they were in a very foreign and sensitive terrain and any wrong move was likely to spark apocalyptic impact. They were sent to win the people not to vanquish them. If anything called fascist brutality exist than it happened in Nagaland Theater. It is also unlikely for the military to stamp out insurgency even in the next hundred years but it is the Naga themselves that might oust the same reading the present displeasure of the people due to fratricidal mess. If the present trend exacerbate, people may try to discard them and the nationalist may try to exert iron grip, than the end can be anticipated.
Its an irony that the very land of Gandhi through which the principle of non violence, Indian won independence could possibly enact as heinous a law like Arm Forces Special Power Act 1958(AFSPA) to subdue a tiny fraction of people in the periphery whose joining Indian union may or may not make much difference. This law violates 25 of the 30 Universal Declarations of Human Rights and undermines the constitution itself and defeats the very spirit of Indian federalism. The cruelest thing is that the victim and the affected can't get justice from any court of law of India as section 7, sect. 45 and 197 of CrPc envisage complete immunity to the security personnel which is a grotesque legal abomination. Thus, if Nagas were killed torture raped etc. they can't get justice even if they are innocent. Literally, AFSPA is not a law but a license to kill. This law became the violation of not the extremist per se but the innocent public. The GOI have to pay for the gross violation of human rights and civil liberties by the military through the imposition of AFSPA.
The Australians have tendered apology to the aborigines, the Canadian to the Inuit's Eskimos, the German to the Jews, Japanese to the Americans for Pearl Harbor, the British to the Indians for Jallianwalla Bagh Massacre, etc. If India wants to win the good will and confidence of the Naga and end rampant resentment and alienation, three things is indispensable:

1.Repeal AFSPA 2.Tender unconditional apology to Naga people 3.Bring the perpetrators of the crime to justice for crime against humanity.
If this is done than it will instill confidence in Indian state and irreconcilable differences would soften and extremism may fizzle out in due time.
GOI should know that they are dealing with entity that has never been part of India historically or culturally. The more it delves into history, the more India looses its legitimacy to hold on Nagaland. Infact from Kashmir to Kanyikumari, from vadodara to Brahmaputra, there is no iota of similarity of culture with Nagas. Even today, Indian cultures simply don't appeals to them whether it is Bollywood, Tollywood or whatever. Rather they apt west, Koreans etc. though its more of a life style then material advancement.
Nagas encountered chronic perils like any other people of the world affected by war. But the world is yet to know what exactly traversed their with stringent media censorship by the military. Nagaland just don't have oil to attract the west or it can't effort to commit Rwanda or Cambodian type genocide to bring the world neither they aren't religious fanatics like the Islamic Jihadis to sent suicide squads to the Indian metropolis to draw the world attention. The Christians worlds don't evoke intrinsic brotherhood like the Mussalmen to generate support or sympathy for tiny Christian's enclave like Nagaland. Nagas were bestridden and molested unseen and unheard by the world under Indian military might. But why did the Nagas still refuses to submit even after acute hardship? The simple logic is, men have feelings, self respect, dignity etc. if these rights are infringed upon, it draws sharp reprisal. For no sect of people would dare to fight a more well equip and larger foe with oddest weapon or march the most inhospitable terrain for thousand of kilometers waylaid by foes on all possible route if the situation is not of extreme magnitude. Nagas were small but independent minded and indomitable people for whom submitting to a marauding Indian military would be an undignified act just as any freedom loving people of the world would do.
It is also unlikely that the whole NE would be part of India if chances have them in the event of any severe internal conflict or foreign aggression weakening the central authority because people are not integrated mentally or emotionally and the good will of the people don't rest with India. Democracy is farce in NE and all sorts of unusual things are happening like Irom sharmilla's indefinite hunger strike for 10 straight years to repeal AFSPA, Govt. firing at democratic protesters, issuing price tag on civil society leaders, successive weeks of economic blockade, rampant corruption etc. India always percepts NE under one category and practically don't consider them as full Indians. This lackadaisical yardstick is also palpable when India imposed AFSPA in NE and Nagaland without hesitation while is still refuses to use the army, leave alone AFSPA in its greatest internal security threat posed by Maoist insurgency. Millions of Indians don't know where is Nagaland, sans the laymen, even lecturers and professors in the University knows nothing beyond the name of state. Needless to say it watches in glee when one community rises against another in NE because that really diverts them from fighting against India state.
No wonder, this apathy is hardly surprising when hitherto Indians state is projected as Govt. of the upper caste who are at every helms of Govt. apparatus. It is notorious for crushing political dissent, suppressing democratic voices specially of the lower caste while it have the knack of signing of all international treatise because it need not implement them. It has the trait of drifting towards authoritarian rule. The crux is that 3 of the world top ten riches person in the world are Indians while on the other hand, 72 percent of India goes to sleep hungry. It is also a country with highest consecration of illiterate population in the world. The caste ridden and corrupt Indian polity is so enormous that even the Supreme Court has lamented that even god can't help India. One-fifth of Indians don't enjoy right to freedom and dignity. Such society can hardly be peaceful and the Maoist uprising is the manifestation of lower caste movement who have been suppressed and oppressed for millennium. There is constant loss of vision of the India state's approach to the socio-political turmoil.
But how do Naga marched forward here on, the first step is, set our house in order. The arduous task ahead is to bridge the widening gap between the nationalist and also the civil society, for which the dogged effort of FNR is hoped to anticipate to its successful fait accompli. It is rational prudence that there can be eastern, southern, or northern Naga organization but that represent only that area and not the Nagas as a whole. Thus, one apex Naga organization (both overground & underground) is indispensable for which every tribe should append for the greater interest of the Nagas especially in a situation like this. Indian is ten times wiser than us and it would never conclude settlement with one group and let the other group grow but it will try to prolong things until pressurized. Before dealing India or Myanmar, internal unification of all groups is imperative. This would resurrect the badly damaged nationalism especially among the young generation who has only seen Nagas killing Nagas.
While GOI when ahead to deeply entrench itself, Naga nationalist relapse to war of attrition among them and miserably failed to instill patriotism in the mind of the new generation due to their own mutual conflict. People have so much stakes in the Indian imposed state today, and most feasible thing is to continue political parlance while fostering nationalism along side. To dislodge the whole legacy would only do more harm than good.
Conflict within the Nagas themselves is an unfortunate part of naga history which negates the very principle of the movement inter se, for which immediate reconciliation is necessary. Nagas need to reconcile with the past though past can be bitter because we don't live in the past anymore. The perpetrator must seek forgiveness and the affected must forgive. If that can't be done than Nagas shall languish in the quagmire for more years to come. If the leaders can't visualize beyond factions, tribalism, etc. than they are dyslexic of envisioning a nation. When the world is marching into 21st century of peace and prosperity we dare to insulate ourselves in a ceaseless feud. When people in other part have reached the stars and space, excelling in science and technology it would be narcissistic pity to live in primitive age. Nagas need to march in consistence with the progress of the world. Development activities should go in full swings along side with political negotiation and the nationalist should encourage the same and even act as a check mate against corruption because as long as we are under India we deserve to get what is due to us and economic viability is the sine qua non for any nationhood. If integration can't materialize, Nagas of those areas should be encouraged for an arrangement where their rights can be best protected and draw maximum benefit until opportunity merits to come together.
Nagas also need no foreign imported Chinese communism, Indian democracy or American federalism though using them as point of reference is indispensable. But it should grow from within the Nagas themselves rooted in tradition, accommodativeness and adaptability to the exigencies of time. What have Nagas contributed to the world of nationalism so far? The French contributed 'liberty, equality, fraternity,' the British Magna Carta, American bill of right, Eastern Europe socialism and South Africa and India have produced international icons like Mandela and Gandhi. Are Nagas only capable of fomenting trouble and division? Perhaps Naga Ideals could be inferred from tradition of equality embedded in high socio-cultural values and most importantly, a revolution against oppression and exploitation of the week by the strong which may spread in the neighborhood and the world at large. If any revolution or upheavals don't guarantee a better life, governance, rights, than the revolution is a waste inter se.
Sooner or later Nagas needs some sort of political arrangement where we can frame own policies inter alia like sending our own diplomats to UN, etc. without supercession from outside even without complete break from India or Myanmar or even if we sent one or two representative it won't matter much to us due special condominium political arrangement . The paraphernalia of any settlement should be based by this ipso facto. If the GOI accrue to such modus vivendi, will the Nagas say amen or it is the GOI that will never yield. Than conflict is still inevitable but if that materialize, than the Nagas as a distinct identity if secured and conflict need not proceed further. State is not a primordial entity and if the state can not fulfill its raison d'etre, than the units have every right to assert their own authority according to a la carte of universal law of right to self determination.
Indian should realize that for stability in mainland, stability in NE is imperative, for stability in NE solving Nagaland is indispensable. Conflict in Nagaland will always spilled to NE and proliferates to mainland.
But at the end of the day nagas themselves would be the final arbiter of their own destiny. The foremost thing is speak with One Voice.

Zhokusheyi Rhakho
University of Hyderabad

GPRN/NSCN on Muivah’s journey Meren Nokpu
The so-called peace and reconciliation mission undertaken by Th. Muivah’s in Nagaland is a short story of concoction, contradiction, massive face-saving campaign, violating the covenant of common hope. It began with barrage high and mighty words, whipping up mass hysteria on both side of the Nagaland-Manipur border, creating deeper rift between Manipur Government and Nagas of Manipur State. In the end, as sad as it appeared, even with the Z plus security provided by the GOI and a large number of heavily armed IM cadres, he was forced to lick his bruised ego at Viswema Village unable to enter his home state of Manipur. Suddenly at Angami soil, the thirty five years of anti-Phizo/NNC tirades gave way to romanticizing A. Z Phizo and a host of Naga Leaders who, till the morning of Mao gate incident were utterly cursed and ridiculed as traitors for their role in the infamous Shillong Accord of 1975 and aftermath. A man who boasted in the media more than a month ago, “…no power on earth can stop me from visiting my birth place.” is still loitering around Nagaland. The lesson is simple: “If you don’t respect others, no one will respect you.” The rescheduled itinerary forced Th. Muivah to urgently sent feelers to Angamis, Chakhesangs, Sumis, Rengmas, Lothas, Aos etc. to kindly allow him to visit their lands. A number of tribes, village authorities and intellectuals expressed their reservations and unwillingness to welcome him because the tears of the parents, brothers, sisters, relatives and friends of those mercilessly killed by IM in the name of the nation had not dried, thus adding further insult to the wounded pride. Crimes committed in the past can be forgiven but not forgotten. The opposition of his visit is never to forcibly stop him but to make the position of Naga tribes very lucid to him. On a number of occasions the position of guests and hosts are clearly defined in the media outlets.
GPRN/NSCN Ao Region would like to make its position very clear on the proposed visit of Th. Muivah to Ao country. Taking undue advantage of the present reconciliation process and sowing seeds of disunity is against the very principle of reconciliation. If ever there was a mandate of the Ao Nagas to any group, it is purely to uphold the sovereign rights of the Naga people. Ao people, at no point of time, mandated Th. Muivah to pursue integration issue ahead of political solution. The thirty two point charter of demand submitted to the GOI is but a manipulation of the people’s trust. It is for the Ao people, who are considered as one of the advanced tribes with responsible intelligentsia at the helm, to question what the thirty two point charter of demand is. Making Ukhrul the summer capital of Manipur too cannot easily be brushed aside as it is a genuine demand of the Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL). Neither the Aos nor any of the tribes in Nagaland or outside have any clue about the thirty two points charter of demand. It is for the Ao people to see who is playing with the sentiments of the Nagas. The so-called peace mission of Th. Muivah, starting from Mao gate where innocent lives were lost, more than eighty injured and many families displaced, is hardly a peace mission. In reality, the strong opposition from Sumis and Chakhesangs and intellectuals had forced Th. Muivah to adopt a more stringent measure; insist on adding more IRB, Assam Rifles and state police forces, depute more of his gun totting men to campaign door to door at strategic places with coercive intent. It is in the knowledge of the Ao people that despite the forceful and persuasive designs, Ao hospitality would be granted to guests whether it’s Muivah or anyone. While in Nagaland, it is suggested that Th. Muivah best ignore distorting Naga history because it is a subject which awaits every new born infant.
(Meren Nokpu) MIP Kilonser & Ao Region Supervisor
GPRN/NSCN

“Nagaland for Christ” and reconciliation Post-mortem Nagaland Post
It appears that in the backdrop of the Naga freedom context “Nagaland for Christ” is one among the commitments, where Nagas pledged to start their history with God. Nagas as surviving group of people have proved ourselves to be different among the nascent nations. Reading the daily papers almost every speeches and quotes made by writers, peace makers, politicians, church leaders and Naga national workers including Muivah and Isak have mentioned erratically about the slogan “Nagaland for Christ” which has interested me to put up this writing.
To me it doesn’t matter whether it is “Nagaland for Christ” or “Christ for Nagaland”, if Naga national freedom interest is based in relation with the kingdom of God. The idea of pursuing this freedom will never be against the principles and ethics of Jesus Christ which was preached in the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5: 1ff). Which means: no bloodshed, no arms, no revenge and no wars whether inside or outside.
Historically, Nagaland for Christ has three initiatives; the slogan “Nagaland for Christ” was an anti-war movement initiated by the ABAM (Ao Baptist Arogo Mundang Nungdo) primarily meant for uniting the Nagas in Christ during and after the Indo-Naga war. It is also learnt that in the year 1952, FGN declared as their slogan “Nagaland for Christ,” which was predominantly meant to unite the Nagas against the atrocities done by the Govt. of India represented by Indian Army. Later in the formation of NSCN constitution “Nagaland for Christ” was implemented as their spiritual outlook.
In observation of these three initiatives “Nagaland for Christ” is neither pictured as a shelter for terrorism nor emanated as dichotomy ideals for politics and religion. Thus it should be clear that when “Nagaland for Christ” is termed or quoted, there should not be double edged meaning for the slogan. No matter what NBCC, NSCN, FGN, NNC has done to the slogan, it still stands for anti-war and genuine reconciliation both theoretically and practically.
Therefore if what our Naga leaders and workers who used the slogan “Nagaland for Christ” is an anti-war movement, a reconciling theme, a common solidarity for the Nagas; is it not achieving the Naga solidarity through violence seemingly contradicting the principles of Jesus and his kingdom? Christ taught us to renounce even our rights, whereas the Nagas under the leadership of NSCN made a pledge that they would never lay down from their hands three things: Their arms, freedom and territories.
I do not undermine the possibility of achieving the Naga freedom, rather I am for it, but if Christ’s name is cheapened or diluted by idealism of freedom struggle, than we are no better than people who have humiliated Christianity in the past like; Hitler, Stalin, Voltaire and Constantine.
If we profess the name of Jesus Christ with our lips and smack-down his principles with our actions and AK-47s, how would Naga Christianity look like? Would it be not like Hitler campaigning for Nazism with the 20th century symbol Swastika overshadowed by the cross of Christ with intention to kill six million Jews?
The historical echo of the movement “Nagaland for Christ” should not remain shrouded in the minds of people, but it must be propagated as a voice against war, corruption, extortion, social disorders and killings in Nagaland. Using the slogan “Nagaland for Christ” as a platform to conceal our mistakes and lure political support from the govt and public may not be a good way of procuring reconciliation. When FNR is at the forefront of bringing various warring Naga underground leaders, Muivah erupted with his reconciling journeys since his entry to Somdal was banned. There is no doubt that reconciliation is numb in his calendar, yet if genuinely designated, where is FNR, where is Naga Hoho and other apex bodies and why are they silent? Many writers had opted and urged Nagas to forgive and forget, and go ahead with the present reconciliation. That sounds good and promising; if at all we forgive and forget, we also should not forget that you have been forgiven first. True forgiveness is to Remember, remembering that Christ has forgiven us and we need to forgive others at any cost.
Thus it is asserted that; “Nagaland for Christ” stands for pacifism and any kind of violence which endangers any innocent lives for personal or social reason cannot be justified. Nagas, if we are so apathetic towards our situations and live without opposing treachery and totalitarianism today, then we are selling our freedom to a group of people who are ushering us to a miserable plight of freedom tomorrow. It is said; He who refuses to learn from history is pause to repeat mistakes. We have so much to learn from the history of our national freedom struggle, and we have purposed in our hearts that we will not commit the same mistake as many have done. “Nagaland for Christ” should not be a campaign for national integration in India. It stands for solidarity of the Nagas, who are willing to bring any conflicts to be resolved under the feet of Christ, be it political, judicial, religious, communal or personal. In Christ every personal grudge is withheld, every tension at ease because he is forgiving and gracious.
Let us pursue to thrive for true love and forgiveness and anticipate for a better future to live in.
Villo Naleo, Viswema.
Shed ethno-exclusive ideology : UNLF-II Source: The Sangai Express
Imphal, The peace talk between NSCN-IM and the Government of India is on the verge of stepping into the 14th year now, but no positive formula to bring a lasting solution for the benefit of Naga people has been worked out till date, observed the UNLF in its statement.

Interestingly, the basic objective of the Naga revolutionary movement, which is freedom for Naga people, has been sidelined by NSCN-IM leadership.

Instead of Naga sovereignty, NSCN-IM leader Thuingaleng Muivah has been vigorously advocating unification of Naga inhabited areas to form a State called Nagalim within the Indian Union.

Acting as if it indirectly supports the NSCN-IM's demand for Nagalim, the Government of India has been plotting to create a situation of conflict and distrust between the Naga people and other communities in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur.

The NSCN-IM too favoured such a situation so that they could expand and strengthen their base among the Naga people.

This politics of NSCN-IM posed a serious challenge to the integrity among different communities of Manipur who have been living together for centuries.

Against this politics of NSCN-IM, different communities rose to safeguard the integrity of Manipur at all costs, resulting in a serious contestation between the two sides.

The NSCN-IM leadership cannot comprehend or believe in the integrity of Manipur from which none of the filial communities can be separated.

This could be discerned from the 'ethno-exclusive outlook' and their policies and activities rooted in this outlook, the UNLF asserted.

On account of this outlook, the NSCN-IM leadership could not view together the suffering of the people of North East region under the alien rule for the last 60 years.

The NSCN-IM leadership could not repose their faith in the united strength of the region because of their failure to identify Government of India as the common enemy.

Rather than pointing out the reality that the alien rule of India is the biggest cause for the suffering of Naga people, the NSCN-IM leadership has been misleading the Naga people by blaming the Kukis, Meiteis or Assamese.

Muivah is still unable to cultivate an inclusive outlook beyond the parochial politics of being anti-Kuki, anti-Meitei or anti-Assamese.

Such parochial outlook of the NSCN-IM leadership has made them convenient tools of the Government of India to execute its divide and rule policy, charged UNLF.

The recent events witnessed in different parts of the region testified that Delhi has been using the NSCN-IM to ignite communal conflicts in the region while extending peace-talk again and again indefinitely, it alleged.

The recent issue which broke out from Muivah's attempt to visit Manipur was a result of the permission given by Indian Home Minister P Chidambaram and the Home Ministry's instruction to the Govts of Manipur, Nagaland and West Bengal to provide security cover for Muivah's itinerary.

Otherwise, it should not have been any issue.

Maintaining that the State Govt's stand to ban entry of Muivah to Manipur was in conformity to the Indian constitution as law and order is a state subject, Chief Minister O Ibobi could have arrested Muivah and sent him to jail under NSA just like other insurgent leaders if he set his foot on the soil of Manipur.

Even as the Chief Minister's stand was similar to the people's resolve that Manipur's integrity can never be compromised, O Ibobi failed to see that Muivah's attempt to visit Somdal, Senapati and Tamenglong should never be made an issue.

However, even though the interests of Chidambaram and Muivah were different, both of them wanted to conflagrate the matter into a big issue.

The interest of the Indian Home Minister was to create communal tensions and enmity whereas Muivah wanted to re-build his waning political image among the Naga people by making it an emotional issue.

After their ouster from the base area of united NSCN in northern Burma, also known as eastern Nagaland, NSCN-IM leadership started devising plans to project Kukis as enemies of the Naga people to build a support base in Manipur after 1993 .

To realise this objective, NSCN-IM launched a pogrom targeting Kukis which resulted in a bloody ethnic clash between Nagas and Kukis.

Although Muivah's attempt to visit Manipur should not have been made an issue, the State Government failed to see the game-plan of Muivah and the Government of India.

Use of State forces by Ibobi turned out to be only facilitating the game-plan of Muivah and New Delhi.

Nevertheless, Ibobi should be appreciated for his bold stance taken at the crucial moment.

But it was most unfortunate that two civilians lost their lives at Mao Gate.

In the Government of India's plan to materialise the event, Muivah wittingly or unwittingly acted as catalyst.

Yet, the main culprit for the conflict and violence and the casualty suffered by the people was the Government of India, the UNLF alleged.
Assam, Arunachal & Manipur Protection Forum writes to PM Nagaland Post
Ever since the declaration of cease fire with National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) -NSCN (I-M), 70 rounds of talks have taken place but nothing fruitful has come as yet. The separatist NSCN (IM) presented a 30 point agenda to the government which also included, beside the sovereignty to Nagalim (Greater Nagaland) matters relating to finances, taxation and the cultural heritage of the Nagas on March 2, 2010 while meeting with new interlocutor R.S. Pandey. They also met Prime Minister and Home Minister P. Chidambaram the same day.
On her maiden visit to Nagaland on from 5-10 April’10, the newly appointed interlocutor R.S. Pandey said India has a concept of “Shared Sovereignty” indicating a different approach over the Naga Sovereignty issue. In the meeting on 19th April’10, NSCN (IM) proposed federal relationship with the Indian Union with additional financial and legislative powers to handle.
Nagas did not have any independent political existence at all immediately before the British rule or during British days. There was no existence of a definite political structure that governs a clearly demarcated area of land which is inhabited by a people who accept this arrangement and have close contact with each other. It also demands that the political structure would be either monarchy, democracy, autocracy, oligarchy, dictatorship or any other structure that is universally accepted by political scientist as an independent, self governing and well- defined political entity or a nation. Other areas in the northeast like Assam, Manipur, Tripura and Kacharis had their territories and their kingdoms. But Nagas did not have definite and unified political structure nor did they exist as a nation. They were actually a group of heterogeneous, primitive and diverse tribes living in far-flung villages that had very little in common and negligible contact with each other.
Education did not exist and awareness about the world outside was totally absent. Each village was practically an entity in itself. A village does not make a nation. The head-hunting was prevalent, mutual suspicion and distrust was rife. People led an insular and isolated life. Internecine warfare was the order of the day. There was no trust or interaction between different tribes. In these circumstances, the question of a unified “Naga nation” did not arise. No one can dispute this historical truth. NSCN (I-M), the Church and other underground groups claim that Nagas were an independents nation till British conquered. Did they have a boundary for Naga nation? As late as the 1940 when British rule was almost over, a large part of today’s Nagaland did not even exist on their maps. Even Tuensang and Mon was under North East Frontier Agency (NEFA). It was given to Nagaland on 1st December 1963 when the 16th State of Nagaland was carved out because of 16 point agreement with Naga People’s Convention (NPC) in 1960.
By early 1950s when sizeable numbers of Nagas were converted to Christianity and A.Z. Phizo took over Naga National Council (NNC) as president, the voice of Naga nationalism was heard and British missionary Rev. Michael Scott was very instrumental in all these development. He fled the country when a warrant of arrest was issued against him. Thus, the Christian countries, Communist China and Muslims of West and East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) are behind the Naga secessionists. The Church provides them a common platform and helped the militant groups in establishing international connections. They present a distorted history and bogus claim of uniqueness. Thus, the question of sovereignty does not arise. The 16 point agreement caused the formation of Nagaland state which was the amalgamation of the aspirations of the people to live in peace, normalcy and prosperity. It was a covenant without a battle to end a senseless war. It gave Nagas worth and significance in the eyes of the world. The statehood gave the Nagas a sense of unity, identity and political entity for the very first time.
Tuensang and Mon areas of NEFA merged with new state. It established parliamentary democracy in Naga society and ensured that the destiny of Nagas would be decided and charted by the Nagas themselves and not by someone alien to their ways of life. At the same time recognizing the need to preserve their culture, traditions and customary laws, a special provision was added to the constitution of India. Article 371A of the constitution guarantees that unless the Legislature Assembly of Nagaland so decides, no act of the Indian Parliament would apply to the state of Nagaland in respect of religious and social practices of Nagas, Naga customary laws and procedures, administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to Naga customary law and ownership and transfer of land and its resources.
In all respects these constitutional safeguards and 16 point agreement have given exceptional autonomy to Nagaland. What more do NSCN (I-M) and other Naga militant groups want? In fact, all the militant Naga groups including NSCN (I-M) have now degenerated into sere terrorism with killing of innocents, extortion, looting, intimidation, rape, kidnapping and threats becoming the order of the day. Gun culture is all pervading and the price for dissent is death. People are afraid to express their opinions and the straight forwardness that characterized the Naga society appears to have vanished. The leader who head the underground movement do not seem to have the vision, the wisdom, the democratic credentials and the compassion that are required to lead a people and run a nation. They run their writ through threat. They do not command the respect, they demand it from the people at gun points. Infact, they don’t have any respect from the people.
The Nagaland Church and a group of militant Nagas argue that even without a historical legacy, they must struggle for independence. Under the label of scholars and thinkers, there are some foreign funded busy bodies who strongly advocate that Nagas are not Indians and that Nagaland is not a part of India whereas Nagaland is a liability with nil revenue. Even the state of Nagaland does not have the resources, the expertise, the professional and technical competence and the machinery to manage the state affairs. They are entirely dependent on Delhi. But they want sovereignty or more autonomy and greater Nagaland only to be additional headache to Delhi. How can they survive without economic strength? However, it will open Pandora’s box.
The youths of Nagaland the vital section of the society feel that Nagas can do without bloody sovereignty if it means pulling the society back by hundreds if not thousand of years in terms of social evolution. They want to march forward along with the rest of the world. They are practical and realistic and know that dreams alone cannot provide bread and butter to the people. They are fed up of violence and killings and view India as a home for better opportunities. It would be extremely uncharitable and petty to denigrate such section of the society. Government of India needs to seriously consider these issues before jumping to hasty and wrong conclusions.
Ironically the Naga political dialogues have turned a blind eye of the rampant extortion networks run by NSCN(IM) in towns like Dimapur, Kohima, Mokokchung and elsewhere, its blatant use of violent coercion to ensure population support and its explicit hand in the small arms network running from Thailand to India via Myanmar and from Cox-Bazaar in Bangladesh. Manipuri trucks, passenger buses and traders are worst victim of forcible extortion by illegal Naga NGOs and NSCN-IM on NH-39.
The Government of India’s policy of talking only to NSCN(I-M) leaves out other affected diverse groups of actors with differences in personal experiences, perceptions, groups like the Naga civil society actors namely the Naga Hoho, the NNC and the other armed group the NSCN (K). Without them included in the dialogue table, the future of Naga talks will be limited to cease-fires and a means of prestige and status building for the NSCN (I-M) which does not represent the whole of the Naga community. The large section of Naga society including Tangkhuls to which Muivah belongs and the Semas to which Isak Chishi Swu belongs, question the legitimacy of the NSCN (I-M) as the sole representative of Naga political aspirations. Hence, there exists no concrete holistic vision for the future except the abstract and unrealistic NSCN (I-M) proposals for sovereignty for Naga areas which incidentally is not.
If one scans the ground reality in Nagaland more legitimate groups like Naga Hoho, Joint Forum for Gaon Burah and Dobashis, various Tribal Hohos and various Naga elders like Dr. S.C. Jamir, Prof. Gangmumei Kamei, Reishang Keishing, Ramkuiwangbe Newme and the likes are the ground actors who have ardent efforts over the years to bring about peace in Naga areas. They have conducted people’s consultative meetings, spoken out against NSCN (I-M) and NSCN (K) inter factional violence, declared an underground cease fire between all armed Naga outfits in 2007 and ensured that people have someone to go against the extortion and criminality of the armed outfits. The Nagaland state has failed to provide basic security whereas civil society has succeeded in a limited way to fill that security gap.
It must be noted that the NSCN (I-M) has continued with a rigid posture of sovereignty in the peace talks thereby creating obstacles to a reasonable solution to other Naga problems year after year so that it remains in business. The people of Nagaland, by and large, have expressed a deep seated desire to elevate their lives to a more dignified level and are tired of the delaying tactics and power methods utilized by armed outfits in their midst to extract their hard earned money from them. This has resulted desperation and thousands of Naga young people have fled the state to other places in India or abroad for peace of mind. Thus, the Naga people are getting more and more disillusioned with NSCN (I-M) on three counts.
i. NSCN (I-M) falls short in serious way. Most of its cadres are from Tangkhul tribe in Manipur and so is its leadership. It is rejected as an outsider talking on behalf of Nagas of Nagaland.
ii. The rationality of NSCN (IM) is under serious question especially with regard to its use of violence to establish itself as a credible force in Naga society and achieve its political objective-Naga Sovereignty. This has created an insecure environment. Rationality is, thereby, under question here on two counts - First, NSCN (IM) for sure knows that it can never defeat India militarily. Hence, its decision to continue its armed struggle in order to achieve its political objective has only come in the way of development of Naga society in a progressive manner. Second, the armed outfit thrives on a narrative of victimhood blaming all the ills of Nagas like economic and educational backwardness and poverty on the Indian state while cleverly hiding the actual truth that it is perhaps most responsible for the culture of fear and poverty that pervades Naga society.
iii. Responsibility: The practice of extortion which includes house taxes and work permit taxes in Naga inhabited areas by the NSCN (IM) have ensured that no private investor dares to invest in Nagaland. Sadly as a consequence, Naga youths who are well qualified, leave the state in search of a better life in other Indian states. The use of violence by NSCN (IM) has also created an atmosphere where people fear to venture out after dark in Nagaland, Manipur and Changlang and Tirap Dist. of Arunachal Pradesh. This is a sorry stated affair and tells badly on the NSCN (IM) as a responsible actor which it claims itself to be. How can one trust the future of an entire community as a brave and enterprising as the Nagas on an armed group that funds its daily activities through illegal and non democratic means? The answer is obviously negative.
Therefore, it is not enough for the Govt. of India to talk only with the NSCN (IM) in a conflict that has multiple stake holders equally affected by the violence. The government should seriously re-think in terms of institutionalizing an inclusive conflict resolution mechanism which has space for other Naga actors as mentioned above.
In view of the facts stated in fore-running lines, the Government must reject the concept of shared sovereignty or federal relationship or granting more autonomy in any form. The economic package is advisable that, too, to be implemented by a central agency in phase manner in Nagaland and other Naga inhabited areas without altering the state boundaries. This is to avoid the embezzlement of funds and implementation of scheme within scheduled time frame. A special cell is required to be opened with necessary infrastructure in Home Ministry to monitor the dialogue and implementation of developmental schemes pending final solution of vexed insurgency problem. Simultaneously, the law and order in Nagaland and Naga inhabited areas of neighboring states of Assam, Arunachal and Manipur must be brought under control. NSCN (IM) must not be allowed to use its armed cadres for forcible conversion into Christianity in neighboring states.
Now, Muivah is camping at Viswema village to enter in Manipur through Mao gate. The Chief Minister of Manipur O. Ibobi Singh has banned his entry on following counts. i. There is no ceasefire in Manipur (ii) There is warrant of arrest and a cash award of Rupees three lakhs declared to catch Muivah on murder charges and (iii) Delhi did not take Ibobi Singh into confidence while allowing Muivah to visit his Somdal village in Ukhrul Dist. of Manipur. It was also not spelt out that Muivah would not address any public meet and would not talk about greater Nagaland and sovereignty from the soil of Manipur. The Manipuris apprehended that Muivah’s visit to Manipur would be construed that claim of greater Nagaland over Manipur was genuine. It was also apprehended that the communal divide between Meiteis and Nagas would occur which might lead to communal clash.
This side in Nagaland the Naga Student Federation (NSF) in league with All Naga Student Association of Manipur (ANSAM) and United Naga Council (UNC) Manipur have caused economic blockade on behest of Muivah and over a thousand goods loaded trucks were stranded in Lahorijan, Bokajan and other entry gates. This has caused economic crisis in Manipur. The prices of essential commodities, domestic gas, medicines, life saving drugs, baby foods, oxygen cylinder, petrol/diesels and kerosene etc. touched sky. The stocks of many of these essential commodities are exhausted. The Central Government is required to make good the losses to Manipur due to 66 days long economic blockade caused by NSF, ANSAM and UNC.
After 15th June, when blockade was ended, Muivah is visiting different prominent places in Nagaland against the wishes of people. He has so far visited Pfutsero town in Phek, Pogoboto in Zunheboto districts. His entry was practically banned in Tuensang and Mon districts. He is now planning to go to Khonoma- Phizo’s village and Kohima Bada Basti. How and why is he allowed to campaign for Naga Sovereignty and Greater Nagaland? He is using the cease-fire for recruiting youths from Naga society, Muslim Community and Dimasas. Muivah is using its frontal organizations- NSF, ANSAM and UNC, Manipur to advance his mission. The Central government is requested to resolve this crisis. Naga civic organizations are appealed not to indulge in any such activities as economic blockade to avoid the sufferings of innocent people in Manipur. The Govt. of India is also appealed to improve the horrible condition of NH53 which is the main surface communication from Silchar to Imphal. On both the roads- NH39 and NH-53, Highway protection force including women battalion be deployed to prevent frequent blockade by NSF, ANSAM and UCM.
Hope your kind authority will not do any such thing which will prove detrimental to the interest of the nation and open Pandora’s box of problems in neighboring states.
Khagen Kalita, president, Guwahati, L.Surajmani Singh, secretary Imphal, K. Tasum, vice president, Itanagar
Eastern Nagaland struggles to come at par with rest of State morungexpress

The bailey bridges along National Highway 155, connecting Mokokchung to Tuensang and other interior districts are in very bad shape. There are six bailey bridges from Mokokchung to Tuensang- all in hazardous conditions. The bridges have exceeded their life span and have become life threatening. The metal sheets are no longer attached to the iron angles below and are scattered haphazardly. The Dikhu Bridge which fell apart earlier this year is still in same condition. Sometimes travelers have to get down from their vehicle to adjust the metal sheets for the vehicle to ply. The Nagaland State Transport department incurred loses of Rs. 12 crore last year, owing mostly to bad road conditions. The public works department had said that the bridges would be replaced with concrete ones. However, if not done soon, the bridges would no longer be pliable in days to come given the existing vulnerable conditions.

Dimapur| July 1: In 1996, a high level commission on transforming the north east constituted by the Union Planning Commission estimated that Nagaland would require at least Rs. 11,000 crore investment, to come at par with other states in India. 14 years on and crores of rupees utilised, Nagaland still is one of the most underdeveloped states of India. Notwithstanding the huge funds doled out by the Centre, development in the state has not been proportionate to the amount sanctioned. Within the state itself, development gap exists from district to district. Development has by and large been concentrated in some districts while others are struggling to come at par. Development in districts of Mon, Longleng, Kiphire and Tuensang has been very slow if not stagnant. Despite the additional fund allocations for these areas, development is yet to reach most people. Nagaland is faced with the challenge in the disparity between the ‘backward’ areas and the rest of the state.
The backward regions enjoy several fund allocations including the border area development fund (Indo-Myanmar border), backward area development fund and other backward-alleviation packages provided through the DUDA.
Apart from the state’s allocation of Rs.100 crores for the four districts, the Centre has sanctioned several hundred crores under special backward area development programmes. Judging by the amount sanctioned for the development of the region, Eastern Nagaland should have come at par with other districts. However, the funds have reportedly not been utilised judiciously and the condition of these districts remain poor.
Sources from civil-based organisations of Eastern Nagaland said that the DUDA fund has made “no difference” for the region. There has been no significant development despite the institution of additional funds. Sources said that DUDA funds are not utilised as per the “needs of the people but according to the wishes of the implementing agencies.” Last year the DoNER Ministry had called for proper and speedy implementation of backward area development programmes. But nobody is aware of the sanctioned amount or how the money has been utilised. Sadly, the 20 MLAs from Eastern Nagaland have not been able to effectively voice their concerns over the utilization of the funds either.
Further, neither the border area development funds nor the presence of the International Trade Centres, have managed to bring development in these regions. Reportedly, no major schemes have been undertaken under the border area development funds. The Look East Policy of the Government of India has only remained an imaginary line of divide, not providing any economic opportunities for the people.
Communitisation and the national flagship programmes are not implemented properly and there is very little accountability. A source in the Mon district administration confirmed that most national flagship programme like the MGREGA and Indira Awas Yojana- for which the state won the Bharat Nirman award for rural housing - is plagued with corruption and has several loopholes in its implementation. Road connectivity is weak and lack of maintenance has hampered the progress of this region.

Ten tourist spots of Nagaland Nagaland Post
Here we go! The tourist sites of Nagaland which make our state ugly. These are a must visit spots. There are still better and amazing places in our state to be visited and placed in record. Having visited these places I feel so disgusted and feel sorry for our people living in those areas. This is my personal experience which makes me to think, reflect and analyze where we are heading towards. Well, before we journey out, prepare yourself physically, mentally and spiritually to venture to these famous land of Nagaland. Good luck and happy journey!
1. Dimapur New Market:
Dimapur, the commercial hub of Nagaland and New Market in the heart of Dimapur can be called the “mess of Dimapur.” A slashy-filthy market, a pumpy road, a stinking place and a hive for healthy rats, cockroaches, flies and mosquitoes. You look and think twice to take your first step. On a rainy day you can have a good swim on the slash of the place and get the fragrance of a stinking aroma. A rare scenic beauty in any town which is so distasteful to the eye, awful to the nose, harmful to the feet and unhygienic to health. Are we not ashamed?
2. Dimapur Airport:
The only Airport in Nagaland; a mesmerizing welcome gate to Nagaland. It depicts what Nagaland is and how Nagas are. This airport in some way sums up Nagaland and Nagas. On a rainy day, the Airport wears more of a small shipyard flooded by water. Outside the Airport, it is messy, shabby, slash and dirt. One wonders whether it is an airport or an unkept plants cultivation or an unwanted grass nursery. Welcome to Nagaland.
3. Dimapur Hongkong market:
Hongkong market – the pride of Nagaland shopping site. Every tourist and outsider longs to shop and have a glimpse of this well known shopping mall at least once if they are around Nagaland. In the middle of the arcade, you have an eye-catcher. The dirtiest lake or pond as one would describe it. The pond/lake gives an ugly picture and depicts the standard of Nagaland and Nagas. The pond boasts of garbage and rubbish all around. This is a breeding mansion for high quality export mosquitoes, and a place for emergency exit spot for all emergency natural calls. Come bathe yourself in this heavenly spot.
4. Dimapur Super market backyard:
A mess in the backyard. Slash, dirt and smell is the definition of the place. The sumo and bus stops of Longleng, Mokokchung, Tuensang make a perfect tourist spot for the passengers. Have a great day!
5. The great drainage system of Dimapur:
Walking by the sides of Dimapur roads, one can only wonder and express in amazement the conditions of the drains that flow in Dimapur city. One can stand by the side, open the mouth, close the nostrils and just say woh! Chey! Huh! And bring out huge spittle out of the mouth. Infested with healthy rats, filled with rubbish and garbage, the drains are perfect dams for generating unhealthy diseases and sicknesses. Wish you a smelling day!
6. Tuensang-Shamator road:
This road is the proud owner of National highway 155. Visit this site and take a drive through this road, you will never feel like turning back for a second time. You will hardly get an experience of this sort anywhere in the world. It stresses to a distance of sixty plus kilometers. You can either start a fishery pond or bathe yourself on the road itself. Believe me, a child can get drowned on this national highway-155. Bon voyage!
7. Wokha district village roads:
Do you want to jump and dance on the road? Wokha district roads provide you the best place for it. This is more for an adventurous people. The vehicle will skid and dance on the road in the rhythm of a snake’s movement. On a rainy day, mud becomes your shoes but on a dry day, dust becomes your helmet. Take a brave heart and venture to these land unknown but make sure to take dao and spade along and be ready to take shelter at any place and at any time. Happy trip!
8. Wokha - Merapani road:
The road is more of a record than a tourist spot. This road maintenance can enter easily into the Guinness book of record. The road which is less than 100 kilometers has taken four years to be black-topped but still remains incomplete. In other parts of the world, people have paved their roads at least twice in these four years. The people responsible may be thinking of the quality and are steady in their work but even this is doubtful because even without starting on the other end the black-topped on the other side are already giving way. All the best.
9. Kohima NST toilet:
This is a view to behold. Close your eyes, hold your breath and get in. Mosquitoes and flies are your unwelcomed companions. Any outsider will get a feel of what and how our capital is all about. It is really shameful. Manners forbid but the dirt and stench will make you forget for the reason that you came for. Wish you luck!
10. Kiphire - Tuensang town:
Want to get a glimpse of how dirty and shabby Nagaland districts are? Visit Kiphire - Tuensang, you can get a feel and taste of Nagaland and Nagas. This is really a wonder. Dirt and bad roads complement each other. No words can describe the feelings, just make a go for it and you will never regret. Happy stay!
Visit these sites and you will certainly ask yourself one question: Have those people who are responsible for the development and cleanliness of Nagaland not gone out of Nagaland at least once to see and learn the amazing development and cleanliness of other places and states? Wish you luck and have great fun!
Fr. Rhanben Ovung.



Frans on 07.03.10 @ 05:19 AM CST [link]



THE 3rd NAGA PEOPLES’ CONVENTION and Position Paper



THE 3rd NAGA PEOPLES’ CONVENTION
1st July, 2010, Mini Indoor Studium, Tahamzam.

THEME: “TOWARDS SELF - GOVERNANCE”

ORDER OF PROGRAM


1. Registration of Delegates : 10:00 a.m.
2. Opening Hymn : “How Great Thou Art”
3. Invocation : L. Kokho, Pastor, Mao Baptist Church, Senapati Hq.
4. Welcome Note : General Secretary, UNC
“Life Pages”
5. Introduction : Vice President, UNC
6. Keynote Address : President, UNC
7. Presentation of Position Paper : Convenor, UNC-CC
“Glory Explosion”
8. Solidarity Messages
1. Convenor, Naga Parliamentarians’ Forum
2. Representative, resigned Naga MLAs.
3. Mr. V. Sword, Retd. Addl. Dy. Comptroller. Auditor General, GOI

“Life Pages”
4. President, NPO
5. President, CNPO
6. President, TNL
7. Convenor, ZIB

“Life Pages”
9. NPC Declaration : Speaker, UNC
10. Vote of thanks : President, Naga Women’s Union
11. Closing Hymn : “We Shall Overcome”
12. Benediction : C. M. Joy, Pastor, New Eden Prayer Centre, Senapati.
COMMUNITY MEAL :
Moderator : 1. Paul Leo, 2. Artax Shimray
Rapportuers : 1. L. Adani, 2. Chingya Luithui
Cc:

PRESS RELEASE
Senapati, 1st July 2010

The 3rd Naga Peoples’ Convention (NPC) called by the United Naga Council (UNC) as per Article 9 (ii) of its Constitution was held on 1st July 2010 at Tahamzam (Senapati). It is to be noted that the UNC is empowered to call such a Convention “to seek the directives of the Naga people on such matters affecting territorial interest or the political future or any other matter of grave importance to the Naga people” and decisions or resolutions taken during such Conventions “will be paramount and shall guide all policies and programmes of the Council on the matter(s) directed upon.” The Convention is open to all Naga public.

With “Towards Self-Governance” as the theme, the 3rd NPC was called against the backdrop of the continued and persistent denial of the rights of Nagas in the present state of Manipur and in the face of recent events engineered by the Government of Manipur (GoM) which has created a war-like situation in Naga areas.

More than 2000 Nagas from all walks of life and from all Naga areas packed the venue of the Convention. In his keynote address, the President of the UNC pointed out the extraordinary circumstances which compelled the convening of such a Convention. He pointed out that the recently imposed ADC election had been rejected by the Naga people and that the struggle for securing the rights of the people must be resolutely continued till this goal is attained. He also reiterated the Naga people’s support for the struggle of all communities for their right to self-determination, including the Meiteis, and in fighting for the recognition and respect of their identities and ownership over their lands, institutions and traditional practices to ensure the emergence of a sustainable and viable relationship among all communities.

Solidarity messages were also delivered by Mr. G. Vashum, representative of Naga Hoho; Mr. Mani Charenamei, Convener, Naga Parliamentarians’ Forum; Dr. Khashim Ruivah, representative of resigned Naga MLAs; Mr. Sword Vashum, Retd. Addl. Dy. Comptroller & Auditor General, GOI; Mr. M. Dili, President Naga Peoples Organisation, Senapati; Mr. S. T. Nunghlung, President, Chandel Naga Peoples Organisation; Mr. Ramthing Hungyo, Convener, Tangkhul Coordination Committee and Mr. Ningthoudai, Convener, Zeliangrong Interim Body. All the speakers pointed out the need for Nagas to come together and stand up for the realization of their rights.

The following declaration was adopted during the Convention.

“We, the Nagas in the present state of Manipur having established our position based upon the unmistakable fact that it is impossible to protect our right to life, land, time-honored institutions, customary practice and values under the administration of the dominant and communal Government of Manipur (GoM), and that our history with it, has clearly confirmed the harsh reality that the GoM has never recognized and respected the identity and dignity of the Naga people, hereby declare on this day the following that -

1. The Nagas will sever all political ties with the communal Government of Manipur, and henceforth there shall be a total political non-cooperation movement against it.
2. The imposed ADC election is declared “null & void” and under no circumstances shall the district councils be allowed to function in the Naga areas.
3. Because of the severance of ties, the vacuum in governance and administration created thereby must be filled with an alternative arrangement by the Government of India in consultation with the Naga people at the earliest possible time.
4. The United Naga Council is hereby empowered to constitute a committee of members with expertise and experience, drawn from the Naga community, for pursuing the establishment of an alternative arrangement with clearly defined terms of reference.
5. The Government of India must exercise its political will to bring an honourable and acceptable settlement of the Indo-Naga issue at the earliest notwithstanding any attempts to sabotage this process.”

The principles of the said declaration would guide all future actions and policies of the UNC.
The Life Pages and Glory Explosion also made musical interventions in the convention.

Publicity Wing United Naga Council

POSITION PAPER OF THE UNITED NAGA COUNCIL
APPROVED IN THE NAGA PEOPLES’ CONVENTION HELD AT TAHAMZAN ON THE 1st JULY, 2010.

The present situation and the response of the Manipur State Government .

After a journey of more than 13 years the Indo-Naga peace process has steadily, albeit slowly, progressed to the stage where a mutually acceptable framework is to be worked out for consideration of the Nagas and the Government of India (GoI). All through the peace process, the territorial unification of Naga areas through the recognition and respect for the rights of Nagas to live together as one peoples under a single administrative unit has remained the foremost desire in the minds of the Nagas. The Nagas are of the unflinching belief that the unification of all Naga territories must be interwoven into the body fabric of the final negotiated settlement of the Indo-Naga issue.

However, the communal Government of Manipur (GoM) and has virulently pursued a policy for derailment and sabotaging the advent of an acceptable and honourable settlement through the Indo-Naga Peace Process, which has brought peace in all parts of the Naga homeland, including those within the boundaries of present day state of Manipur. For the failed state of Manipur the Peace Process which seeks to secure the respect and recognition for the rights of the Nagas to live together as one people and be at Peace with the great Indian nation, Manipur included, has become a uniting force of abhorrence.

Out of Manipur’s total area of 22,327 sq. km., tribal areas comprise of 20,089 sq. km., a significant 90% of the state. Manipur’s tribal population of 9,83,074 accounts for 41% of the state’s total of 23,88,634. However, out of 60 seats in the Manipur Legislature, tribals have only 20 representatives translating to each tribal legislator representing an average electorate of 34,180 as opposed to the average of 25,575 only represented by the 40 representatives from the small Imphal Valley and the satellite sub-division of Jiribam at the Assam border (227 sq. km), which together is only 2,238 sq. km. in area representing barely 10% of the state’s total area.

This warped system of representation is the handy instrument used for the suppression of the tribal population of Manipur. With the brute majority of 40 representatives from Imphal Valley in a house of 60, successive Manipur state governments of different parties, individuals or groups, have over the years worked invariably in the interest of the dominant community of Imphal valley, undermining the rights and aspirations of tribals. The fate of the tribals have been thus chained to the whims and fancies of the dominant community and any democratic movement to secure the rights of tribals have either been drowned out by the noise of the majority or have been projected as unlawful and criminal and brutally put down with force.

Recent events engineered and planted in the Naga areas of the present state Manipur and the manner in which the GoM has responded to them creating a war-like situation in the entire Naga areas of the present State of Manipur are as follows:

a) The Autonomous District Council (ADC) election: The tribals have consistently demanded for the extension of the provisions of the 6th Schedule of the Constitution of India to the hill areas of Manipur since 1990. After agreeing to accede to the demand, the GoM, however, maliciously stonewalled the process by inserting a rider that the 6th Schedule would be extended after “local adjustments and amendments”. Instead of sincerely pursuing their commitment, after 20 long years the communal Manipur State Government came out with the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (3rd Amendment) Act 2008, thoroughly doctored and stripped off of all the provisions that go into self governance and the rights of the hill people over their land and resources and removing the primacy of the traditional institutions of the tribals.

The voice of the Naga people which has been raised loud and clear was that the ADC election should not be imposed till such time the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council (3rd Amendment) Act, 2008 was amended to secure the rights of the tribal people over their lands and the pre-eminence of tribal institutions which provides for democratic polity within their societies, and their right to self governance enshrined in the Indian constitution. A Select Committee on the Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District Council, 2008 was instituted to circumvent the requirement of approval by the Hill Areas Committee as stipulated under Article 371-C of the Indian constitution. The Chairman of the Hill Areas Committee who was made a member of the Select Committee resigned from the Committee but the Committee went ahead with its recommendation and got the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils (3rd Amendment) Ordinance promulgated by the Governor on the pretext that the Assembly was not in session. This illegal manner in which the amendment was rushed through when for 20 long years it was delayed with manipulations and the manner in which the ADC elections under the “unwanted 2008 Act” was imposed in the face of strong protest contravenes the rights of the tribal people. The GoM clearly wants to legitimize the suppression and denial of the rights of the tribal. After repeated written submissions which evoked no response, the Nagas through the All Naga Students’ Association Manipur (ANSAM) called for a 6 days economic blockade from 11th to 17th April, 2010 to register its protest against the decision of conducting the election. Instead of addressing the concerns of the tribals, and despite the widespread protests, the GoM decided to go ahead with the election and announced its schedule. Left with no option, ANSAM re-imposed the blockade indefinitely. The only response from the GoM was the deployment of more state forces in tribal areas.

b) Denial of entry to NSF officials: On 3rd of May, 2010 a team of the Naga Students’ Federation, the umbrella student body of all Naga tribes of India and Myanmar, led by its President was heading to Oinam Hill village, Senapati District for a preparatory meeting of their Federal Assembly slated for the 7th May, 2010. They were prevented from proceeding by Manipur State Armed Forces deployed at Mao Gate. It was an insult and an outright provocation to the Naga student community when they were disallowed to go even to their own lands. The NSF demanded an apology from the GoM pending which a total ban on Manipur vehicles was enforced in the entire Naga area.

c) The proposed visit of Mr. Th. Muivah: Since August 1997, the GoI and the NSCN, of which Mr. Muivah is the General Secretary, has been in a ceasefire pact and had been negotiating to bring about a peaceful and honorable solution to the Indo-Naga issue. On the 29th of April, 2010, Ministry of Home Affairs, GoI, directed the state governments of Manipur, Nagaland and West Bengal to arrange “foolproof security” for Th. Muivah during his visit to Somdal, his native village, which is located within the state of Manipur.

As the Naga people prepared to welcome him, the GoM, in direct opposition to the directive of the GoI, took a cabinet decision on 30th April 2010 banning the entry of Mr. Muivah into Manipur citing the possibility of “social unrest” from his visit.

The Naga people’s movement is more than 60 years old and it is the wish of the Nagas that peace through the removal of artificial boundaries and recognition of the rights of the Nagas to live together as a people must be negotiated. This aspiration is the foundation of the Naga movement, and therefore denying Mr. Muivah, the chief negotiator for the Nagas, to visit his birthplace on a peace mission is a direct affront to the wish of the Naga people, and an open effort to sabotage the peace process from reaching its logical conclusion.

We ask how can a community, by virtue of being the dominant one, deny the same rights that they enjoy to another, including the right to live together as one people? The GoM, actively supported by some communal organizations and individuals is constantly sabotaging the struggle of the Naga people’s right to self determination when the Meiteis are also fighting for similar recognition and protection? The only explanation for this would be that the majority community of Manipur fear that the dominant position they have enjoyed and exploited to the hilt at the expense and detriment of the tribals would come to an end, and as such, the wish, desires and hopes of the Nagas are labeled as criminal and are suppressed with force and violence through the use of state machinery.

d) Peaceful Protest March and killings of 2 students by Manipur State Armed forces: The Mao Women’s Welfare Association under the aegis of the Naga Women’s Union, Manipur organized peaceful dharnas on the 4th and the 5th of May, 2010 at Mao Gate, Senapati District, (under the present administration of Manipur State) to protest against the Manipur state’s cabinet decision banning the entry of Mr Th. Muivah, to his native place. On the evening of 5th May, 2010, around 6.30 P.M., one Mr Ashihrii Puni, of Song Song village aged 52 years was brutally assaulted without any reason by the Indian Reserve Battalion (IRB), Manipur. Therefore, on the 6th of May, the general public of the area organized a peaceful procession on National Highway 39 to protest against the savage act of the IRB. While the procession was being taken out, the Manipur State Armed Forces, without any warnings, started firing tear gas and stick bombs on the peaceful protestors. Soon after, they started firing gunshots indiscriminately and in the process two students, Mr. Chakho and Mr. Loshou were shot dead while more than 100 persons, mostly women, sustained grievous bullet wounds and related injuries. The Manipur State Armed Forces also damaged many vehicles parked on the National Highway, broke windows, kicked open doors of houses, assaulted and arrested men folks. They further went on a rampage of looting and destruction of properties. Illegal excessive force was used to put fear and cow down the spirit of the people. Villagers fearing for their lives fled to neighbouring villages in Nagaland and more than 2000 of them were internally displaced.

It has become very clear that the Manipur Commandos/IRB/Manipur rifles were sent to Mao Gate, Ukhrul and Jessami to intentionally create the “social unrest” which the GoM has cited as the reason for banning Muivah’s visit. The war like situation was thus created by provoking, insulting and offending the sensibilities of the people. When the people protested and raised their voices, Manipur state forces shot them down, used excessive force and stripped them off their dignity and self-respect - this was their mission, executed to perfection.

In view of the war that was waged upon the innocent and unarmed Naga citizens at Mao by the Manipur State Government, the Naga Hoho on the 8th of May, 2010 issued a statement that “…henceforth, we derecognize any artificial boundary lines drawn across our ancestral lands in the so called Manipur State”.

e) Resignation of 7 Naga MLAs: The greatest message of protest in a democratic polity has been sent out by the Nagas through the 7 Naga Manipur Legislative Assembly members who tendered their resignation in the wake of the repeated refusal of the State Government to listen to the voice of the Naga people and also the violence perpetrated by Manipur State on unarmed Nagas at Mao Gate on the 6th May, 2010. That this has not caused a constitutional crisis as yet in the State of Manipur reflects how well co-ordinated the GoM is in sabotaging efforts of the Nagas to have their rights recognized and how determined they are to silence the voice of the Naga people.

f) Assault on participants of candle light rally at Taphou on 24th May, 2010: Naga villagers who were returning home after attending a candle light peace rally at Senapati Bazar in support of the Indo-Naga peace process were brutally assaulted by the IRBs posted at Taphou. The first group of Nagas, all from Ningthoupham village were asked whether they are Nagas and on answering in the affirmative they were repeatedly assaulted. Another group from Tumuyon Khullen village were halted and harassed alleging that they are NSCN cadres. Another two persons from Thonglang Akutpa village were also thrashed with rifle butts and barrel for not changing their Assam registered vehicle number to that of Manipur. An amount of Rs.110, one cigarette pack and one match box were forcibly taken from them.

g) Khumji Firing on 28th May, 2010: The Manipur State Armed Forces opened indiscriminate firings on innocent women and brutally assaulted villagers of Khumji village in reaction to an accident met by a fuel tanker on 28th May, 2010. The accident occurred when the fuel tanker heading towards Imphal from Silchar lost control on a turn at Khumji village and turned turtle on the road. Without investigating the cause of the accident, Manipur security forces coming up from Imphal escorting empty trucks heading for Jiribam, started firing indiscriminately on innocent bystanders and in the process Ms. Ester, and Mrs. Ariang Riamei sustained serious injuries. The commandos then barged into the house of Mr Robinson Kamei and severely assaulted him with rifles butts and kicks. 4 other innocent villagers were also beaten up severely for no reason.

This unprovoked brutality following closely on the heels of the 6th May Mao firing is again a telling testimony of the psychological conditions and mental programming of the Manipur State Armed Forces. Such elements are let loose to wreak havoc in Naga areas creating an atmosphere of fear and insecurity.

h) Assault and firings at Ukhrul. On the evening 2nd June, 2010, the violence prone IRB and Commandos of Manipur accosted Naga civilian on the streets of Ukhrul and started raining blows, kicks and rifles butts on the excuse that curfew had been clamped in Ukhrul town, when in fact there was no such notification from the District Administration. The assault triggered off protests all over Ukhrul Town where again, tear gas and other weapons were used upon the public. In the melee, the Manipur State Armed Forces lost 16 guns but which were later traced by the public and returned to the Deputy Commissioner, Ukhrul to demonstrate that Nagas genuinely want peace and not war.

Heavy militarization of Naga areas has become the campaign strategy of the GoM to address its insecurity on the issue of the rights of the Nagas to live together under a single administration. As in all other times, violent military action is employed to preserve the much touted “territorial integrity” of the present State of Manipur while the emotional bond or whatever is left of it is being heedlessly fissured to the point of no return.

i) Militarisation continues in Naga areas of Jessami and Liyai Khunou: On the pretext of preventing the entry of Mr. Muivah for his home visit, the GoM sent heavy contingents of its security forces to Jessami and Liyai Khunou, supposedly the likely routes to be taken by the latter on the 5th of June, 2010. The Manipur State Armed Forces forcibly occupied houses and used properties of the villagers. That the intrusion of the security forces is by itself the cause of law and order situation in the otherwise peaceful Naga areas and that the protection of life and property of its citizen should be a priority, is farthest from the considerations of the communal GoM.

j) Issue of Arrest warrant to Naga leaders: Instead of addressing the material issue at hand, the GoM chose to issue arrest warrants against Naga civil society leaders on the 7th June, 2010. This brazen action followed an invitation for talks on the issue of ADC election and economic blockade from the GoM in the form of a letter from the Chief Secretary, through the DC, Senapati addressed to the President UNC. The invitation was received at 2.30 PM of the 26th May, 2010, the day of the 1st Phase of polling for the ADC election when any talk on the issue had become impertinent. Further, this response came after a lapse of over 3 month of the demand for review of the Act. The criminalisation of Naga leaders for demanding justice for the tribal people is yet another testimony of its communal agenda.

k) Shooting of Abonmei Kaibi Henam at Makhan village: On June 13, Abonmei Kaibi Henam (33) of Makhan village was shot by a team of police commandos in civil dress, while he and his friends were on site seeing trip to a waterfall near Makhan village, Kanglatombi under Sapermaina police station of Senapati district. The police commandoes hurled abuses on the tribals with invectives, filled with communal overtones and after the cowardly act escaped from the spot. The culprit has since been arrested and identified as one Takhellambam Angou (30), son of T Mohendro of Kongpal Laishram Leikai in Imphal east district, a commando of the Manipur Police attached to Sekmai P.S. under Imphal West.

This is yet another glaring example in which the Manipur State Armed Forces have been proved to be carrying out a communal mission, where any Naga is considered an enemy to be targeted with bullets.

l) The absence of a popular government in Naga areas: Article 21 of United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights stipulates that “the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government”.

Where a government ignores the will of the people and goes further seeking to suppress the will of the people, it becomes a tyranny. As such it loses legitimacy by which it pretends to govern.

An assessment of the chain of events in the immediate past provides a clear picture that the communal GoM and the valley based media have no other intention but to suppress the voice of the people. In any situation of such serious proportion, as depicted above, the representatives of a popular Government meets the affected people and try to address the expressed grievances. But the GoM has not taken any initiatives nor have any of its representatives come and met the families of those students who have been killed, the wounded and injured, nor the people who have been displaced and affected or made any sincere attempt to dialogue with the civil society. The State Government has willfully withdrawn itself even from their primary responsibilities to protect the lives and properties of the Naga citizens not to speak of being guided by the expressed opinion of the people.

The Media War by the valley based media

The rampant biased reporting in valley based media compels us to conclude that they have joined hands with the GoM in their communal campaign against the Nagas.
For instance, the Press Trust of India, whose Imphal office is manned by one Mr Tarapot, a Meitei, has fed lies to the national papers even to the extent of altering the genders of victims and citing the cause of death in the 6th May, 2010 shooting as from a stampede. Despite pointing this out, no corrigendum or apology has been made till date. Further, it was police brutality and not a media imagined communal confrontation that needed to be exposed. However, videos and pictures taken by valley based journalists that captured the inhuman brutality of the Manipur State Armed Forces have not been telecasted nor published in the media.

The media became active parties to the brutalities and rights violations when they indulged in intentional misrepresentation of news. Valley based media have concertedly blanked out the views and articles written by Nagas. Editorials of Imphal Valley based dailies doubly confirm their communal orientations by openly supporting the aggression and rights violations and justifying the violence committed by Manipur State Armed Forces against the Nagas. They actively propagate the projection of Nagas as people who revel in imposing bandhs on the highways and disturbing the peace of Manipur while conveniently avoiding the core issue of discrimination, the lack of democratic space for the Nagas and other tribals to express their grievances, and to secure their inherent rights to live together as a people.

The perception of the dominant community is the perception of the Manipur State Government

The disputed “glorious 2000 years” of Meitei history, which even Meitei historians have condemned as untenable, is being touted to forward the inviolability of the territorial integrity of the present state of Manipur. This patently false historical narrative is sought to be justified by conveniently ignoring the parallel historical narratives of the Nagas and other tribals which involves stories of inhuman suppression of generations of tribals by the Meiteis.

Meiteis project the Nagas as “expansionists”, and as “aggressors” who are holding the Meitei people to ransom and starving them to death. However, when the Meiteis deny the existence and identity of the Nagas in the present state of Manipur, and seeks to erase the history of others, they are definitely the real expansionists. To the Meiteis, Manipur means Imphal and “people of Manipur” means Meiteis alone, and the tribals living in the hills and the 90% of the state’s total area belonging to the tribals are mere appendages.

The economic blockade effects not only Imphal valley and the Meiteis but also the hill people and more so, as they do not enjoy the support of the State. Despite the hardship it was to cause to the public, the ongoing economic blockade was the only available resort in the given situation of the Nagas, for drawing the attention of the world and to convey that the Nagas are suffering and their “existence” and “identity” as a people have been denied. It is the voice that is intended to be heard above the loud slogans of peaceful co-existence, communal harmony and multiethnicity of Manipur, being drummed up from the Imphal valley and flaunted to hoodwink the world and perpetuate their hegemony over the tribals.

The position of the Naga people

On the 15th of May, 2010 the United Naga Council along with the frontal Naga Organisations - the Naga Women’s Union, Manipur; All Naga Students’ Association Manipur and the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Right have jointly declared thus –

“…We declare our commitment to protect the rights and existence of the Nagas and that we shall initiate steps for the fulfillment of our objectives. We will sever all relationship with the Manipur State Government and all the dominant organizations and individuals who collude with it, until our history and situation are acknowledged and accorded due respect. We shall offer our all for the realization of an honourable political settlement and for the integration of all Naga areas whereby we will live as a people under one political roof, free from domination and exploitation.”

As we reiterate this position, we also declare, in the same spirit, that we shall support the movement for self-determination of neighbouring communities, including the Meitei people, as fellow struggling peoples. It is the wish of the Naga people that the right of every community to their respective identities and ownership over their lands, institutions and traditional practices be respected, recognized and upheld by the others, so that sustainable and viable arrangement will emerge.

The position of the Nagas therefore is clear and resolute and is expressed by the following -

1. The Government of Manipur must
(a) Cease the militarization in Naga areas
(b) Withdraw its administration from the Naga areas.

2. The Government of India must recognize the fact that the Government of Manipur has failed to represent the Naga people with the denial of their constitutional and democratic rights, and that it is impossible for the Nagas to protect their right to life, land, traditional institutions, customary practice and values under the administration of the Government of Manipur.

3. The Government of India must intervene with an alternative arrangement for protection of the Naga citizens and administration of the Naga areas in the present state of Manipur.

4. The Government of India must exercise its political will to bring an honourable and acceptable settlement of the Indo-Naga issue at the earliest withstanding any attempts to sabotage this process.

Kuknalim !

Sd/- Sd/-
(SAMSON REMEI) (GRACE SHATSANG)
President President
United Naga Council Naga Women’s Union, Manipur

Sd/- Sd/-
(ADANI DAVID CHORO) (PHAMHRING SENGUL)
President Convenor
All Naga Students’ Association Manipur Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights






SUPPORTING NOTE TO THE POSITION PAPER OF THE UNITED NAGA COUNCIL

The United Naga Council is the tribe based apex body of the Nagas in the present Manipur State, organized under the traditional system and practice of the Naga people, to uphold the solidarity and unity of the Naga people, to protect our land, our identity and our history, to preserve and promote our culture and traditional heritage and to secure all round growth of our people.

The Naga Peoples’ Convention is the forum convened by the United Naga Council to seek the directives of the Naga people on such matters affecting territorial interest or the political future or any other matter of grave importance to the Naga People. The decision/resolution of the Convention will be paramount and shall guide all policies and programmes of the Council on the matter(s) directed upon. For the purpose of such Conventions, the general public, leaders and representatives of every Naga village shall be duly invited.

Naga struggle for their rights, land and people.
1) Before the partial colonization of the Naga Country, the Nagas lived in Village States and were free from any external political interference and domination. With the coming of the British, boundaries were redrawn arbitrarily to suit their administrative convenience and also to keep the allies of the British in good humour. As a consequence, the Naga territories were placed in the different states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Nagaland in India and in Sagaing division of West Burma.
2) During the First World War in 1917-1918, Nagas rendered their service in the Labour Corps of the British force and went to France as British subjects. This journey across the land and seas crystallised the concept of Naga Nationalism. In 1918, the Naga Club was formed by the union of politically conscious Nagas laying the foundation for future Naga Politics.

3) The Naga Club submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission at Kohima on 10 January in 1929 demanding in clear terms that the Nagas should be left alone as before when the British leave India.

4) In 1930-31, the “Naga Raj” movement was launched by Haipou Jadonang, a Zeliangrong Naga and Rani-Gaidinliu, his cousin sister in the then Tamenglong sub-division to free the people from the yoke of the colonial rule. The former was hanged by the British in 1931 and subsequently Rani Gaidinliu was arrested and jailed.
5) The Nagas of Manipur were independent of the Manipur Raja before the advent of the British. Even after the British came, they were administered by the political department of the British Crown. The Manipur Raja and his darbar administered only the valley area till 15th August 1947.
6) As the departure of the British became imminent, Naga leaders, both in Manipur and in the then Naga Hills District of Assam began to seriously ponder over their political future. Thus the Naga National Council(NNC) was formed by the Naga people in February 1946 to fight for their rights, land and people.
7) Meanwhile, in September 1946, the Naga National League (NNL) was organized to consolidate the Nagas of Manipur in order to bring together the Naga people separated by colonial boundaries.
8) After 15th August 1947, when the paramountcy was transferred to the Maharaja of Manipur without the consent of the hill people, the NNL stated that they will not be part of Manipur since the latter had never conquered the Nagas. The Nagas further declared that it would be impossible for the Nagas to preserve their culture, tradition, customary laws and political practices should the Naga people and their land be split up and placed under different political administration and government. The NNL expressed their strong desire to merge with the Naga Hills District of Assam through the BOYCOTT of the preparation of electoral rolls in Naga areas in Manipur.
9) The “NO HOUSE TAX CAMPAIGN” was launched in 1948 when Maharaj Kumar Priyobrata Singh was the Chief Minister of Manipur where the Nagas in Manipur refused to pay the annual House Tax to the Government of Manipur and under the aegis of the NNL submitted their annual house tax to Charles Pawsey, D.C. of Naga Hills of Assam at Kohima. Though the campaign was forcibly suppressed resulting in the death of three volunteers and wounding of many, the seeds of political aspiration sown during that critical time never died. Having realized the futility of the non-violent movement to secure their inalienable right to live together with the rest of the Naga people, the Nagas of Manipur took to arms and became a part of the mainstream armed movement spearheaded by the NNC.
10) The first Indo-Naga Cease-fire which came into effect from Sept. 6th 1964 and lasted till 1967 was operational in the whole of Nagaland, and also in the areas inhabited by the Nagas, in Manipur, Cachar hills and the North-East Frontier Agency. The 1st Cease-Fire period saw 6 rounds of talks between the Nagas and the Government of India which could not proceed with concrete progress due to stalemate caused by the rigid position taken on “Sovereignty” and “Indian Constitution” respectively.
11) The inherent and organized expression of the desire of the Naga people to live together also continued as a civil movement of which the United Naga Integration Council movement of the 1970s has been well documented. On 4th Aug.1972, in the joint agreement signed between All India Congress Committee and Manipur Pradesh Congress Committee on one side and United Naga Integration Council on the other side, the Congress Party stated that it does not oppose Naga integration movement nor considers the Naga integration movement as anti-party, anti-national, anti-state or an unconstitutional activity. The demand of the Naga people for integration of the contiguous Naga areas into one administrative unit also finds clear mention in the 9 Point Hydari Agreeement of 1947 and in the 16 Point Agreement of 1960. Over the years memorandum and representations demanding Naga integration have been persistently submitted and pursued by the Naga people.

12) On the other hand the armed conflict between India and the Nagas continued over the decades and has finally culminated in the second Indo-Naga Peace Process marked by the second Indo-Naga Cease-fire that came into effect on 1August, 1997, which today offers to bring about a lasting and honourable solution to the Naga issue which is about their land, the people and their rights.

13) The Naga Hoho, the apex tribe based organisation of all Nagas, irrespective of territorial boundaries passed the resolution on Naga Integration during its 6th Session at Dimapur on 11th & 12th March, 1999 as follows – “The Naga Hoho put it on record that it stands committed for integration of all Naga territories and its people under one political roof; and also it considers the present Nagaland state as a temporary measure pending final political settlement of the Naga peoples aspiration which shall be a bounden duty of the Naga Hoho to strive for.”

14) In the wake of the violent agitation in Imphal valley supported by the Manipur State Government, following the extension of Indo-Naga Cease-fire area coverage beyond territorial limits on 14th June 2001, the Naga people of Manipur under the aegis of the United Naga Council(UNC), held its special session of a Naga Peoples’ Convention(NPC), the apex decision making platform of the Nagas of Manipur on 8th and 9th August, 2001 at Tahamzam(Senapati) and declared "…that our identity and history have to be defended and preserved at all cost, and the firm political stand of the Nagas of Manipur is to uphold the resolution of the Naga people for integration of all Naga areas under one administration".

15) However, the State Government of Manipur, in brazen disregard to the sentiments of the Naga people conferred “martyrdom” to the 18 rioters who died in the violent agitation in which the Indian National flag and the State Assembly Secretariat was burnt and attempts were made to raze down the Raj Bhavan. That day of frenzy and arson was declared a State holiday and christened as “Integrity Day”. To make known our strong resentment over the attempts to glorify and legitimize the suppression of our rights with brute majority, an economic blockade of 52 days(19th June, 2005 to 11th August, 2005) was also put into force by the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur(ANSAM).

16) As desired by the Naga people of Manipur, another NPC was convened by the UNC on the 4th of November 2005 at Taphou village Tahamzam(Senapati), which reiterated the 8-9 August, 2001 Declaration. To further the realization of this declaration, the NPC also declared the launching of Non-cooperation and Civil disobedience movements against the Government of Manipur.

17) In the subsequent “Declaration and Memorandum” submitted to the Prime Minister of India on December 15, 2005 at New Delhi, the Chiefs/Chairmen/Headmen of Naga villages in the present state of Manipur stated in no uncertain terms “…that any honourable solution to the Naga peace process must begin with the unification of the Naga areas.”

18) In pursuance of the 4th November, 2005 NPC declaration, the Naga Chiefs/Village Authorities in Manipur have returned the red blankets to the State Government through the respective district administrations, as a symbol of rejection of the authority of the State Government. The names of villages, districts etc have been changed to indigenous names. Hill house tax for the year 2006 of all the Naga households in Manipur have not been paid to the Government of Manipur but have instead been collected under the aegis of the United Naga Council and submitted to the office of the Hon’ble Prime Minister of India on 7th July, 2006.

19) When the dominant community imposed Manipuri language and the Meitei Mayek(script) as compulsory subject in the school syllabus, the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) took up the issue and moved for affiliation of schools and colleges in the Naga areas of Manipur to the Nagaland Board of School Education (NBSE) and the Nagaland University (NU) to secure a common syllabus for a unified vision.

20) Nagas of Manipur have organized rallies, sent delegations to Delhi, submitted representations to the Government of India, and held press conferences to highlight our position and lobbied for support from Indian political leaders and also eminent members of the Indian civil societies. The Naga people have also had several consultative meetings and also presented the Naga case in various international fora. All forms of democratic means have been explored to bring the plight and situation of the Nagas to the notice of the world.

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Frans on 07.03.10 @ 04:59 AM CST [link]




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