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Monday, April 30th

ASSAM RIFLES INTENSION INTO NSCN CHQs NSCN


GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIMMinistry of Information & Publicity
Press Release 23th April 2012

ASSAM RIFLES INTENSION INTO NSCN CHQs

Whatever have been and will be said or written about the 19th April, 2012 incident at Hebron, the Council Headquarters of NSCN , it was actually an outrageous trespass of the Notorious Assam Rifles to the NSCN Camp. No amount of excuses or explanations by the Assam Rifles
and other Indian government agencies can justify or cover the crime.It was a flagrant violation of Cease-fire ground rules and the spirit of the widely known Cease-fire agreement between the NSCN and the GoI. It was a planned and deliberate act of provocation.

The Assam Rifles are the instruments and the real actor was /is either the GoI or the Indian Army top establishments which have dangerous differences with their Government. Undeterred betrayal actions of Assam Rifles clearly indicate that there is a powerful back-up from the so-called High Command. In the midst of 14 years of political dialogue, this crimes had been committed from the Indian side. Such actions show how GoI is sincere and committed as per their words. As a big nation like India stooped to such a low standard which is fighting for a permanent member in the UNO security Council??

In Such a deepening crises when anything can be happened, the so-called Chairman of the Cease-fire Monitoring group, Maj.Gen.George awkwardly trying to shy away his neutral and unprejudicial responsibilities . Much more, Nagaland state as a powerful unit in the India Federation, and the government which holds the law and order subject is maintaining death silence. The NPF Government in Nagaland boasfully claims as a facilitator in the peace process between the NSCN and the GoI. But during such crisis and uncertainty what the Nagaland State government is doing? The NSCN is a political group only. But the dangerous consequences is threatening the entire population of the Nagas. So that Naga people may ask the reasons why
the State Government does not raise a voice in such a critical situation? If any undesirable situation is created from today’s crisis, the Government of Nagaland state should be squarely blamed by the Nagas.

More than 95% Nagas desire freedom from want and oppressions. They have witnessed how GoI and its leaders are acting in political dialogue and the April 19th 2012 incident at Hebron is a good lesson for all the Nagas. The other factions are talking about political dialogue with India, but they will certainly experience the same insincerity and false diplomacies from the GoI. The said incident should be an eye opener for all sections of the Naga people. The system of dictatorship and authoritarianism, oppression and suppression is speedily losing ground from the face of the world. The Nagas are united in our desire for freedom and dignity of life. Therefore, let us again unite as before and fight with whatever is available at our command. Let us not loss heart but be strengthen with difficult situations we are facing now.

From today’s incident Naga people have learned the real intention of India and so we should get prepared for any eventualities.

Issued By: MIP

GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM
Ministry of Information & Publicity

Press Release
27th April 2012
Impasse resolved and appreciation there of

The incident of 19th April 2012 had been occurred due to the deliberate intrusion of some Assam Rifles personnel to NSCN /GPRN CHQs to provoke the NSCN. This was done against the ceasefire ground rules and the spirit and meaning of ceasefire between two conflicting parties. Under this pretext the Government of India created actual warlike situations in all the Naga inhabited areas through the ever notorious Assam Rifles. The first individual to blame was Maj.Sukanta (Somokanta Singh) a Meitei, the second was to blame the 29th Assam Rifles, the third blame went to IGAR Nagaland Range. The final blame rested on the Government of India, because the crisis was well known to the Government of India including the Defense Ministry.
This incident did not only disturb and harass the NSCN cadres but created serious tensions in the minds of all the Naga people. The impasse however partially, so to say, resolved through the efforts of many NSCN leaders as well as the leaders of Naga social workers including the Naga Women Organizations. This could be done through the unfailing “love of Jehovah” towards the Nagas. The NSCN highly appreciates the Naga womenfolk near and around the Hebron Camp. Their courage and patriotism will be remembered for all time to come. The NSCN appreciates the efforts of Naga Hoho and its frontal Organizations, the NSF and its frontal organizations, the Naga women Organizations at all level and also those individuals and groups, which cannot be named one by one, for rendering their services to defuse the tensions and resolved the crisis. God will certainly bless all those peacemakers.

Secondly the NSCN/GPRN refutes the Indian intelligence bureau reports about Chinese funding moaists in the North East including Nagaland which was published in the local dailies of 27th April 2012. The Moaists activities or presence in the other states, we cannot say or comment anything. But in Nagaland, if there be any activities or presence as alleged it is certainly the creation of Assam Government and India. The Assam Government brought the refugees from every corner and kept them through force and as well as help in the plains sector of Nagaland bordering Assam in order to make buffer zone between Assam and Nagaland.

But this objective of the Assam Government turned out to be counter-productive and negative impact on the Government of India. Recently, there was a hue and cry about presence of Maoists Camps and their cadres along the Nagaland Assam Disputed Area Belt, which were destroyed and the cadres expelled by the Nagaland state Government authorities in collaboration with the public of the area.
Therefore, if there are any moaists or their camps in Nagaland border then this are the creations of the Assam and the Government of India. They should not blame others for their wrong doings.


Issue by
MIP.
Fresh tension hits Nagaland-Manipur border Nagaland Post
Fresh tension prevailed again Sunday between the villagers of Meluri, Nagaland and Jessami, Manipur following the burning down of huts at jhum fields located on both sides of the inter-state border.

According to official reports, tension resurfaced after Jessami villagers allegedly set afire two huts constructed at the jhum field belonging to Meluri villagers built on the bank of Theza river on Nagaland side Saturday night.

It was reported that some Jessami villagers allegedly intruded across Nagaland border and set afire the huts. Provoked by the burning down of their huts, Meluri villagers in retaliation torched more than 30 huts belonging to Jessami villagers constructed at their jhum field in Mitekhe area at the inter-state border Sunday morning around 7 a.m., the report added.
Nagas react to British neglect?
April 29 2012


A Naga International Support Center, NISC A human rights organization

As Prince Andrew comes to Kohima: is he coming to make peace between the Nagas and India while

Nagas react to British neglect? E Pao News

In a published article in the local newspapers the Naga National Council rightfully reminded Prince Andrew about the neglect of the United Kingdom concerning the right to self determination of the Naga Peoples. Though already in 1929 their leaders told the visiting Simon Commission they wanted to be free when the British were leaving, the British still turned them over to the emerging Union of India even though it knew that it had no control over a large part of the Naga areas. The British kept quiet when the Nagas proclaimed their independent Nagaland in 1947, one day ahead of the Union of India.

The Unadministered Areas as the British called them which were inhabited by the Free Nagas and comprised more than two-third of what was then unified Nagaland (not the present relatively small Nagaland State in India).

Nagas want Reunification

They want their ancestral areas in Myanmar to be reunified with their areas in India: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. These states in India were founded long after the Indo-Naga conflict began, the first one being Nagaland which was inaugurated in 1963; nine years after the Indian Armed Forces invaded Nagaland.

The Nagas, still administratively separated in four states, would like Prince Andrew to know about this when he visits Nagaland State when and so through him too the people and politicians of the United Kingdom who bear responsibility; if only in retrospect.

Prince Andrew is scheduled to visit the Kohima Second World War Cemetery to pay his respect to fallen British soldiers but with the acclaimed help of Naga soldiers many more British survived. Nagas want the British to intervene in the Indo-Naga conflict as it should tell India and the Nagas what exactly was transferred to the Union of India without consultation or consent of the Nagas themselves how.

A demonstration on this May ONE labor day will drive these points home; home to the UK.

By publishing this statement on the auspicious Queens Day of the Netherlands where the FREE market draws millions of Dutch, the Naga International Support Center, Amsterdam, reminds Prince Andrew of Britain on the issue of post colonial accountability the Dutch also lacked to follow up on. Not only the Dutch or the British but practical all colonizing nations suffer from this lack of responsibility.
Another Naga outfit signs ceasefire pact, but won't surrender its arms ANI Newstrack India
New Delhi, The Kitovi-Khole faction of the Naga Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has signed the ceasefire agreement with the Central Government, but refused give up its arms before a final solution to the decades old Indo-Naga issue is reached.
Addressing media here, N.Kitovi Zhimoni, the Ato Kilonser (Prime Minister) of the Government's of the People's Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) -NSCN said: "We are ready to resolve all issues peacefully with the GoI (Government of India) within a democratic framework."
The year-long ceasefire came into effect from April 28 and a formal announcement of the peace talks is expected soon.
Supervisor C. Singson and "Lt. Gen" N.B. Neokpao signed on behalf of the NSCN outfit, while Shambhu Singh, Joint Secretary (North East) in the Ministry of Home Affairs, signed on behalf of the government.
Earlier on Friday, Joint Secretary Singh revealed that the Centre is positive about the outcome of the discussions that have taken place so far.
Zhimoni said: " The GPRN wants peace and is fully prepared for it, but if a solution is not drawn, we will continue with our struggle."
Though the faction did not reveal its demands, it hinted at bringing all Nagas living in Manipur, Nagaland, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh under one political umbrella.
Zhimoni added that before starting talks, the faction would take people and civil society into confidence, unlike other Naga outfits who had ignored the views of their people and had not been transparent in their negotiations with the Central Government.
Though Thuingaleng Muivah and Issac Chisi Swu-led NSCN (IM) is conducting talks with the government at the highest level, the Kitovi Khole faction has refused to merge with them and demanded a separate platform for talks.
The Kitovi-Khole faction of the NSCN split from NSCN (Khaplang) in June last year. Their decision to come forward for talks has opened a new peace front. We took up arms to defend our rights, but they resulted in a loss of lives and have not brought any solution," claimed Zhimoni.
This agreement with Kitovi-Khole faction could have a major impact on Naga politics as both the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) faction and the NSCN (Kitovi-Khole) faction are now talking to the Centre.
Only the NSCN (Khaplang) faction continues to stay away, as it has not been able to renew a ceasefire agreement with the Centre.
Anil Bhat, an expert on the Northeast, said: "All these groups first need to stop their arms and drugs supply rackets if they are willing to achieve peace in the Northeast region."
He claimed that many of these groups are supplying arms to Maoists and other Northeast insurgent groups. By: Devesh Gupta (ANI)
Another Naga outfit signs ceasefire pact, but won't surrender its arms ANI Assam Tribune
New Delhi, The Kitovi-Khole faction of the Naga Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has signed the ceasefire agreement with the Central Government, but refused give up its arms before a final solution to the decades old Indo-Naga issue is reached.
Addressing media here, N.Kitovi Zhimoni, the Ato Kilonser (Prime Minister) of the Government's of the People's Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) -NSCN said: "We are ready to resolve all issues peacefully with the GoI (Government of India) within a democratic framework."
The year-long ceasefire came into effect from April 28 and a formal announcement of the peace talks is expected soon.
Supervisor C. Singson and "Lt. Gen" N.B. Neokpao signed on behalf of the NSCN outfit, while Shambhu Singh, Joint Secretary (North East) in the Ministry of Home Affairs, signed on behalf of the government.
Earlier on Friday, Joint Secretary Singh revealed that the Centre is positive about the outcome of the discussions that have taken place so far.
Zhimoni said: " The GPRN wants peace and is fully prepared for it, but if a solution is not drawn, we will continue with our struggle."
Though the faction did not reveal its demands, it hinted at bringing all Nagas living in Manipur, Nagaland, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh under one political umbrella.
Zhimoni added that before starting talks, the faction would take people and civil society into confidence, unlike other Naga outfits who had ignored the views of their people and had not been transparent in their negotiations with the Central Government.
Though Thuingaleng Muivah and Issac Chisi Swu-led NSCN (IM) is conducting talks with the government at the highest level, the Kitovi Khole faction has refused to merge with them and demanded a separate platform for talks.
The Kitovi-Khole faction of the NSCN split from NSCN (Khaplang) in June last year. Their decision to come forward for talks has opened a new peace front. We took up arms to defend our rights, but they resulted in a loss of lives and have not brought any solution," claimed Zhimoni.
This agreement with Kitovi-Khole faction could have a major impact on Naga politics as both the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) faction and the NSCN (Kitovi-Khole) faction are now talking to the Centre.
Only the NSCN (Khaplang) faction continues to stay away, as it has not been able to renew a ceasefire agreement with the Centre.
Anil Bhat, an expert on the Northeast, said: "All these groups first need to stop their arms and drugs supply rackets if they are willing to achieve peace in the Northeast region."
He claimed that many of these groups are supplying arms to Maoists and other Northeast insurgent groups. By: Devesh Gupta (ANI)
Prince Andrew to visit WWII cemetery in India Mayabhushan Nagvenkar Bikya Masr World News

Kohima war cemetery in the Indian state of Nagaland
New Delhi: British royal Prince Andrew, the Duke of York will visit a World War II cemetery in north eastern Indian state of Nagaland, which is home to the graves of over a 1000 soldiers of both British and Indian, who halted the Japanese army’s advance into India.
The itinerary of the Prince, who is on a week-long visit to India to enhance trade and defense ties between the two countries, shows far-out Nagaland as the one exception, in a trip which otherwise has the usual four metropolitan cities of Mumbai, New Delhi, Bangalore and Kolkata, where Andrew will drop by for his business and social commitments.
The Kohima war cemetery is a legacy of India’s colonial military past, where Indian sepoys under command of their British officers, fought off the axis powers, not just in the dusty battlefields of India and Asia, but in Europe as well in the world wars.
In April 1944, the sepoys halted the Japanese advance into India, in the grim battle of Kohima, now the capital of Nagaland. The bloody skirmish, known as the battle for Garrison Hill, stopped Japanese forces in their tracks as they tried to storm India, after a successful campaign in Burma.
The bloody battle at Kohima spread over the local British resident deputy commissioner’s bungalow, tennis court, where both forces were fighting for every inch, before finally the British reserves reached the Garrison hill and drove the Japs out, but not before over 1220 lives of the 2nd Battalion of the Dorsetshire Regiment, were lost.
Andrew, will be the first member of the British Royal family to pay visit and pay tribute to these same slain patriots.
Extend Cease-fire with NSCN (K), state government appeals Government of India Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR Reacting to the reports of delay in the extension of cease-fire between the Government of India (Centre) and NSCN (K), Nagaland government Sunday appealed to the Centre to further extend the cease-fire between the two entities.

In a statement, Abu Metha press secretary to chief minister said that though the NSCN (K) was in the process of inking a cease-fire deal and entering into political dialogue with the Myanmar government, it was “imperative” that the cease-fire in India has to be continued in order to give lasting peace and acceptable political solution “a genuine opportunity”.

The statement said that the state government was of the view that the government of India was “always aware” of the presence of NSCN (K) in Myanmar and had maintained cease-fire all these years.

In this regard, it was “necessary” to extend the cease-fire in order to allow peace process head in the “right direction”, said the statement.

The statement further said that the achievement of cease-fire and dialogue in Myanmar by NSCN (K) did not mean that the ceasefire with government of India “should be abrogated”.

It pointed out that cease-fire on both sides of the international boundary would only take the peace dialogue forward.

No permission required to live in peace: ENSA
Welcoming the cease-fire initiative between government of Myanmar and NSCN (K), Eastern Naga Students’ Association (ENSA) has reminded the government of India that “no one requires any permission from anyone if he/she wants to live in peace.”

ENSA vice president Mankhat Konyak and general secretary in a joint statement further appealed to the Centre to extend the “cease-fire/peace period not only to the NSCN (K) or Nagas but to every humanity who longs for peace”. ENSA said it firmly stood on the philosophy of “peace is the lone path where every creature walks hand in hand timelessly.”

Earlier, when ENSA met NSCN (K) chairman SS Khaplang at his resident near Daka Town on December 26, 2009, ENSA said “peace was one of the most coveted businesses” which was discussed thoughtfully with Khaplang.

ENSA however appealed to the two entities [NSCN (K)-Myanmar govt] that “any meeting related to ceasefire/peace be held within Naga soil where problem prevails and not in Nay Pyi Taw or Yangon, so as to witness the most neglected location.”

Extending all out support “morally and prayerfully” ENSA said “Nagas in Myanmar are with us.” ENSA further expressed gratitude to dignitaries—“U Hla Tun, peace committee convener and lone Naga MP (Lower House) for his selfless effort and initiative for peace, U Myat Ko, the chairman Naga Yuya and MP (Upper House) for his active role in peace mission, U Wang Yu, (managing director, Shwe Naung Yan Co.,Ltd) for actively advocating peace between two entities and U Ru San Chu, chairman Naga Self-governing for making the peace happen during his leadership”.
Guards gun down timber smuggler Times of India
KOLKATA: A timber smuggler was killed and another shot at by forest guards at Khutimari forest of Jalpaiguri on Saturday night. The incident occurred when the guards found a large group of smugglers chopping off trees inside the forest. Forest officials believe the slain and injured smugglers were part of a large racket which has links with poachers based in Assam and Nagaland. The gang was not only looking for timber, but they also had plans to kill an elephant, suspect officials.
A timber smuggler was killed and another shot at by the forest guards at Khuttimari forest of Jalpaiguri on Saturday night when a large group of smugglers were apprehended by the forest guards inside the core forest. Forest officials have reasons to believe the slain and injured smugglers were part of large racket which has links with the Assam and Nagaland based poachers. Forest officials suspect that the gang was not only looking for timber and they were in a bid to kill elephant.
At around 9pm on Saturday, a group of forest guards was patrolling the area when they spotted some people inside the core forest of Khutimari. Forest officials said that around 9 pm on Saturday, a group of forest guards were on patrol. Suddenly they spotted some people inside the core forest of Khutimari.
"We heard some noise inside compartment nine of central Moraghat range," said a forest guard. They tracked down the sound and found around 35 people busy chopping off trees. Initially, the guards asked them to surrender. But instead of giving in, the smugglers hurled catapults with ball bearing at the forest guards. started attacking them with catapults. Forest guards initially challenged and asked to surrender. But the group did not bother and started attacking the forest guards with catapult.
"They throw big size ball bearings by the catapults which are dangerous like bullets," said a forest officer.
Sensing trouble, the guards fired in the air, but it had no effect. The group attacked them with arrows forcing the guards to fire. Though the forest guards could not intercept the smugglers in the dark, but realized one of them had sustained bullet injuries from blood stains on the ground.
On conducting a fresh search later in the afternoon on Sunday, forest officials spotted an injured smuggler hiding behind the bush and arrested him. He was identified as Chuman Barai of the local tea estate. With his help, 17-year-old Anil Kharia was nabbed. Anil had managed to flee to his house at Haldibari Tea Estate the previous night but succumbed to his injuries there. Banarhat Police took the body and registered a case.
the smugglers did not give up. They even attacked the guards with arrows, which forced the forest staffs to open fire on the smugglers. In pitch dark, forest guards could not intercept the smugglers but realized that some one sustained bullet injuries as they found blood stain on the ground. Later in the afternoon, during a fresh search they spotted a person injured hiding behind a bush, close to the encounter site and arrested him. The man has been identified as Chuman Barai of local tea estate. Following his interrogation forest officials also tracked down Anil Kharia, a 17-year-old youth of Haldibari Tea Estate. Kharia succumbed to his bullet injuries at his home at Haldibari Tea Garden. "He managed to flee but died soon after reaching home," said an officer. Police from Banarhat police station recovered the body and registered a case.
Forest officials said that the smugglers managed to chop two chiloni trees considered as valuable timber. "We have seized the smuggled logs of nearly 100 cubic feet," said a forest official. The officers also conceded that nearly a week ago four more trees were smuggled - two of them were shal and rest were chiloni - confirmed the officer.
Initial probe revealed that Haldibari Tea Estate has turned into a major hub of timber mafia and poachers who maintain links with Assam and Nagaland based poachers. They use hand pulled carts to carry the logs. "Initial interrogation revealed that Rajen Barua, an Assam-based poacher is behind the gang which was apprehended on Saturday," said an officer. The injured is now undergoing treatment at Jalpaiguri sadar hospital.
The forest officials suspect that the gang was looking for the tusker which is undergoing treatment at a nearby compartment of the same forest. "A herd of elephants is regularly roaming in the area and one of them is injured. We are treating it and the tusker has become an easy pray for poachers as it is unable to move," said a senior forest officer.
Soon after incident divisional forest officer Kalyan Das and Conservator of Forest (north) Manindra Chandra Biswas reached the spot. "We are waiting to interrogate the injured smuggler for further clues," said Kalyan Das.
"I now believe truth exists, truth is knowable, and truth matters, for without which even to think of something as truth would always be self deceiving"
Rengma Nagas: The origin of its Name and Migration Lesu.org

The origin of the name ‘Rengma’ like the ‘Naga’ is not concretely well defined, in the sense there are theories in competition and people are of different opinions and agreements. However, it is certain that the name Rengma is not self referential name, rather it was given by the outsiders. In the case of migration account, Rengmas traditionally go along with the other Naga tribes viz. Angami, Lotha, Sema, Chakhesang, and accept their migration as from China during Qin dynasty (221-207 B.C). This migration account from China is well accepted among the Nagas even today. Traditionally, the Nagas hold that from China, they pushed toward South-East Asia, across the Yunnan mountain ranges and settled down on the upper Burma. After sometime, again they migrated toward North West direction and reached Makerenyu (Imphal Valley Manipur) and finally landed at Khinzonyu (Khezakenoma) which was their final destination, also known as the point of dispersal where they rerouted toward different directions as they are in the present. In this article, some of theories regarding the origin of the name Rengma and the accounts of migration are discussed.
1. The Rengma Nagas
The Rengma Nagas are indigenous people living in the state of Nagaland and in Assam; Rengmas are one of the schedule tribes in India and major tribe in Nagaland. They are fair in their appearances, the average height of men are 5ft and above and women a little below the average height as compare to men folks. Rengmas are known and greatly admired by their neighboring tribes as one of the most gentle and humble in hearts, as well as brave people. In fact it is interesting to know the traditional beliefs in those days, that marrying Rengma girls would bring good fortune and prosperity in one’s life.[i] Alike the other Naga tribes, Rengma people conventionally hold that they have migrated along with other Naga tribes, believed to be of Mongoloid racial stock during the Chin Dynasty/Qin dynasty (221 to 207 BC). Regarding the origin of Rengmas, oral tradition presents Rengmas as the sea-fearing people who entered Nagaland making Myanmar as its corridors, this is inspected that the way Rengmas build houses and decorating public places characterized that of the sea-fearing people.[ii] Rengmas are best known as simple and straight forward people who express their feelings and with no reserve mind until these days.
2. The Homeland of Rengma Nagas:
The Rengmas[iii] have been living in their homeland in compact territory from time immemorial. The area of their homeland lies between Bora Dikharu and Horu Dikahru on the west Karbi Anglong district Assam, the eastern Rengmas under Phek district and Tseminyu sub-division of Kohima district Nagaland. It is known that from Tseminyu Sub-division of east to Doboka border with Nowgong on the west, there were no other tribes between them before the advent of British in 1820’s, except the Rengmas, who were the sons of the soil inhabiting the entire territory as the Rengmas were once known as populous and powerful tribe. But later, when British subjugated Assam and the Naga Hills, the different migrants encroached into the Rengma Hills and settled down.
At present, the Rengmas are divided under two different administration jurisdictions namely Assam and Nagaland, which was done by the British India in 1898 against the will of the Rengma people. The Rengma Nagas in Karbi Anglong district, Assam are called Western Rengma and in Nagaland, the eastern Rengma are those settling under Phek District, generally known as Pochury and the central Rengmas, of Tseminyu Sub-division of Kohima district (Southern and Northern). Despite of the fact that Rengmas today live in two states (Nagaland and Assam), they are one people, one identity, one culture, and their territory is contiguity. Rengma Naga’s territory is bounded by Lotha, Golaghat, Boru Dikharu Nallah, Ban Inkhuparbat and Tarupang Nallah on the north, Angami, Zemi, Norht Cachar Hills, Jamuna River and Diphu River on the south, the course of Bora Dikharu, Hora Dikharu on the West, and the Sema Nagas of Zunheboto district on the East. The Rengma Naga territory is a compact area though it lies into two states of Assam and Nagaland. Whether it falls under Assam or Nagaland, the Rengmas are the owner of the land both in Assam and in Nagaland.[iv] The present Directorial Headquarter of Rengma is situated at Tseminyu, subdivision of Kohima district, the Capital of Nagaland with the distance of 30miles north of Kohima.
3. The origin of the word Nzonyu and Rengma
3.1 Nzonyu: It is known that prior to the name Rengma was known, Rengmas called themselves as Nzon or Nzonyu. On the account of how the name Nzon/Nzonyu originated, Gwashini Kent observed, our grandparents recounted that our first ancestor’s name was Nzon, from which Nzon/Nzonyu was derived (Nzon+nyu -the children of Nzon or the People of Nzon). Nzon had only one son whose name was Mejoham, who had four children, Njonkhg, Nrhoga, Nkakhing and Nrungm. Gwashini pointed out how this theory works by referring the neighboring tribes, the way they identify or call Nzonyu.
1. Nzon nyen nyu (children of Nzon) called by Angami as Mejoma
2. Sema tribes called Nzonyu as Mejomi
3. Lotha called Nzonyu as Moi
Gwashini Kent observed that these three tribes who were said to have migrated along with Nzon called them by the name of Nzon’s descendents Mojoham. Kent pointed out that except Nzon/ Nzonyu (Children of Nzon) called the first ancestor’s named Nzon, and that Nzonyu were known as Rengma only after British invaded the Naga Hills.[v] This observation is also uphold by Nshoga, that Rengma were not known by the name Rengma either by themselves or by their neighboring tribes prior to the coming of British, though the oral traditions say that they were already living in the plains and hills of present Assam many generations before the arrival of Ahoms, the Burmese, and the Britishers.[vi]
3.2 The Rengma: As i have mentioned, one should know that the name Rengma is not self referential name, rather it was given by outsider sometime in 19th century. In the Indian history, we see the same difficulty of finding the origin and the meaning rendering of “Hindu” as “Hinduism” religion. However, one thing the historians are certain about is, the word “Hindu” is neither in Sanskrit, nor is found in Vedic literature, so the problem is how can such a name truly represent the Vedic path or culture? and since without the Vedic literature, there is no basis for “Hinduism.” The Historians are of different opinion such as when the name Hindu was used and by whom. Stephen Knapp holds that, the use of the words “Hindu” and “Hinduism” was used frequently by the Britishers with the effect of focusing on the religious differences between the Muslims and the other group of people (the Hindu- Indus valley settlers) as Hinduism (Religious people). Knapp observed that this was done with rather successful intention of creating friction among the people of India during the British policy of divide and rule to make it easier for their continued dominion over the country. [vii] Observing the way this historical development took its shape, it is plausible to hold that the name Rengma originated similarly under this camp, as it is also agree traditionally that the name Rengma was given by the Britishers. Nevertheless, as time goes on, few theories have come up regarding the origin of the name “Rengma”.
There are about four theories regarding the origin of the word Rengma, viz. the Remme theory, Ring theory, Remami theory, and Rema theory. Yet, it seems no concrete agreement and conclusion is held in any of these views.
1. Remme/Rengme Theory: According to ‘Remme Theory,’ Rengmas got its name from the British. The theory says, once the Ahom king by the name Purandar Singha who was not willing to meet as was invited by British officer sent Keyhan Rengma, the chief of Rengma as his representative requested him to dressed in full warrior attire and meet the British official, when Keyhan met the Britishers. The British official was said to be dumfounded by Keyhan appearance, asked his interpreter what was called in Keyhan’s language, the nightmare ghost, Keyhun phukon replied “Remme/ Rengme,” then the British official at this instance quickly noted in his dairy “Rengma.” Latter, when Keyhan was leaving, it was told that he heard the Bririshers referring him as “Rengma,” thus, the name “Rengma’ was given to Keyhun’s tribe.[viii] In a document “True Ownership and its Qualification” published by the Chairman for and on behalf of the Rengma public documented “in those days, we (Rengma) were known as “Njonnyu,” and of course we are still commonly known by it among ourselves, but from Keyhon’s encounter with the British officials that day, a new and distinctive name “Rengma’ was given birth to us as we are known today. That British official, whoever he was, must have written down “Rengma” in his diary/notebook instead of “Rema/Rengme.”[ix]
2. Remami Theory: One of the external theory on the name and derivation of Rengma held by the Khezha’s (Khezhakenoma) tradition is known as “Remami theory”. This theory is typically based on the migration of Rengmas. According to this theory, the word “Rengma” was derived from Khezha word “Remami” which means, people who left their kingdom or habitant forever and lived beyond the village fortress. However, this theory is barely agrees by the Rengmas and in addition no oral tradition or narration as such exists among Rengmas.
3. Rema Theory: This theory probably is a recent one viewed by V.K Nuh, according to this theory, the word “Rengma” is derived from Khezha word “Rema” which is a compound word, “Re” meaning “village” and “Ma” which means “to have missed” or “left” and thereby implies, the people who missed or left their village. [x] Rengmas generally don’t hold this theory either which has the same problem with “Remami theory.”
4. Ring man Theory: This theory also goes back to the period of British colonial over the North East India in 1890s. Nillo Rengma in “A Brief History of Kandinu and the Rengma,” writes, the British encountered the Rengmas in a thick forest who were wearing necklaces all around their necks, on the wrists, on their ankles, and big earrings. To this strange appearance, the British noted in their dairy as “the Ring man,” thereby the people were referred as “Rengma” in the later time.[xi] However, this theory probably doesn’t works, firstly because the descriptions given by Nillo about the Rengma in 1890s presumably don’t fit the traditions of Rengmas. Secondly, by proposing this theory, Nillo also has rejected the identity of Keyhun phukon, who was accepted as a well known chief of Rengma in those days and his encounter with the Britishers which is well accepted tradition among Rengmas.
Despite of these theories, some people may assume that the origin of the word “Rengma” cannot be fully known since the existing theories appeared to be dissonant. However, among these theories, the Remme/ Rengme theory is considered as the most accepted one by majority of the Rengmas till today, and in addition, it is also found that the British government used the name Rengma in their official records as well as the nomenclature applied to the Rengmas who were in earlier time known as Nzonyu, hence supported this theory.
4. Migration and Settlement
The history of Rengmas Migration as the oral tradition holds has its beginning way back to the migration of Nagas, who were the Mongolians settler of the south east of China province. It is difficult to give concrete reasons why they have migrated to the present country, however; historians have put forward several factors why they have migrated: That, the severe famine and plague were broke out which compels them to leave there place; That, the population exploitation could be one of the reasons; That, the attack by the enemies, hence force them to leave there place. Of all the views, one of the most and commonly held tradition says that during the time, when the Great Wall of China was build to thwart the tartars invasion of China as well as to prevent the Mongolian races from moving out of China, and while the construction of this wall, the Nagas were said to have forcefully made to employ as force laborers, resulted to physical torture and death of many laborers out of starvation. These miseries of life under the Chin dynasty/Qin dynasty (Qin dynasty was the first imperial dynasty of China, lasting from 221 to 207 BC) compelled the ancestor of the Nagas to push toward the South-East Asia, across Yunnan mountain ranges and settled down on the upper Burma.
Traditionally, it is said that the migration of the Nagas from China probably might have taken place between the period of Chin/Qin and Han dynasty.[xii] B.B. Ghosh on dating the migration of Nagas writes, it is not known with certainty when the different Naga tribes settled in their present habitat. However, it is most likely that the Konyak who live in the north and north-west came earlier than others. Then came the Aos being followed by other tribes… he writes, if we accept that Aos came to Chungliyimi in 1100 A.D., then we are also to accept that the other tribes who followed the Aos, such as Lotha, Rengma, Angami, etc. also came to their present place at the same time, that is around 1100 A.D. or earlier 12th century.[xiii] Nonetheless, I would argue that the dating of migration as the tradition hold may be well accepted but the settlement of Nagas in the present country held by some historians cannot be compromised given the fact that if we are to accept the oral tradition that Nagas came out of China during the Qin dynasty or in between Qin dynasty and Han dynasty which date back from 221 BC- 25 A.D. For if 11th or 12th century is a probable date for the Nagas to have settled in the present country, it would logically follow that from China to the present Naga country, it took more than thousand years to reach their final settlement which is not very reasonable again, hence, I would argue that the dating of the settlement of Nagas from 11th or 12th century is too late.
Firstly, apart from the common tradition that the Nagas hold today, such as tracing their ancestors as Mongolians who were in China under Qin Dynasty in 221-207 B.C or before, then migrated. We have in the recorded history of the Mongol Empire who launched several Mongol invasions into the Indian subcontinent from 1221 to 1327. History says, the Mongols made Kashmir their vassal state. However, the campaigns against the Delhi Sultanate proved unsuccessful, in spite of constant Mongol incursions.[xiv] To view parallel to this historical account, it is improbable to even assume that some of the Mongols held back and settle in the present Nagaland, nor there is any such oral tradition fitting it either. Nevertheless, on the contrary, the parallel dating of Nagas settlements from 11th-12th century shows the improbable likewise, since there is hardly any such evidence given by historian so far.
Secondly, looking from Religion point of view, the Mongolians have diversity of local beliefs and practices, which by a number of common characteristics can be lumped together, and Central in their belief is the worship of the Blue, Mighty, Eternal Heaven. Among the Mongolians, it is also known that a religious practice known as shamanism was common. Larry Moses traces the first contact of the Mongolians with Buddhism goes back to the 4th century A.D. though it was not dominated until the Genghis Khan (1162? – August 1227), the founder and Great Khan (emperor) of the Mongol Empire, it is in the time of the Great Khans that the Tibetan form of Buddhism gains influence in Mongolia.[xv] In additions, as the oral tradition says that Nagas were under the Chinese, building the great wall in and around 220–206 B.C. and it was at this time they escape and migrated towards South-East Asia to Myanmar, then to Imphal Valley Manipur and finally Nagaland. From history we know that in China, Buddhism started gaining entry into around 1st century B.C. or even before that and the first documented translation of Buddhist scriptures into Chinese occurs in 148 CE. [xvi] The issue is why then not even single Naga tribes follow Buddhism or even know something about the Buddhist religion? And why not even single Naga tribes were influenced by other religions being stayed and crossed the land of China, and settled in Burma for sometimes and also crossing the Imphal valley who have their religions and particularly the missionary religion like Buddhism? On the other hand, we have known that prior to the coming of Christianity to Nagaland, the commonly known religion of Nagas since their settlement in the present land was the animism and also some the practice of shamanism. Thus, basing from these evidences, it is plausible to hold that the dating of Nagas settlement from 11th -12th century is too late, for if then, some of the Naga tribes could have been following the Buddhism or have been influenced by some other religious or cultural practices too. Hence, the dating could be much earlier than the common dating we have today, thought it is difficult to date. Perhaps we can go back far behind the common dating we hold today and nearer to the time they have escape from China (220-206 B.C) assuming by that time, the religion like Buddhism or others might not be dominating in the way that could have influenced Nagas.
According to the oral tradition, the history of Rengma had been passed down from generations to generation. Gwashini Kent on the Rengma migration account says, the Rengma along with other Nagas had migrated to Khenrhinyu (Myanmar) and from Khenrhinyu, they migrated toward the North West direction and reached Makerenyu (Imphal Valley Manipur), and then finally to Khinzonyu (Khezakenoma). Khinzonnyu dispersal is generally well accepted and popular tradition held today by the Angami, Rengma, Chakhesang, Lotha, and Sema among the Naga tribes. [xvii] Gwasenlo Tsela (1990s) narrated the story of Nagas migration and referred Khezhakeno as a “Dispersal point.” Until then, it is held and believed generally that Khezhakeno is the place where our Naga ancestors (Rengmas, Angamis, Chakhesangs, Semas, and Lothas) had lived and it was the place where these tribes dispersed to various parts of Nagaland.
Regarding the traditional view of the dispersal from Khezakeno, J.P. Mills in his book “The Rengma Nagas” writes, the Rengma tradition commence its origin and migration on the dispute of two sons of Khinzonyu ancestress over the question of the right turn of the use of their miraculous flat stone that has a power to double the paddy of single load dried on it. The tradition depicted the mother of the two had interfered and make unfair shrewdness and sided younger son. As a result the elder brother whose right was deprived by his mother opted to leave the village with his men and set off towards the north. His example was followed by other discontented families and the migration of the main body began which later split up into Angamis, Sumis, Lothas and Rengmas. [xviii] This traditional view has other explanation, the account as held by Gwasenlo Tsela says that, it was the elder brother not his mother who deprived the right of his younger brother to dry his paddy. As result his younger brother took his lover and fornicated over the miraculous stone and make fire over it, so the stone burst and split into two and the spirit/power that dwell in the stone went up to heaven.
Gwashini Kent says that from Khezakeno to the present settled Rengma homeland, Rengmas have at least migrated six times. From Khezakeno they migrated to Kagwenyu (Kegwema), from Kagwenyu to Chendenbinshong (Chedema), from Chendenbinshong to Pengshongnyu, from Pengshongyu to Hereuphenyu (Gariphema), from Hereuphenyu to Nyerhenphen (Nerhema) and finally from Nerhema to Khwenphen. According to oral tradition, Khwenphen was the first Rengma village and from this village, the Rengma family spread out, Thongsϋ and Senden went toward the west and established Thongsϋnyu village and Sendenyu village consequently, other group with Tsemi went North West and established Tseminyu, Kasha moved towards west and established Kashanyu and in this manner Rengmas spread to the different part of Nagaland and Assam as they are today.
Final Remarks
As seen in this article, Rengmas like the other Naga tribes have no written records of their own prior to the coming of Christianity in 19th century. R.B. Thohe Pou observed that some of the earliest literatures on Naga tribes are the work of A. Mackenzie (1884), Sir James John stone (1896) etc. which are about 127 years old by now. And as for the Rengmas, we have J.P. Mills' (1937) writing “The Rengma Nagas” in which he attempted to study on the origin and migration of Rengma tribe. He also studies on economic life and social organization covering the folktales, songs and language. However, it is certain that any of this early historical writings and accounts we have are based on oral traditions and are the works of the outsiders.
In addition, as time goes on, other theories and views have come up, hence, it is difficult to give a concrete conclusion on any of the theories, nevertheless, basing on the oral traditions recorded, one can to some extend know how and where we came from. One way of doing it could be, to see and observed which of these theories fit in to the cultural or social practices. So, in this case, regarding the origin of the name Rengma, for example, “the Ring man theory” which says that the British found Rengmas wearing big ear rings and rings on the necks, wrist, ankles which I assume really doesn’t depict the traditions of Rengma. Hence, the other competing theory like “theory of Rengme” appears to be more plausible to hold as we have some reasonable explanations to substantiate the theory. Regarding the Migrations and settlement account, the problem is since we have no written records until 19th century, and in addition so far no archeological discoveries and as such are performed to substantiate the historicity of Nagas and particularly the Rengmas, it is a complicated to autocratically state or hold one’s view. Nevertheless, to some extend we probably can say that the dating of our settlement is too late, for example, i have given my argument specially looking from the religious point of view; hence, it may be possible that the dating may be earlier than the common dating we have today.

Frans on 04.30.12 @ 11:20 PM CST [link]


Sunday, April 29th

As Prince Andrew comes to Kohima: is he coming to make peace between the Nagas and India while Nagas react to British neglect?


A Naga International Support Center, NISC www.nagalim.nl
A human rights organization

Press Release, April 30 2012

As Prince Andrew comes to Kohima: is he coming to make peace between the Nagas and India while
Nagas react to British neglect?

In a published article in the local newspapers the Naga National Council rightfully reminded Prince Andrew about the neglect of the United Kingdom concerning the right to self determination of the Naga Peoples. Though already in 1929 their leaders told the visiting Simon Commission they wanted to be free when the British were leaving, the British still turned them over to the emerging Union of India even though it knew that it had no control over a large part of the Naga areas. The British kept quiet when the Nagas proclaimed their independent Nagaland in 1947, one day ahead of the Union of India.

The Unadministered Areas as the British called them which were inhabited by the Free Nagas and comprised more than two-third of what was then unified Nagaland (not the present relatively small Nagaland State in India).
Nagas want Reunification
They want their ancestral areas in Myanmar to be reunified with their areas in India: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. These states in India were founded long after the Indo-Naga conflict began, the first one being Nagaland which was inaugurated in 1963; nine years after the Indian Armed Forces invaded Nagaland.

The Nagas, still administratively separated in four states, would like Prince Andrew to know about this when he visits Nagaland State when and so through him too the people and politicians of the United Kingdom who bear responsibility; if only in retrospect.

Prince Andrew is scheduled to visit the Kohima Second World War Cemetery to pay his respect to fallen British soldiers but with the acclaimed help of Naga soldiers many more British survived. Nagas want the British to intervene in the Indo-Naga conflict as it should tell India and the Nagas what exactly was transferred to the Union of India without consultation or consent of the Nagas themselves how.

A demonstration on this May ONE labor day will drive these points home; home to the UK.

By publishing this statement on the auspicious Queens Day of the Netherlands where the FREE market draws millions of Dutch, the Naga International Support Center, Amsterdam, reminds Prince Andrew of Britain on the issue of post colonial accountability the Dutch also lacked to follow up on. Not only the Dutch or the British but practical all colonizing nations suffer from this lack of responsibility.

For more information www.nagalim.nl or write to us nisc@nagalim.nl">nisc@nagalim.nl

Frans on 04.29.12 @ 09:33 PM CST [link]



NSCN (IM) questions Khaplang-Myanmar govt proposed dialogue Imphal Free Press



NSCN (IM) questions Khaplang-Myanmar govt proposed dialogue Imphal Free Press

DIMAPUR, April 27(Newmai News Network): The Isak-Muivah group of the NSCN has expressed deep concern on the reported proposed dialogue with the government of Myanmar.
On Friday, the Qhevihe Chsi Swu, convenor of the NSCN-IM`s `steering committee` and T.T Among, the outfit`s home minister in a joint communique made available to Newmai News Network in Dimapur asks, “Under what agenda are they (Khaplang group) to talk about and under what framework?”
`Steering committee` is the NSCN`s highest decision making body.
The NSCN-IM`s breaking of silence came even as the Khaplang group has reportedly signed a truce with the Myabmar government on April 12. Top leaders of the NSCN-Khaplang had left Nagaland for Yangon few days before the signing of the truce, according to a report.
Reacting to this development, the Isak-Muivah group said the Naga people are concerned on the proposed talks between Khaplang and the Burmese military junta as all Nagas are inseparable parts of the whole and `Nagalim` embraces all their ancestral domains. “The question is under what agenda are they to talk about and under what framework. In this connection, it is pertinent to recall that NSCN under the legitimate leadership of Isak and Muivah had declared unilateral ceasefire with the Burmese government years ago,” said Qhevihe Chisu Swu and T.T Among.
People from all quarters query whether Khaplang is mandated by the people, whether he really represents the issue/future of the Nagas, stated the NSCN-IM leaders. “When the administrative units of the Sagaing Division were arbitrarily redrawn by the Burmese government six townships namely, Tamu, Molaik, Phouwnpin, Homalin, Khamti, and Tanai were lost to Sagaing Division and Kachin state. Only the remaining three rocky townships – Layshi, Lahe and Namyung were left to the Nagas to form the so-called Autonomous District Council. Khaplang did not say anything against the move which took place right under his nose. Rather he had given his backing to that kind of colonial policy much to the chagrin of the Naga people. This is undeniable fact and he can never dispose it off as he wishes,” added Swu and Among.
The NSCN-IM leaders then alleged that it was known to one and all that Khaplang and the Burmese army have been working together hand in glove even before declaration of the ceasefire. It is highly questionable if Khaplang has seriously considered the rights and history of the Naga people when entering into a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military junta. “The Nagas are watching closely the new development taking place in the eastern part of Nagalim. Khaplang must keep it in mind that the Naga people will never accept any agreement that betrays their right over their territory. We are also strongly opposed to the kind of ceasefire that escalates factional fighting on the one hand and makes haven for those organizations that are hostile to the Naga people on the other. Khaplang must understand that Nagas are no longer in the days of yore. They are highly political people now,” said the Qhevihe Chsi Swu and T.T Among.
Meanwhile, the ministry of information and publicity (MIP) of the NSCN-IM accused the government of India of the Government of India created actual warlike situations in all the Naga inhabited areas through the “ever notorious Assam Rifles”.
“This incident did not only disturb and harass the NSCN cadres but created serious tensions in the minds of all the Naga people. The impasse however partially, so to say, resolved through the efforts of many NSCN leaders as well as the leaders of Naga social workers including the Naga Women Organizations. This could be done through the unfailing love of Jehovah towards the Nagas. The NSCN highly appreciates the Naga womenfolk near and around the Hebron Camp. Their courage and patriotism will be remembered for all time to come. The NSCN appreciates the efforts of Naga Hoho and its frontal Organizations, the NSF and its frontal organizations, the Naga women Organizations at all level and also those individuals and groups, which cannot be named one by one, for rendering their services to defuse the tensions and resolved the crisis. God will certainly bless all those peacemakers,” the outfit`s MIP added.
On the allegation that the China is funding Maoists in the states of North East India including Nagaland, the NSCN-IM refuted the report and said that the outfit has no idea about other states “but in Nagaland, if there be any activities or presence as alleged it is certainly the creation of Assam Government and India”. The Assam Government brought the refugees from every corner and kept them through force and as well as help in the plains sector of Nagaland bordering Assam in order to make buffer zone between Assam and Nagaland,” the Naga outfit alleged.
“But this objective of the Assam Government turned out to be counter-productive and negative impact on the Government of India. Recently, there was a hue and cry about presence of Maoists Camps and their cadres along the Nagaland Assam Disputed Area Belt, which were destroyed and the cadres expelled by the Nagaland state Government authorities in collaboration with the public of the area.
“Therefore, if there are any moaists or their camps in Nagaland border then this are the creations of the Assam and the Government of India. They should not blame others for their wrong doings,” the NSCN-IM asserted.
Hint to Khaplang in Kitovi ceasefire NISHIT DHOLABHAI


S.S. Khaplang
New Delhi, April 27: India has told Myanmar to ask NSCN (Khaplang) to stop helping other Indian militant groups, while signing a ceasefire with another NSCN faction.
Last week, India communicated to Yangon its disappointment that the ceasefire Yangon signed with the S.S. Khaplang-led group this month does not include a caveat to help India.
“It has been communicated that they should include a clause that will prevent the Khaplang group from helping other Indian militant groups,” a government source told The Telegraph.
The Centre today conveyed a similar message to the NSCN (Khaplang), while not renewing the 11-year-old ceasefire agreement with the outfit.
Joint secretary (Northeast) in the ministry of home affairs, Shambhu Singh, confirmed that the government did not sign the ceasefire today.
The Centre asked for “clarifications” about inter-factional clashes, help in Myanmar to other Indian insurgent groups and the signatory, said Singh.
NSCN (K) supervisor, Lincoln, later said he was “hopeful that differences would be sorted out”.
Singh, too, said he hoped differences would be ironed out and a ceasefire renewed with the Khaplang group.
Sources said the Khaplang representatives were asked how members of a Manipur outfit were held along with Khaplang cadres in Mon town on Thursday.
Though hitches cropped up with the Khaplang outfit, the government opened a new peace front by signing an agreement with the NSCN (Kitovi-Khole) faction that split from Khaplang in June last year.
Supervisor C. Singson and “Lt. Gen” N.B. Neokpao signed on behalf of the NSCN and Singh signed for the government.
Kitovi Zhimomi, the ato kilonser (prime minister) of the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) was present during the signing.
The Centre seems to see the Kitovi group as a countervailing force not only to the NSCN (K) but also to Thuingaleng Muivah-led NSCN (I-M) whose talks with government have progressed over the years.
The group’s ceasefire will be valid up to April 27, 2013.
The government’s recognition of the Kitovi-led faction is apparently prompted by the Khaplang group’s truce with Yangon. Since the split last June, India had acted ambivalent.
However, on April 9 the Myanmar government representative, the Sagaing region minister for security and border affairs Col. Kyi Naing signed a five-point ceasefire agreement with NSCN (K) representative Y. Wangtin Naga, a Konyak Naga from Mon district of Nagaland.
It was the first hint of democratic reforms in Myanmar actually affecting Indian region and policy. It was also a rare event of an Indian rebel signing an agreement with a foreign government. Discovering that the Myanmar minister did not word the agreement to prevent other Indian outfits from operating from Myanmar, India conveyed its difficulty with that agreement.
Naga rebels are not a major problem for Yangon which is more concerned about the Kachin and Karen rebels. But Myanmar has consistently assured New Delhi it will not allow interests inimical to India to operate from its soil. Yet, the agreement states that unarmed NSCN (K) cadres can move freely anywhere in Myanmar.
“Does this means that Indian NSCN (K) cadres will be able to freely move in Myanmar?” asked a senior government official. India is concerned over Indian nationals freely moving into Myanmar without permission from New Delhi. With China a major player in Myanmar, there are concerns over security.
Also, that the Sagaing chief minister U Tha Aye was present at the signing in Khamti, a town about 750km north of Mandalay, showed Yangon’s reconciliation with Naga autonomy in Myanmar.
NSCN (K) has bases in Myanmar’s Sagaing province, with pockets of Naga tribes accepting Khaplang, a Hemi Naga as their leader. It is in several such bases that Ulfa and NDFB from Assam and PLA and UNLF from Manipur are sheltered.
'No designated camps of NSCN-IM in Manipur' TNN Times of India
IMPHAL: In the wake of the recent standoff between NSCN (IM) and Assam Rifles at the outfit's Hebron camp and its subsequent ramifications, home minister Gaikhangam on Thursday said the state government does not recognize any official camp of NSCN (IM) in Manipur. He added that he will ask the Centre, which is holding talks with the outfit, to dismantle any such designated camps of the outfit if it exists in the state.
On the frequent intrusion of Nagaland villagers into Jessami over the protracted land dispute, Gaikhangam said an additional force of one company India Reserve Battalion (IRB) or a state force will be set up at Jessami village in Ukhrul district bordering Nagaland to safeguard its villagers.
On April 18, a group of armed men from Melourie village in Nagaland intruded Jessami village in Manipur and abducted six villagers, including a VDF volunteer. Following intervention of the state authorities, the villagers were freed late at night and the VDF volunteer had to be admitted to a hospital as he was beaten up by the abductors.
In view of the mysterious disappearance of children, the home minister said all police stations have been put on alert to foil any attempt by miscreants to abduct children. Meanwhile, three 15-year-old boys, who went missing from Sirem village in Imphal West on April 7 returned home after spending a few days in an alleged rebel camp. According to the young boys, they wanted to join the outfit but the rebels asked them to go home as they were too young to join the group.
GPRN/NSCN-GoI sign ceasefire pact Eastern Mirror

DIMAPUR, (EMN): The representatives of the Government of India and GPRN/NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) today met in New Delhi and signed a Ceasefire Agreement for a period of one year.
Informing this in a communiqué, the outfit said although the ceasefire was signed a decade earlier and extended each year a day before the expiry, following the impeachment and expulsion of SS Khaplang from GPRN/NSCN, the latest Ceasefire Agreement gives fresh impetus to both the GoI and GPRN/NSCN to be sincere in its implementation as both sides prepare to embark on a more pressing Indo-Naga political issue.
The Ceasefire Agreement was signed by Shambu Singh, Joint Secretary, MHA Government of India, C Singson, Supervisor, CSFB, NSCN and Lt Gen MB Neokpao Konyak, Naga Army Chief, it was informed.

GPRN/NSCN condemns
The GPRN/NSCN has alleged and condemned the assault of one of its members by some NSCN-IM cadres stationed at Chumukedima. In a release, the outfit alleged that on April 26 morning, a GPRN/NSCN official Toluho Sumi, an Under Secretary, on duty was accosted by three NSCN-IM cadres, blindfolded and savagely assaulted even before reaching Hebron Camp. It also alleged that the perpetrators used derogatory words against the tribe to which Toluho belongs.
Stating that the action was a big embarrassment to the spirit of Naga Reconciliation process, it said understanding and brotherhood was replaced by inhuman treatment of the most brutal kind. Demanding immediate disciplinary action against the perpetrators if peaceful atmosphere is to be sustained, the GPRN/NSCN said a repetition of such action against any of its members would not be tolerated. It further asked that the seized motorcycle, mobile handset, cash and challan be returned in its original form.

NSCN (K) asked to clarify

DIMAPUR,(EMN): The ceasefire between Government of India and NSCN (Khaplang) was not extended today on account of the faction having gone ahead and signed a ceasefire with the govt of Myanmar on April 12 last keeping the Government of India in the dark.
According to a Vision Communications report from New Delhi, the Government of India today asked the NSCN (K) Ceasefire Supervisory Board supervisor Lincoln and his colleagues to clarify ‘why they have signed another ceasefire agreement with the Government of Myanmar without taking the Government of India into confidence’.
The NSCN (K) members are believed to have agreed to clarify their stand as soon as possible after talking to their collective leadership. The ceasefire expires on April 28. If the Khaplang faction fails to clarify by Saturday night, the ceasefire will be declared null and void.

Home Minister says Nagaland as most peaceful state Oken Jeet Sandham (NEPS)
Kohima,: Nagaland Home Minister Imkong L Imchen expressed his happiness on the prevailing peaceful environment in the State.

Talking to NEPS here today, the Minister claimed that "Nagaland is the most peaceful State comparing with other states" .

"If you look at the pre-2008 situation and compared it with the 2012 situation in the state, I think, peace is there in the State," he described.

Still not subscribing to the argument of the Opposition Congress that Naga underground factional clashes and killings should be taken as "law and order problem," the straight talking Minister elaborated that all these issues were correlated to the political activities of the Naga political issue.

"If the Congress thinks that those issues are law and order problem, let them deal with it according to their philosophy," he hit back.

They should understand that the Government of India had even "recognized" that the "Naga issue is political." So definitely it had to be dealt politically and definitely it should not be from the perspective of the law and order angle," he pointed out.

Imchen also failed to understand the logic of the Opposition Congress that the Naga underground factional issues should be dealt with a "firm hand" .

Asking the Opposition Congress to explain what they meant by a "firm hand," the Minister wondered whether the so-called a "firm hand" was there in their (Congress) regime.

"We are not going to kill anyone," Imchen said.

"We are also not going to disturb the peace in the state" .

Asked how long the DAN Government would pursue the policy of being a "facilitator" to the ongoing peace talks between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM), Imchen said, "So long it is required, we will remain as a facilitator to the peace talks" .

Elaborating further of their policy of being a facilitator to the ongoing talks, the Minister stated that the peace talks were between the NSCN (IM) and the Government of India and they (DAN Government) were not a party to it.

He, however, made it clear that they had trust in the "wisdom" of the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) leaderships that they would bring good solution to the Nagas.

"So we are even prepared to pave way in the event of arriving at an honorable solution to the issue," he said.
Asked his comment on the reported plan of the NSCN (K) to have a bilateral ceasefire with the Myanmar Government, the Minister said there should be peace "everywhere" .

* The sender of this news can be contacted at nepsonline(at)yahoo(dot)com .
‘India should do more to advance peace, security’ morungexpress

In this photo released by India’s Prime Minister’s Office Photo Division, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, left, meets with India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi Friday, April 27. Ban arrived in New Delhi on Thursday to meet with government officials and business leaders. (AP Photo)

New Delhi, April 27 (PTI): UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on Friday hoped that India would find a way to build and strengthen partnerships of common ground with its neighbours and encouraged it to do “even more” in advancing peace and security.
He also told India that it was imperative for the country to tackle its own human rights challenge through legislation, policy and action to protect citizens regardless of gender, identity or social origin though every country faces such challenges. Addressing a gathering after being conferred Degree for Doctor of Letters (Honoris Causa) by Jamia Millia Islamia, he said, “I believe India will also find the way to build and strengthen partnerships of common ground with your neighbours.
“I knew there are many challenges, but I see a future of steadily warmer ties built on a shared heritage and a common future,” he said.
As the world looks ahead, Mr. Ban said, he would encourage India as a “regional and global force” to do “even more” in advancing peace and security, in sharing its experiences and in deepening south-south cooperation.
Ban lauded the “Indian progress” and “Indian leadership” in eradicating polio and hoped that same would be achieved in eradicating other diseases. He reminded India that it has to do lot more in eradicating maternal mortality rate and reduce the number of children dying due to preventable diseases.
Lauding India’s “rich tradition of outstanding” women leaders, he termed the election of 10 lakh women to village councils as a “remarkable achievement”.

NSCN (IM) refutes intelligence reports on Chinese funding Nagaland Page

Dimapur The NSCN (IM) has refuted the Indian intelligence bureau reports about Chinese funding Maoists in the North East including Nagaland, by making it clear that if there be any activities or presence of Maoists in Nagaland as alleged it is certainly the creation of Assam Government and India.
"The Moaists activities or presence in the other states, we cannot say or comment anything. But in Nagaland, if there be any activities or presence as alleged it is certainly the creation of Assam Government and India. The Assam Government brought the refugees from every corner and kept them through force and as well as help in the plains sector of Nagaland bordering Assam in order to make buffer zone between Assam and Nagaland," the MIP GPRN said in a press release issued today.
"But this objective of the Assam Government turned out to be counter-productive and negative impact on the Government of India. Recently, there was a hue and cry about presence of Maoists Camps and their cadres along the Nagaland Assam Disputed Area Belt, which were destroyed and the cadres expelled by the Nagaland state Government authorities in collaboration with the public of the area," the release said adding if there are any Maoists or their camps in Nagaland border then this are the creations of the Assam and the Government of India. They should not blame others for their wrong doings."

NSCN appreciates
Meanwhile the NSCN (IM) has conveyed appreciation to the Naga Hoho and its frontal organizations, the NSF and its frontal organizations, the Naga Women Organizations at all level and also individuals and groups for rendering their services to defuse the tension that arose out of the April 19 'deliberate intrusion' of the Assam Rifles into NSCN/GPRN CHQs to provoke the NSCN.
"This incident did not only disturb and harass the NSCN cadres but created serious tensions in the minds of all the Naga people. The impasse however partially, so to say, resolved through the efforts of many NSCN leaders as well as the leaders of Naga social workers including the Naga Women Organizations. This could be done through the unfailing "love of Jehovah" towards the Nagas," it said.
The NSCN particularly appreciated the Naga womenfolk near and around the Hebron Camp, saying their courage and patriotism will be remembered for all time to come. (Page News Service)
NSCN refutes funding reports OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, April 27: The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) today rebutted reports of Intelligence Bureau that China was funding Maoists in the Northeast, including in Nagaland.
An NSCN statement said Maoist activities or presence in the other states cannot be ruled out but in Nagaland, if there is any activity or presence as alleged, it is certainly the creation of the Assam government and the Centre.
The outfit said the Assam government brought refugees from every corner and made them settle in the plains of Nagaland, bordering Assam, in order to make buffer zone between Assam and Nagaland. But the objective of the Assam government turned out to be counter-productive, the statement said.
The outfit said there was a hue and cry about the presence of Maoist camps and their cadres along the Nagaland-Assam disputed belt.
“Therefore, if there are any Maoists or their camps on Nagaland border then this is the creation of the Assam and the government of India. They should not blame others for their wrong doings,” the statement added.
Regarding the April 19 incident when the outfit captured five Assam Rifles personnel along with their arms, the NSCN said it had occurred because of deliberate intrusion by the forces into its council headquarters to provoke cadres.
“This was done against the ceasefire ground rules and the spirit and meaning of ceasefire between two conflicting parties. Under this pretext, the government of India created actual warlike situations in all the Naga-inhabited areas through the ever notorious Assam Rifles,” the statement said.
The outfit said the incident not only disturbed and harassed the NSCN cadres, but created serious tension among the Naga people.
The security personnel were released after daylong negotiations between the outfit and the representatives from the Centre led by chairman of the ceasefire monitoring group, Maj. Gen. N. George. There were also reports of security forces restricting movement of NSCN (I-M) cadres in Manipur.
The situation, however, has been partially resolved through the efforts of NSCN leaders as well as the leaders of Naga social workers, including the Naga women organisations.
“The NSCN appreciates the efforts of Naga Hoho and its frontal organisations, the Naga Students’ Federation and its frontal organisations, the Naga women organisations at all levels and also those individuals and groups for rendering their services to defuse the tension and resolve the crisis,” the NSCN said.
Movements for Human Rights in Manipur kanglaonline By Benjamin Gondaimei
India is the world largest democracy; a sovereign socialist republic with a comprehensive charter of rights written into its constitution; a signatory to most international covenants of human rights; a country in the forefront of the international struggle against colonialism, imperialism and racism. Rarely do many of us realised that underneath this impressive veneer and national pride about our 3000 year old civilizational legacy, lies a history of systematic violation of basic democratic, and human rights of large sections of our population.1 It was only with the declaration of the state of Emergency, in June 1975, that the fragile basis of even our constitutional rights was brought home to us. After 1975, many civil and democratic rights groups were formed and since have been functioning all over the country. Every year, publishing investigation reports particularly about violation by the state of its own Laws, registering cases under the provision of public interest law, holding press conferences, and issuing statement, as well as demonstrating against state repression of various kinds of draconian laws have become common fare. So also has the discussion on Indian Constitution ans its laws and justice machinery. This would have us believe that the movement for human rights of which this specialized activity of the civil and democratic rights groups is a part, is alive and kicking. Equally on e can be lead to believe that the activities of the different political parties and related mass organisations, of the hundreds of voluntary, social-action groups working with and for the oppressed and downtrodden as also a far more conscious citizenry would together have contributed to a powerful growing movement for changing the sub-human conditions in which large proportion of our citizens alive.
If anything, reports of gross violations by the state machinery in the form of torture, illegal detention, unprovoked firings, encounter killing, legislation of more repressive laws are now common than ever before. Alongside is the growing feeling of ineffectiveness and powerlessness in various human rights related groups, not only the specialised civil democratic rights groups, but also the different base level or support groups working among different constituencies ad involved with the struggle for a radical transformation of the Indian situation. There is a growing realisation that a weak and insecure state cannot only turn more fascist in its method, but can help generate a mind-set, particularly amongst the slightly better off of its citizens, that all such dissent and protest activity is seen as anti-state, anti-national, inherently destabilizing, and therefore to be put down with a heavy hand. We see not only the structures and the instrumentalities set up by the state to provide justice to its citizens, but also the mass, media and section of the intellengentia, collaborating in a wide ranging process of ruthlessly enforcing the status quo for even further regression from the status quo. The relative inefficiency of the Civil Liberties and Democratic Rights movements in the country can be understood a t many level, the changing context within which the movement attempts to define itself, a shift in the nature of issues that the movement addresses itself to, the integral organisational dynamics of the movement, the strategies employed etc. All of them are post-facto explanations, that the movement is weak because the state is repressive.
The emerging scenario of the politics of human rights in India is becoming increasingly complicated and problem ridden, given the growing brutalisation of the state in its relationship to civil society as well as the increasing availability of the apparatus of the state to dominant interests keen on maintaining and augmenting levels of oppression and terror. On the other hand when it comes to the growth of the human rights movement, most of this tend to hold back, keen on retaining their specialized identities and afraid of being swamped by a generalised platform or body. Many of the human rights activities have themselves contributed to such an image by insisting that a human rights body should confine itself to fighting against atrocities committed by the state, not in dealing with the sources of these atrocities in the structure of the state and of civil society. While individual activists may involve themselves in political activities, including in party politics, it is not the role of the human rights bodies to get so entangle.
There has taken place an unprecedented polarisation of the Indian society following the rapid spread of communalism and the systematic build up in the media of the extremist and terrorist, threat to the country’s integrity and unity. This has polarised the human rights community too. Alongside, there has taken place a striking decline in the independence and objectivity of the judiciary and the press, partly due to the overall polarisation of society but due to more comprehensive conditioning of the middle class mind that anything that appears to weaken the government at the Centre weakens the Indian state, and anything that weakens the state weakens the constitutional fabric of democracy. The paradox is almost tragic: the greater the incident of oppression, the more widespread the span and location of resistance from civil society, which in turn produces the sense that the state is under attack and must be protected. This inturn is reflected in the fact that increasingly the relevance of human rights activist and organisations is reduced to holding protest meetings and rallies, and to registering and fighting court cases which also amount to little more than protesting, as nothing much come out of the writs and petitions anyway. This has made human rights endeavour even more segmented and specialised, reducing to lawyers and orators.
India has a record of flagrant violation of rights at every level. From a situation of lawlessness created by the state through undemocratic legislation, to arbitrary acts of both policy and intervention, successive governments have attempted to maintain policies that deny to a majority of citizens the right to civilized human existence.
Struggles of the Civil Societies in Manipur
Liberal theory considers civil society to be a property of democratic states. The presence of civil society ensures democratic states, because among the values of civil soceity are those of accountability of states, and limits on state power. Civil society affords a rule bound space independent of the state yet protected by the state, where right-bearing individuals pursue their private interests in peaceful association with others. For the Marxist, the liberal conceptualization of civil society as a sphere of rights legitimizes the domination of the capitalist classes. Civil in the Marxist perspective, is the arena for selfish competition, wage-linked exploitation, and class in equality. Marxist theory has consequently seen civil society as the sphere for the buying, selling and reproduction of labour power. The state in this perspective by maintaining the fiction of equal rights and freedom actually guarantees the depredation and moral squalor of civil society. Liberals concentrate on the oppressions of the state, but they do not inquire into the oppressions of civil society, and Marxist concentration upon the oppressions of this sphere has led them to neglect any analysis of the institutions and values of the civil society. The privileging of civil society as the sphere where democratic politics can be constructed has major implications. It involves the recognition that the right to hold states responsible and to ensure political accountability resides not only in institutions and constitutions, laws and regulations, but is a part of the social fabric.2 Firstly the notion of the public sphere of civil society implies that people come together in an arena of common concerns. The public is not only what pertains to the whole society, it is the vital mechanism which brings together individuals and groups located in private discourses, into a discourse based on shared and common concerns. The transfer from the private to the public takes place through the formation and dissemination of public opinion. The second implication is that it is desirable that, the debate and discussion is public in the sense of being accessible to all. Nobody should be barred on the grounds of his/her location in class or other structures. The third implication is that a space should exist outside officially prescribed channels of communication provided by the state where this free and public discussion and debate can take place.
On the other hand, he practices of civil society which are exposed most powerfully are the works of Hegel, Marx and Gramsci, which inhibits the process of democracy. Civil society has provided both the space for democracy and acted as a constraint upon it.
Civil society is not a once and for all phenomenon which can be constructed and left to fend for itself. The freedom of civil society is precarious and has to be guarded against any violations of the autonomy principle. it is perceived that the state had become much more powerful than desired. Indeed the modern state, with its apparatus of power and surveillance, posed a greater threat to human freedom than earlier states which did not possess the same range, modicum and mechanisms of power. Arundhati Roy said “our strategy should be not only to confront empire, but to lay siege to it. To deprive it of oxygen. To shame it. To mock it. With our art, our music, our literature, our stubbornness, our joy, our brilliance, our sheer relentlessness and our ability to tell our own stories. Stories that are different from the ones we’re being brainwashed to believe”.
The values of civil society are those of political participation, state accountability, and publicity of politics. The institutions of civil society are associational and representative forums, a free press and social associations. The inhabitants of this sphere are the rights bearing and juridically define individually.
The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, is more of a nuisance than a solution. “Irom Sharmila Chanu’s protest and campaign to repeal the AFSPA must be heard and consider as a democratic non-violent protest.” The Act which gives extra-ordinary power to the security forces was imposed in some States of North East India with the noble intention of controlling militancy but ended up leasing an undeclared State of emergency for undefined reasons and for an unlimited period, it alleged. “The Act has been misused by the security forces by taking advantage of counter insurgency operation in every nook and corners in the North Eastern States. People had undergone several abuses due to the excesses repeatedly committed by the Security Forces throughout the years. It has repeatedly violated the right to life, liberty and security of person.” The foundation also called for incorporation of the list of ‘dos’ and ‘don’ts’ as laid down and propounded by the Supreme Court of India and immediate review of the Act from the entire North East India. The Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has admitted AFSPA as inhuman in addition to Justice Jeevan Reddy’s recommendation to scrap the military Act, the civil societies demanded the Government of India and the Government of Manipur to repeal AFSPA without any further delay. the Government of India responded with all the urgency when Ana Hazare fasted for just 11 days whereas New Delhi has been paying no attention to Sharmila’s 11 years old fasting, the partial attitude of the Government of India is being decried.
Former union home secretary G.K. Pillai said, Irom Sharmila’s fasting for the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), must ”reach out to people across the country” like anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare to make Irom Sharmila cause known, says AFSPA enables security forces to shoot at sight and arrest anybody without a warrant if an area is declared disturbed. “It is a question of how you reach out to people. AFSPA is applicable only in Jammu and Kashmir and in the northeastern states. Corruption is pricking people everywhere and that’s why Anna Hazare had a high moral ground,” “She (Sharmila) has to reach out to the people across the country. She has to say why she is on fast,” “AFSPA should be repealed and the government should have a humane law,” AFSPA was passed in 1990 to grant special powers and immunity from prosecution to security forces to deal with raging insurgencies in northeastern states and in Jammu and Kashmir. The Act is a target for local human rights groups and international campaigners such as Amnesty International.
Home Minister P Chidambaram made a fresh attempt is being made to build consensus within the Government to amend the controversial Armed Forces Special (Powers) Act (AFSPA). He said “I am trying to revisit AFSPA but as you know one needs to build a consensus within the Government before amendments can be brought before Parliament.” He said in J & K there was a consensus within the Central Government that if the state withdraws the Disturbed Areas Act, AFSPA will automatically go. “In Kashmir, the state government to was asked to review the application of Disturbed Areas Act and if that act is reviewed, then automatically if the DA does not apply to areas in Kashmir, the AFSPA is not applied to that area in Kashmir. In a statement of the Prime Minister (Manmohan Singh) said that we will replace the AFSPA with a more humane act. On the other hand the army has conveyed its apprehensions to the Defence Ministry that replacement of AFSPA or any dilution could hamper its operational capabilities to effectively deal with militancy and insurgency. “On the first route (in JK) there is a consensus at the Centre. Now at the operational level, the JK government would have to, in the Unified Command, agree to review the application of Disturbed Areas Act. “If they are able to lift the DAA from, say five places, then AFSPA would not apply to those five places. So that is something which they have to do and I am in touch with the Chief Minister (Omar Abdullah),” Chidambaram said, adding Omar has to “weigh the pros and cons and then decide when to do it, where to do it. That is for them.”Omar’s government in the state has already constituted a Committee earlier this year to review the DAA. The Committee comprises Director General of Police, Home Secretary and Corps Commander of 15 Corps (for Kashmir) and Corps Commander of 16-Corps (for Jammu).
Congress Party’s scion Rahul Gandhi believes that army is no solution to insurgencies either in Kashmir, North East or Chattisgarh and bated for a political solution to problems. “We need to talk and the political process must begin. “Army is no solution to the problem of insurgency. Army is meant to fight with the enemy and not with our own people.”
It is pathetic that the Indian State has not toed the democratic norms. Rather, on security point of view, the Indian state either simply copied the draconian laws of the colonial or even made new extraordinary and harsher laws in maintaining law and order and tackling insurgency movements in the country. Some of these laws that have been quite abusively used – Punjab Security of State Act, 1953, The Assam Maintenance of Public Order (Autonomous Districts) Act, 1958, The Terrorist and Disruptive (Prevention) Act, 1987, The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO), 2001, repealed etc, etc. It has been experienced oft and again that these extraordinary laws do not solve the problems of people’s dissent and insurgency movements. Instead the common people have been the victims of the atrocious laws. While the Terrorist and Disruptive (Prevention) Act, 1987 has lapsed after wide protests, the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 is still being promulgated in various states, particularly, the North East India. Sharmila has been undergoing fast unto death for complete removal of the Act. Scores of concerned civil society organisations including Sharmila Kanba Lup and the intelligentsia among others have been launching movements against any further promulgation of such Act, the authority has ever been arrogant. Thus, we experienced gross violation of human rights of the common peoples and subjugation has become the political culture. It is an empirical fact, that Manipuris have been protesting against even the British regime, can be clearly known from events, the First and Second Nupilals, Anglo-Manipuri War, Anglo-Kuki War, Irawat’s and Zeliangrong movements. Despite this situation, merger of Manipur to the Indian Dominion had added fuel to the fire, as a setback there came up the secessionist movements.
1 Harsh Sethi and Smithu Kothari, “Introduction”, in Rethinking Human Rights: Challenges for Theory and Action, edited by, Smitu Kothari and Harsh Sethi, (Delhi: Lokayan, 1989),1.
2 Neera Chandoke, State and Civil Society: Explorations in Political Theory, (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1995), 61.
Seminar on India-Myanmar-China begins Our correspondent| EMN
IMPHAL, The first day of the four day national seminar on India-Myanmar-China relations which begins here at the Manipur University observed that India may achieve its objective in Myanmar if it seriously takes up its infrastructure strategies.
“Nothing substantial cannot be happened unless promises made by the India (on Myanmar) happened,” Prof Baladas Ghoshal of Centre for Policy Research New Delhi observed in his key note address of the seminar at the newly built court room of Manipur University at Canchipur, 3 km south of Imphal.Sharing a similar sentiment, Registrar Prof N Lokendra Singh of Manipur University while giving his speech in presence of many academicians, scholars, defence analysts, researchers and Myanmar delegates, agreed that the academicians ignored Myanmar while conducting the studies.Stating that many powerful countries across the globe including United States of America have shown their interest on Myanmar for its rich natural resources, Prof Lokendra further observed, “It will be difficult to study the different ethnic groups in North East India unless there is a study on Myanmar.”Vice Chancellor Prof HNK Sarma of the Manipur University who was the Chief Guest in the day’s formal inaugural session also expressed the need to establish a good bilateral relationship with Myanmar in order to make India’s presence in South East and South Asian region.“India need to revitalize to build relationship with Myanmar”, he added and hoped that the seminar would fruitfully discuss on the emerging picture.The Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) of the state PC Lawmkunga also presented a special talk on the recent by poll in Myanmar 2012 wherein pro-democracy activist and General Secretary of National League for Democracy(NLD) Aung San Suu Kyi’s party won 43 seats out of 45 parliamentary seats.In his presentation, CEO Lawmkunga informed that gathering that unlike elections in India, the recent by poll in Myanmar was so peaceful that no uniform or armed security men were seen in and around the 20 polling stations in Mandalay region and which he visited as international observer in March end this year. He said transparent ballot boxes made of plastic were used to cast votes while women making up 50 percent of the polling personnel as another glaring difference.The seminar which is scheduled to conclude on April 30 with a valedictory function will have academic session on India-Myanmar-Chine relations and implications, Myanmar and her recent development, Regional perspective of India-Myanmar-China relations, NE India in the web of India-Myanmar-China, Insurgency and Balance Power, Border Trade and India-Myanmar-Chine relations, New dimensions of indo-Myanmar border trade, Social and cultural backgrounds etc.

Opposition demands Chidambaram’s ouster Sentinel
NEW DELHI, Opposition Lok Sabha MPs on Friday demanded the resignation of Home Minister P Chidambaram who is alleged to have helped his son get financial benefits in a telecom deal when he was the Finance Minister in 2006.
Members created a ruckus, disrupting Lok Sabha twice till 2 p.m., even though the Home Minister was not present in the House.
As soon as members assembled in the morning, some Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) front benchers rose to protest, demanding Chidambaram’s ouster. “Chidambaram has indulged in massive corruption. He should be dismissed as home minister immediately,” BJP leader Yashwant Sinha was heard shouting in the din.
Janata Dal-United (JD-U) chief Sharad Yadav and his party MPs soon joined the BJP members in anti-Chidambaram protests.
The Opposition MPs cited Janata Party chief Subramanian Swamy’s allegations that Chidambaram had delayed permission for the sale of Aircel to Malaysia-based Maxis in 2006 when he was Finance Minister so that his son, Karthi, was financially benefitted.
Swamy told reporters on Thursday that he had written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh seeking Chidambaram’s resignation and directing the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to include the Minister and his son in the case on the Aircel-Maxis deal already under probe.
Former IT and Communication Minister Dayanidhi Maran is under the scanner for alleged irregularities in the deal. Swamy alleged that Karthi’s firm and Aircel had entered into a “dubious transaction” in March 2006, just before Maxis’s investment of Rs.4,000 crore into the telecom company. He said the then Finance Minister had ensured that the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) clearance on Aircel-Maxis deal be given only after Karthi’s company got a share in Aircel.
The Swamy allegations gave fresh ammunition to Opposition guns, who had in the first two days of the reconvened budget session put the government on the mat for alleged payoffs in the Bofors artillery deal of 1986. IANS
Myanmar’s exiled media heading home Kavi Chongkittavorn Mizzima

(Commentary) – News of Myanmar’s exiled media returning home has excited the community of dissidents and media activists around the world. With the Arab Spring and increasing democratization in various parts of the world, journalists who fled many other countries for an extended period of time are also returning home.

Kavi Chongkittavorn speaks at a Southeast Asian Press Alliance's board of trustees meeting, in this file photo. Photo: IMS
However, they all face different challenges during these transitional periods, depending on how media-friendly the government in power is. Having operated without interference, these media outlets and journalists are fiercely independent and highly professional, with a hard-earned creditability.

It is only in recent years that stories from exiled media began to emerge on how they contributed to the dramatic political changes on their home fronts. Once they were the official targets of attacks. Now they have gained respect even from those who previously tried to oppress them. Returning media exiles share one common important trait: they all have promised to serve as faithful watchdogs in their societies – something they have done from thousands of kilometres away in different time zones. Truth be told, nowhere have the changes been as radical and impressive as in Myanmar.

Myanmar's case is intriguing because the government decided to invite exiled media early on during its reform process to return and contribute to nation-building and media professionalism inside the country. There are many exiled Burmese journalists of varying quality and experience working for a dozen news organizations, including ethnic minority news outlets, or blogging. The New Delhi-based Mizzima News has made a successful transition into Burma with a local printing license.

The Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma is negotiating with the Naypyitaw authorities for a broadcasting license in the future.

Currently, the government is focusing on print media. Burmese News International, an umbrella for small ethnic media groups based in Thailand, hopes to set up offices in minority areas.

Other groups including the Chiang Mai-based Irrawaddy have made similar moves, but are being more cautious. Interestingly, each exiled media organization planning to return to Burma has also worked out a contingency plan by maintaining overseas offices in case of a reversal in the reforms.

Myanmarese journalists are highly trained and professional. For decades, they had to operate overseas, sometimes far away from their own country, gathering and then dispatching news back to the country, to which they had no direct access. They are among the most innovative groups among worldwide exiled media today through the use of satellites and every kind of media technology.

For instance over the past two decades, the DVB developed a sophisticated network of reporters and secretive ways of delivering their news reports on a day-to-day basis. Relying on groups of clandestine journalists, including the well-known underground video journalists, inside the country, they informed the Burmese at home about what was really going on in their backyards.

Recently, DVB also filed a report on the thank-you party given by opposition party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, filmed by one of its journalists. It was the only media outlet that reported on the reception, which was rather controversial as only 19 journalists were invited.

Among journalists, debates continue as to whether it was a faux pas on the part of the National League for Democracy to express appreciation to journalists or media outlets that reported positively on Suu Kyi and the party's activities. Indeed, it is no secret that she has been the subject of positive news reports since her release. Before and during the by-election campaign in March, almost all printed media, barring the government-run media, filled their front pages with her photos and quotes. Indeed, editors and reporters at home are now facing a dilemma on how to cover her stories and activities without putting too positive a spin on it. In this case, DVB shows the unique character of exiled media.

Unlike other closed societies, the Burmese authorities realize the urgency and benefits of rallying exiled media to their side. They have taken concrete steps to attract them, with the goal of integrating the exiled media into the wider society as soon as possible.

In recent months, censorship has been partly eased, pending the new media law, which is due by the end of this year. Within Asean, especially among the members with restrictive media, this trend is quite disturbing because the Burmese media scene is receiving positive international media coverage. For decades, Burma's media freedom ranked among the world's worst in various global media indexes. But this will change with the new evaluation next year.

That helps explain why the exiled journalists visiting Myanmar to hold talks with the authorities were asked to impart their experience and professionalism obtained overseas to their local colleagues. Some were even asked privately to help train officials dealing with spokespeople for various ministries to improve media communication.

Myanmar aside, it is hard to know the exact number of exiled media organizations around the world. It is estimated that there are around 50 outlets covering at least 20 locations including Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Belarus, Yemen, Iran, Zimbabwe, China, Cuba, Bhutan, Tibet, Sudan and Eritrea. Every day, hundreds of journalists-in-exile, some of them political activists, work from their homes or offices to inform their own people and the rest of the world of the "real news," using their own limited resources and outside funding.

All around the world, undemocratic governments, especially dictatorial ones that have made an about-face, understand media operations and their weaknesses and strengths. Their leaders know and can play along with the journalists' ethos and pledge to respect media independence and integrity, but when push comes to shove, the authorities immediately put them down. That helps explain why there is still so much suspicion of the changes taking place in Myanmar and elsewhere.

It remains to be seen how Myanmar's exiled media come to terms with their new turf. Their hard-headed investigative skills and other media talents will certainly be useful in monitoring and checking the authorities' performance to ensure that they genuinely work for democracy and the wellbeing of the people.
Hydro-hubris threatens peace efforts on India-Burma borderlands WW4 Report
Following Burma's democratic opening, with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) to take seats in parliament, India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is set to visit the country—the first visit by an Indian leader in 25 years. But India and Burma have been quietly cooperating on the Tamanthi and Shwezaye power projects on Burma's Chindwin River. The projects have been thrown into question following last year's cancellation of the Myitsone hydro project on Burma's Irrawaddy River, which was similarly backed by China, and would have mostly supplied electricity to the Chinese grid. The cancellation came after an activist struggle by local tribal peoples that would have been impacted by the project. (Indrus, April 23) The Tamanthi project is emerging as an obstacle to winning peace with the Naga, a people whose homeland is bisected by the India-Burma border, and have for decades waged an insurgency for independence from both countries.
India signed a contract with Burma for construction of the Tamanthi project in 2004, under Delhi's new "Look East Policy" that emphasizes links with Southeast Asia. Several Naga villages will be destroyed by the floodplain, and the Netherlands-based Naga International Support Center (NISC) protests that the Naga people were never consulted on the project—contravening the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, to which India and Burma are both signatories. (E-Pao, April 27)
The Kuki, a related people also impacted by the Tamanthi project, held a gathering to protest the construction on March 14, International Day of Action for Rivers. Two days later, eight of the organizers were arrested and taken to Homalin township office, where they were interrogated and some were beaten. They were also forced to sign a pledge that they would not take part in any such events in the future, according to Kuki rights activists.
The ceremony on March 14 at Leivomjang village was attended by about 150 people from 30 villages. The dam will flood an area the size of Delhi, displacing over 45,000 people—mostly Kuki and Naga—and blocking water flows to millions downstream. Over 2,400 villagers were forcibly relocated in 2007 from the dam site. "Sending thugs from Naypyidaw to beat up villagers for praying shows that Burma's government has not changed," said Nga Ngai of the Kuki Women's Human Rights Organization (KWHRO). "Violence is still the norm for investment projects in Burma." (Burma Rivers Network, April 10 via E-Pao)
Naga insurgency divided by border
The Naga national movement has been politically divided by the international border that runs through their territory. In 1980, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSNC) was formed to unite the struggle on either side of the border—India's Nagaland state and Burma's Sagaing region. But in 1988, the NSCN split into two fractions; the NSCN-K led by SS Khaplang in Burma, and the NSCN-IM, led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah in India. The NSCN-K was allowed to use Burma as a staging ground for attacks in India, until signing a ceasefire with new Delhi in 2003. The NSCN-IM, operating from India, is demanding a self-governing zone within Burma, to be called Nagalim. Although it did not accept provisions in the 2008 Burmese constitution creating a smaller "Naga Self-Administered Zone," it has observed a de facto ceasefire for the past two years. The Naga National League for Democracy represents a civil opposition within Burma seeking a peaceful solution. (The Telegraph, Calcutta, April 21; Mizzima, April 19)
When India and Burma began cooperating and agreed to crack down on Naga rebels operating in their respective territories, both factions took up arms against their former patrons—and still more factions emerged. New Delhi this month signed a ceasefire with the Khole-Kitovi faction of the movement, or the NSCN-KK, while Burma signed a ceasefire with its former client the NSCN-K. But efforts by Delhi to win a ceasefire with the NSCN-K have been frustrated, and India protested that it was not consulted in Burma's deal with the NSCN-K. (PTI, April 27; E-Pao, April 26)
NSCN-IM deplores ‘truce’ with Myanmar Seven Sisters Post
The NSCN-IM has expressed deep concern over the reported proposed dialogue between the government of Myanmar and the NSCN-Khaplang faction.

On Friday, the Qhevihe Chsi Swu, convenor of the NSCNIM’s ‘steering committee’ and TT Among, the outfit’s ‘home minister’, in a joint communique, said, “Naga people are concerned over the proposed talks between K haplang and the Burmese military junta.”

The NSCN-IM’s broke its silence since the Khaplang group reportedly signed a truce pact with the Myanmar government on April 12. Top leaders of the NSCN-K had left Nagaland for Yangon a few days before the signing of the truce, according to a report.


Frans on 04.29.12 @ 02:37 PM CST [link]



Statement of the Joint Council, NSCN on the talk between Khaplang and Burma



MINISTRY OF INFORMATION & PUBLICITY
PRESS RELEASE
Statement of the Joint Council, NSCN on the talk between Khaplang and Burma
The Naga people are concerned on the proposed talks between Khaplang and the Burmese military junta as all Nagas are inseparable parts of the whole and Nagalim embraces all their ancestral domains. The question is what agenda are they to talk about and under what framework. In this connection, it is pertinent to recall that NSCN under the legitimate leadership of Isak and Muivah had declared unilateral ceasefire with the Burmese government years ago.
People from all quarters query whether Khaplang is mandated by the people, whether he really represents the issue/future of the Nagas? When the administrative units of the Sagaing Division were arbitrarily redrawn by the Burmese government six townships namely, Tamu, Molaik, Phouwnpin, Homalin, Khamti, and Tanai were lost to Sagaing Division and Kachin state. Only the remaining three rocky townships - Layshi, Lahe and Namyung were left to the Nagas to form the so-called Autonomous District Council. Khaplang did not say anything against the move which took place right under his nose. Rather he had given his backing to that kind of colonial policy much to the chagrin of the Naga people. This is undeniable fact and he can never dispose it off as he wishes.
It is known to one and all that Khaplang and the Burmese army have been working together hand in glove even before declaration of the ceasefire. It is highly questionable if Khaplang has seriously considered the rights and history of the Naga people when entering into a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military junta. The Nagas are watching closely the new development taking place in the eastern part of Nagalim. Khaplang must keep it in mind that the Naga people will never accept any agreement that betrays their right over their territory. We are also strongly opposed to the kind of ceasefire that escalates factional fighting on the one hand and makes haven for those organizations that are hostile to the Naga people on the other. Khaplang must understand that Nagas are no longer in the days of yore. They are highly political people now.
Sd/- Sd/-
(Qhevihe Chishi Swu) (T. T. Among)
Convenor, Kilo Kilonser,
Steering Committee, NSCN. GPRN.
Govt signs ceasefire pact with NSCN (Khole-Kitovi)
Ceasefire Pact, NSCN, Khole-Kitovi, Nagaland
New Delhi: The Centre Friday signed a ceasefire agreement with Khole-Kitovi faction of the NSCN for a year beginning tomorrow.
The pact was signed by the representatives of the Naga insurgent groups, the Nagaland government and the Union Home Ministry, official sources said.

Khole-Kitovi faction of the NSCN has a strength of around 500 cadres and is dominant in a few districts of Nagaland.
The government is already having a ceasefire agreement with NSCN-IM and negotiating with the group for reaching an acceptable and honourable solution to bring a lasting solution to the six-decades-old Naga insurgency problem.

Talks begin to ink NSCN (K)-Myanmar Cease fire
Kohima Talks that will ink the crucial bilateral cease-fire agreement between NSCN (K) and Myanmar government on the long drawn Naga-Burma political issue was reported to have taken place Thursday at “Khamti” town in Myanmar located beyond the borders of India.

Although concreted details on the outcome of the talks were not available, sources in touch with the developments there at Khamti informed Nagaland Post that the talks would continue on Friday.

This has been perceived as significant in finding ways to end the long drawn political issue that has emerged out of the junta backed democratically elected Burmese government.

Sources said Khamti town, located on the banks of Chindwin river, is the nearest commercial town from the Indo-Myanmar border in the North of that country.

Situated inside the Naga-dominated Sagaing division in Myanmar and the town has been proposed by NSCN (K) for setting up its main office after the inking of cease-fire with Myanmar was complete.

The source informed that NSCN (K) chairman S.S. Khaplang is not attending the meeting at Khamti but senior leaders Kughalu Mulatonu, Wangtin Naga and P. Tikhak are representing the group at the meeting being held with Myanmar representatives.

The source also confirmed Khaplang’s move to appoint an emissary to negotiate on his behalf during political talks with Myanmar.

Besides working out strategies and modalities for setting up cease-fire ground rules, the meeting will also deliberate on NSCN (K)’s proposal to set up a sub-office at Pochury and Makury Nagas dominated Homeland village in Southwest Myanmar.

This proposal by NSCN (K) is necessitated to ease communication with Yangon as the main office proposed at Khamti takes more than seven days to reach on foot from the nearest and last motorable village in Mon district.

The source also said that it takes NSCN/GPRN cadres ten days from its Central Headquarters (CHQ) to reach Khamti town on foot.

NSCN (K) also expects that if a sub-office is established at Homeland, it will ease communication and correspondence with Yangon for issues related to Nagas in “Nagaland state” of India and Nagas in Western edges of Myanmar.

It may be mentioned that there has been cessation of violence between NSCN (K) and Burmese forces after the country’s general elections in 2010. Myanmar government also granted autonomy to the Naga-dominated Sagaing division.

Meanwhile, NSCN (K) will meet with Government of India officials Friday to discuss extension of ongoing cease-fire that ends on April 28.

NSCN (K) functionaries led by Lincoln, supervisor, ceasefire supervisory board (CFSB), “kilonser” Hokato Vushe, member CFSB, Khekahoto, secretary CFSB, “deputy kilonser” Vedata Chakesang and Nika Yeptho are in New Delhi for Friday’s meeting.
KOHIMA, APR 26 (NPN)(K.V. Nurumi)
:
Published on 27 Apr. 2012 12:08 AM IST

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Colonisation came to an already divided India Part II Rugotsono Iralu Eastern Mirror
The Maurya Empire was perhaps the largest Empire to rule the Indian sub-continent until the arrival of the British. Like most dynasties and empires in India they did not last too long surviving three generations, emerging from the 4th century BC and declined by the 2nd century BC. After them we would not see such a major acquisition and rule of the whole sub-continent until the arrival of the British Imperial Rule in India.
Not during the Gupta Dynasty (319-500 AD), Kushan dynasty ( 40- 176 A.D), Pallava and Chalukya Dynasty of the south reaching up to parts of central India, or the Mughal Empire (1526- 1857 AD) which did not infiltrate beyond central India. The sub-continent was divided up into different princely states, kingdoms and empires, dynasties even, yet because of its sheer size or internal strifes its hard to argue that India was a whole nation before the British Raj. The Mughal Empire, the largest dynasty then, upon whose decline and subsequent exile by the Company forces brought the Indian sub-continent under the British Crown.
A brief reflection and summarisation of the Hindu-Islam divide:
Could you argue that the Hindu-Islam divide came only after the British rule; or the British insecurity and fear of the Muslims? The British had followed divide and rule policy according to religion, religious texts or habits for better administration and governance. They had feared a Muslim uprising, Mughal Empire having been the former rulers of the subcontinent for over 300 years.
If so, would that sufficiently explain what happened in Ayodhya in 1992? As recent as 1992 and we’ve somehow managed to destroy a 464 year old mosque was destroyed because it had been built upon a temple of Rama; if silhouettes of our past can still permeate our judgements of today.
One could not argue sufficiently that all the Muslim rulers of India were tolerant of their Hindu subjects. The Mughal emperors could stand in contrast between Akbar and Aurangzeb, or debates on Tipu Sultan’s rule where 3000 Brahmins were said to have committed suicide in order to escape conversion to Islam, while vis à vis evidence showing that Tipu Sultan paid annual grants to 156 Hindu temples. There were instances of caste system deepening among Hindus as a way of preserving their religion. What the British Imperial rule brought about also effected the inter-relations between these two religion and further infused animosity, prejudice leading up to the solution of ‘Partition’. In some ways the fear of being the minority eventually materialised for some unfortunate Muslims left behind in the ‘Hindu’ country.
A brief reflection on Caste system:
Here again the British could exploit on the further divides of India- this, concerning the Hindu population of India. Whether they misinterpreted the social segregation because they were a foreign entity ruling the mass, or exploiting this attribute for their own benefits. I have pondered a bit on how the caste system may have evolved without a British intervention.
Perhaps the negative attribute of Caste system is its ability to be misinterpreted and based on a segregation of purity, can divide the society up into walls and thus providing assumptions or misinterpretations. With the advancement of society and development the divisions, however, have continued to persist and sometimes even aggravated. Why is this? If caste-system is not affiliated to religion will it still continue to influence?
The core of it is still not addressed, I feel, and left hanging somewhere based on purity, occupation even if religion were left out. A dangerous or new development in society, since the 1990 reforms for better elbow-space for the private sectors is the growing middle-class, the Nouveau Riche. The new class (not caste) divide in society between the upper and middle-class class of society versus the low and unprivileged class of society; perhaps signed somewhere in italics is Capitalism’s influence too. I came upon an article on Outlook magazine about maids or helpers in the cities, titled ‘Inside Slave City’. It was about atrocities and human rights abuse meted out on them, while also cases of burglary and even homicide committed by maids and helpers on their employers reported too. What struck me here was that this may be another example of a different kind of class division entering society. Whether its the nouveau riche vying for a better position in society while trying to take the competition out or suppressing lesser individuals with their new-found power, an India perhaps already divided before the British era.
Summarisation:
In India the division or its diversity is immense. Whether that falls upon linguistic differences, or the above mentioned differences too. On region, communalism or differences in each other’s history based on rulers, dynasties, princely states. Perhaps the only ingredient needed was an ‘outside’ factor pushing over that volatile constitute. Even an argument can be produced that the British would not have needed to divide India further in that respect. Or tried to glue it together, in another respect.
Perhaps linguistic differences could have prevailed and also regions and their histories, without needing to interrupt a co-existence yet, what has evolved according to the mind has influenced divides, breaking up of dynasties, kingdoms and prejudices along the line of- be it, religion, caste, history and migration for the bigger part of the sub-continent.
Conclusion:
My conclusion may be sketchy and written along a personal observation too yet I have believed more than often that a transparency may finally be needed, so that prejudice, assumptions and even hatred may see some daylight. The British came, the British went, along with their divides and unifications while also naming the sub-continent for its inhabitants. With foreign rule and within the sub-continent those same issues have crossed mileages of time and rules to still be prevalent in present-day India. Therefore, I wonder if a transparency or introspective absorption is due for India. Very often addressing or highlighting issues about the country is not encouraged for fear of further violence or its deterioration. While the divides sometimes seem to overwhelm the whole of India.
Colonization came to an already divided India and somewhere if the topic is started one may see results coming out of it.
No designated camps of NSCN-IM in Manipur' TNN
IMPHAL: In the wake of the recent standoff between NSCN (IM) and Assam Rifles at the outfit's Hebron camp and its subsequent ramifications, home minister Gaikhangam on Thursday said the state government does not recognize any official camp of NSCN (IM) in Manipur. He added that he will ask the Centre, which is holding talks with the outfit, to dismantle any such designated camps of the outfit if it exists in the state.
On the frequent intrusion of Nagaland villagers into Jessami over the protracted land dispute, Gaikhangam said an additional force of one company India Reserve Battalion (IRB) or a state force will be set up at Jessami village in Ukhrul district bordering Nagaland to safeguard its villagers.
On April 18, a group of armed men from Melourie village in Nagaland intruded Jessami village in Manipur and abducted six villagers, including a VDF volunteer. Following intervention of the state authorities, the villagers were freed late at night and the VDF volunteer had to be admitted to a hospital as he was beaten up by the abductors.
In view of the mysterious disappearance of children, the home minister said all police stations have been put on alert to foil any attempt by miscreants to abduct children.
Meanwhile, three 15-year-old boys, who went missing from Sirem village in Imphal West on April 7 returned home after spending a few days in an alleged rebel camp. According to the young boys, they wanted to join the outfit but the rebels asked them to go home as they were too young to join the group.
Cops alerted to foil kidnapping: Gaikhangam Follow up events of recent spurt in kidnapping of young boys The Sangai Express
Imphal, April 26 2012: Concerned with the recent spurt in the disappearances/kidnappings of young boys by armed elements, Home Minister Gaikhangam has said that police stations throughout the State have been alerted to foil such attempts by disruptive elements.

Speaking to newspersons at his official residence in Babupara today, the Home Minister grimly noted that some armed elements had been luring young students with money and other goods with the intention of recruiting them as child soldiers.

Observing that recent trend of targeting the young students clearly suggests failure of armed outfits to recruit mature individuals into the armed groups, he affirmed that strong instructions have been issued to all the police stations to check such cases.

In order to effectively tackle this disturbing trend, cooperation of both the parents and school authorities is paramount, expressed the home Minister.




Gaikhangam



To a query on the recent imbroglio over abduction of six Jessami villagers by some armed persons from the neighbouring village in Nagaland State, Gaikhangam said the 'disheartening' incident has subsided and normalcy already restored in the village.

As a pre-emptive measure against similar incident in the future, a police officer of SDPO-rank would be posted at Jessami along with deployment of a company of State security force at the earliest, confided the home Minister.

Acknowledging sentiments of the Jessami villagers consequent to the abduction episode, he opined that tension and anxiety that gripped the region has subsided to an appreciable level following direct intervention of the Chingai AC MLA MK Preshow Shimray and an IGP to negotiate safe release of the captives.

The Minister also informed that the Nagaland villagers, responsible for the abduction had apologised for their acts thus resulting in the return of peace at the border villages.

In case there is repetition of such incident Government of Manipur will not remain a mute spectator but will definitely take suitable action, asserted the Minister.

To another poser about army authorities claiming presence of camps of NSCN (IM) in Manipur, he remarked that officially there is neither no such camps within the territory of Manipur nor do the Government of Manipur recognises such a facility of the Naga rebel group.

Gaikhangam also clarified that inspite of the army's claim the Central Government had already been apprised not to entertain setting up of designated camps of NSCN (IM) in Manipur.

Regarding Government of Nagaland's proposed move for setting up a tourist spot at Tungjoy village, he informed that as the area is a disputed zone the Centre has been urged to settle the issue at the earliest.

A proposal would be made at tomorrow's Cabinet meeting for sufficient fund allocation to develop a road directly linking Dzuko Valley within the land of Manipur rather than travel to the tourist spot from the neighbouring State, affirmed the Minister.

Sharing his view on some of the mechanism put in place to improve the overall law and order situation, he said whether or not CCTV cameras installed in the city area is producing the desired result would be assessed minutely.

Confiding that assessment on the performance of the Home Department would be conducted every three months, Gaikhangam said efforts are on to streamline and update the Home Department's manpower and to transform the police department to a people-friendly organisation.

Tamanthi Dam a blessing for India, a curse for the Nagas ? E Pao
A Naga International Support Center, NISC A human rights organization

Already in 2004 India signed the contract to build a hydroelectric 1200 megawatt dam project on the Chindwin River Burma/Myanmar in the middle of Naga areas. This was done in the full knowledge of dealing with an extremely repressive military regime which then hardly made ripples in the still waters.

This is different now!!

Now that the policy of the Indian and Burmese Governments are known, it has become obvious that the hydro-electric generating capacity in effect means that India gains a foothold in Burma. Though, of course, it could use the generated electricity for its rapidly expanding industries, the main idea for stepping over the international border of Burma/Myanmar is to put the Look East Policy into practice; to gain access via Burma to Southeast Asia (Moreh Mandalay Myawaddy Bangkok and beyond) as well as to China via the to be revived Stillwell Road. And so a dam in the Chindwin with a Burmese Government depending on the export of power to India means an interrelating economy with accompanying politics should make this geopolitical policy possible.

But what about the Nagas?

See the attached project plan which shows the villages which will vanish once the dam is constructed. Were the Nagas heard? Did they agree? Were they duly compensated in land, funds, perspective after their losses? No, no and no, and it does not stop with the Naga Peoples either. When one scrutinizes the Indian track record regarding Indigenous Peoples one discovers all Indigenous Peoples are treated badly; they are oppressed, their land is taken and they are forced to do as they are told, in fact they are treated worse than Dalits.

India stepped over the border and into Burma to take advantage of the Nagas there. Though Nagas of India protest in Delhi against the Hydro electric Dam project and Nagas of Burma in Burma/Myanmar, the project is still being constructed. So, rather than criticizing Burma for its coercion on the Nagas and the suppression it exerts on practically all indigenous, even though a democratic spring seemingly takes effect, it is India which profits from it most; directly for energy and indirectly politically.

Hence: the Naga International Support Center, NISC, tells the Government of India:

- to immediately stop the project to allow a thorough but impartial feasibility study on the effect on the Naga people, the effects on the ecology and the river system to be conducted. And only

- when this feasibility study warrants a go ahead that the Governments of India and Burma/Myanmar then should make sure all important factors affecting the Nagas of the Sagaing District of Myanmar/Burma are dealt: full compensation in suitable land, housing, ample lump sums to enable them to start a new life.

see the facts and figures attached and see the two UNO documents: one of which is the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the list of nations which signed it; India and Burma/Myanmar both signed this declaration. Yet, both nations do not implement what they signed and this specifically concerns articles 3, 4, 5, 27 and article 28.

http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/DRIPS_en.pdf

http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/ga10612.doc.htm
'Sustainable tourism way to go in northeast' IANS
New Delhi, April 27 — Sustainable, niche and community-based tourism - and not that of the five-star or mass variety - is the way to go for realising the full potential of the northeast, union Tourism Minister Subodh Kant Sahai said Friday.
He was speaking after launching two books titled 'Sustainable Tourism Development of Nagaland' and 'Tourism Potential of North-East' by D.K. Bhalla, joint secretary in the ministry of food and consumer affairs at the capital's India International Center.
Sahai said that because of the fragility of habitat and society in the northeastern states, the tourism had to be 'sustainable and not the five star tourism or mass tourism because that can permanently damage the habitat and the society of these innocent people living in this beautiful part of the country.'
Sahai claimed that the modern tourists were realising that a non-inclusive attitude towards the local people of tourist locations, was not sustainable and added that if properly managed, growth in tourism can be used to alleviate poverty and promote sustainable and equitable development.
Agreeing with the author's portrayal of the northeast, he said that 'it is a land of myths and mysteries, folklore and legends and of many tender dreams.'
'The region is unique with more than 150 tribes speaking as many languages. This is the only place in the world where primitive culture of Neolithic age co-exists with the modern life style. It is a paradise for travelers,' he added.
In 'Sustainable Tourism Development of Nagaland', Bhalla has discussed characteristics and potential of sustainable tourism development in the northeast in general and in Nagaland in particular.
In 'Tourism Potential of North-East', he has discussed the culture, history of region, community-based tourism, policy planning and development in the states of the region.


Frans on 04.29.12 @ 02:31 PM CST [link]


Thursday, April 26th

Government of India positive on talks with GPRN/NSCN: Singson Nagaland Post



Government of India positive on talks with GPRN/NSCN: Singson Nagaland Post

GPRN/NSCN’s cease-fire supervisory board (CFSB) supervisor C. Singson while leaving for Delhi for the extension of cease-fire agreement between GPRN/NSCN and Government of India which expires on April 28 said that the latter was “very positive” for the proposed peace talks between the two parties.

While not divulging the details, CFSB supervisor said that the “whole thing” was on process adding that “things” were “going in the right direction”. He also disclosed that CFSB members would be meeting the Indian army chief.

It may be mentioned that six CFSB members led by its supervisor would be holding a meeting on April 27, 2 p.m. for the extension of cease-fire between GPRN/NSCN and the Government of India.

NH urges GoI, GPRN/NSCN to extend Cease fire
Naga Hoho (NH) Thursday urged upon the GPRN/NSCN and government of India to extend the cease fire “in the interest of all peace loving people in the state.”

Stating that it has been the “harbinger” for maintaining peace and unity not only with the “adversaries” but particularly among Naga brethrens, the Naga Hoho vice president Inaka Assumi and general secretary P.Chuba Ozukum in a statement said that cease fire agreement was signed between the government of India and the undivided NSCN (K) way back in 1997.

NH said with the split of NSCN (K), 2011 into two parallel groups, the cease-fire with Centre have been maintaining within the same perimeter with NSCN (K) and GPRN/NSCN. Ceasefire with GPRN/NSCN is due to expire on April 28.
DIMAPUR, APR 26 (NPN)(Staff Reporter)
:
Published on 27 Apr. 2012 12:02 AM IST

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Bandying the CF ground rules: Matter of convenience The Sangai Express Editorial

A gate at Camp Hebron of the NSCN (IM) :: Pix - TSE
The situation was grave, no doubt about it, but what was interestingly amusing was to see the manner in which the ceasefire ground rules was bandied about when the stand off between the Assam Rifles and the NSCN (IM) began to hit the headlines of the newspapers published in Nagaland and Manipur.

That the impasse petered off with the Assam Troops withdrawing its troops from the vicinity of the rebel camps, including Camp Hebron, its General Headquarters, underlines the earlier 'muscle flexing' exercise observation made in this column.

It was during the course of this muscle flexing exercise, not amounting to much more than fire and brimstone, that suddenly the term, ceasefire ground rules, began to enter the lexicon of either side and many others.

It did not matter at all when armed men from the rebel group went around imposing their writs and diktats on the people.

Not a whimper of a protest or denunciation for violating the ground rules of the cease fire pact was raised when seven persons were killed inside a polling station at Chandel Assembly Constituency during the recently held election to the 10th Manipur Legislative Assembly on January 28 and it was a case of damn the cease fire ground rules when a couple was shot dead in Ukhrul district only last year.

It did not matter to the people concerned, when the convoy of the late MLA Wungnaoshang Keishing was ambushed.

The cease fire ground rules had no meaning, either to the Assam Rifles or the NSCN (IM) cadres, when Dr Th Kishan and two of his subordinates were bludgeoned to death some years back and it certainly does not matter when 'taxes' are imposed wilfully on trucks plying on the National Highways and when a certain percentage is deducted from the salary and pay of Government employees where the writ and diktats of the rebel outfit runs large.

The amusing part is the sudden realisation that there is something called the cease fire ground rules when the Assam Rifles started deploying its troops around the camps of the rebel group in Nagaland and Manipur.

To the Assam Rifles too, the cease fire ground rules became a handy tool to justify the arrest and confiscation of the arms from 13 NSCN (IM) cadres in Nagaland sometime back and it did not register in their mind at all when some of its men approached Camp Hebron, leading to the detention of six AR personnel including an officer of the rank of Major.

Fortunately for the common people, the manner in which the cease fire ground rules was bandied about resulted in the withdrawal of the Assam Rifles troops, but the selective use of ground rules is what sucks.

If the matter was not so serious, it would have surely elicited guffaws from all over, and maybe it was not only the gravity of the situation that stopped some people from grinning ear to ear, but more out of fear for any repurcussion.

Make no mistake about it, the cease fire ground rules exist only on paper and they are used at the convenience of one's sake and nothing more.

Even as the allegations and counter allegations of violating the cease fire ground rules were lobbed around, 'taxes' continued to be collected and with a sense of impunity.

The 'taken note' of the camps of the rebel group on the soil of Manipur is another telling example of how the understanding of the cease fire ground rules have been flouted all these years and in the process cocking a snook at everyone.

Selective use of the ground rules can mean only one thing and that is there are quite a number of people out there who have been occupying the public podium under the shadow of the cease fire pact and no we are not talking about the cadres or top ranking leaders of the rebel outfit here.

To the Assam Rifles too, the cease fire ground rules become relevant only when it involves their personnel or when their ego is insulted and not when the people are at the receiving end. When was the last time that the Assam Rifles authority or the Army authority talked about the cease fire ground rules in the nearly 15 years long of the negotiation between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM)?

The whole thing stinks.

If at all there is a situation to aptly suit the description of the term hypocrisy and double standard, then it was the recent stand off between the Assam Rifles and the NSCN (IM).

The manner in which the cease fire ground rules has been bandied about to the convenience of either side is a reflection of how the common people have been exposed to the uglier truth of the peace process currently underway.
Bomb blast in Myitkyina; three injured Phanida Mizzima
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Three people were injured when a bomb exploded near the Myitkyina People’s Hospital in Myitkyina on Wednesday in Kachin State.

The bomb blast occurred about 7:20 a.m. on the corner of the hospital compound near a traffic police sentry box, injuring a young woman and two men, according to police. Their condition is not known.

The location of the bomb explosion in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. Graphic: KNG
Police are investigating the type of material used in the explosion.

Kachin State is the location of continued fighting between the Kachin Independence Organization (KI)) and government troops, who resumed fighting in June 2011.

Peace talks are underway between the two sides, but there has been no substantial progress in ending the fighting.

The KIO said on Wednesday it could not accept a government offer to hold peace talks in Myitkyina for a fourth round of talks as long as armed clashes were occurring.

The KIO told Mizzima it believes the government is preparing a campaign to overrun its outposts around its headquarters in Laiza. Government troops have been ordered to stand-down by President Thein Sein, but fighting continues unabated.

Sources said that during the past 11 months the KIO has inflicted heavy casualties on government troops, perhaps numbering in the thousands but such figures are hard to verify.

Humanitarian groups say there is an immediate need for a major relief effort to aid up to 50,000 refugees in the area displaced by the fighting. Recently, the U.N. has made small deliveries of food and other material to refugee camps, but only enough to last several thousand refugees one month.

Access to the area has been restricted by the government and the KIO.

Naga Hoho wants NSCN (K)-Government of India (GoI) cease-fire extended Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR
, APR 25 (NPN)
:
Published on 26 Apr. 2012 12:36 AM IST

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Naga Hoho (NH) Wednesday expressed its desire that the ongoing cease-fire between NSCN (K) and Government of India (GoI) which was listed to “expire” on April 28 be extended.

In a statement, NH vice president Inaka Assumi, general secretary P.Chuba Ozukum and speaker H.K.Zhimomi said that “developmental activities” could be possible in the state during the last decade or more owing to the signing of cease-fire between the Government of India and various “Naga political groups”.

Stating that the existence of cease-fire have been “welcomed and appreciated by all” in search for permanent peace, NH said that with these objectives in mind, the hoho desired that the cease-fire be extended further between NSCN (K) and the Government of India.

NH has also lauded the NSCN (IM) leadership and Government of India for bringing “an end” the stalemate over the violation of cease-fire ground rules (CFGR) by Assam Rifles on April 19 by handing over of seized arms by “both the parties by respecting each other” towards upholding peace.

Pointing out that this has been the “wishes and aspiration” of Naga Hoho, the statement said the hoho conveyed the same to the chairman of CFMG Maj.Gen. (Rtd). N. George and NSCN (I-M) authority when its executives met them on April 21.

“We salute their maturity towards handling the alarming situation at the cost of larger political issues and problems” said NH and appealed to all to respect and maintain the cease-fire ground rules in totality.

The hoho also called upon the NSCN (I-M) leadership and Government of India to expedite the “political talks” and sign the “agreement” before the end of 2012.



Frans on 04.26.12 @ 10:55 PM CST [link]


Wednesday, April 25th

Prince Andrew to visit Kohima May 1 (IANS) Punjab News



Prince Andrew to visit Kohima May 1 (IANS) Punjab News

KOHIMA: Britain's Prince Andrew will May 1 visit Kohima, the capital of Nagaland, to commemorate the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Elizabeth II's reign, an official said Wednesday.

The prince, who is the Duke of York, will undertake a tour of India from April 29 to May 6. He is scheduled to visit Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai and Kohima to mark the completion of 60 years of the British monarch's accession to the throne.

"Prince Andrew will be visiting Kohima May 1. He will pay a visit to the World War II cemetery and World War II museum there," additional chief secretary Alemtemshi Jamir told IANS. A public civic reception will also be accorded to the visiting dignitary at Kohima, he said.

Security agencies are on their toes to ensure the smooth visit of Prince Andrew to this mountainous state capital.

Meanwhile, a cabinet meeting held Tuesday at the chief minister's residential office, decided to "heartily welcome the Prince to Kohima" with all possible assistance and courtesies.

Nagaland chief secretary Lalthara has been tasked with coordinating the visit and assigning responsibilities to officers and departments concerned to ensure the smooth conduct of the programme.

Members of the British royal family will tour the globe, representing the Queen throughout the Diamond Jubilee year, visiting every realm as well as undertaking visits to Commonwealth countries, Crown Dependencies and British Overseas Territories.
End standoff with NSCN, Centre tells Assam Rifles Indian Express
Five days after a standoff between the Assam Rifles and Naga militant group NSCN-IM in Nagaland and Manipur, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs and the Defence Ministry on Tuesday asked the Assam Rifles to back off and de-escalate the tense situation in the two states.
The Naga outfit had accused the Assam Rifles of wilfully trespassing Camp Hebron territory in Nagaland on April 19 while the Assam Rifles maintained that NSCN-IM camps had been surrounded to ensure that the cadres stick to the rules laid down by the ceasefire monitoring group. “The standoff is now over. Both the Home Ministry as well as the Defence Ministry have asked the Assam Rifles to withdraw,” said Shambhu Singh, Joint Secretary (Northeast).
The standoff, which continued till Tuesday morning, was basically over arms confiscated by either party. The Assam Rifles had last month raided homes of senior NSCN-IM leaders and confiscated 13 weapons. A joint operation by the Assam Rifles and state police on Friday led to seizure of six sealed boxes containing 3,600 rounds of 7.62 mm ammunition, 100 rounds of 7.62 mm ammunition, 38 magazines of SLR two rifle boxes and a mobile phone among other items.
Moreover, 13 cadres of the outfit have been arrested in the past one week for violating the ceasefire.
On the day of the Hebron incident, the NSCN-IM retaliated, detaining six Assam Rifles personnel. While they let the Assam Rifles personnel go later in the evening, they “confiscated” their weapons. The Army and the Assam Rifles had been putting pressure on the militant group to return these weapons.
Meanwhile, the NSCN-IM questioned the sincerity of the government towards solving the Naga issue. “No amount of excuses or explanations by the Assam Rifles and other Indian government agencies can justify or cover the crime. It was a flagrant violation of ceasefire ground rules and the spirit of the widely known ceasefire agreement between the NSCN and the Government of India. It was a planned and deliberate act of provocation,” a statement e-mailed to The Indian Express said on Tuesday.
It described the Assam Rifles as just an “instrument” of the either the Government of India or the Army.
'IM' alerts Nagas to any eventuality Faceoff with Assam Rifles drags on
Hueiyen News Service / Newmai News Network
Dimapur, April 23 2012: The NSCN-IM has alerted the Nagas today that they should get prepared for any eventuality as the standoff between the Naga outfit and the Assam Rifles has dragged on to the fifth day today.

The NSCN-IM also lambasted the Naga People's Front (NPF) led government of Nagaland for not rising up to the occasion.

The Isak-Muivah group also cautions other groups that once they start engaging the political dialogues with New Delhi, those outfits will certainly experience the same insincerity and false diplomacy of the Government of India as the NSCN-IM is facing today.

Meanwhile, there was a high level meeting consisting of the NSCN-IM, the Cease Fire Monitoring Group (CFMG) of the government of India and other concerned authorities with regard to the current impasse between the Naga outfit and the Assam Rifles.

However, the detailed information on the outcome of meeting was not known.

Sources informed Newmai News Network that hectic emergency meetings are also underway in New Delhi involving Thuigaleng Muivah, Isak Swu and representatives of the Government of India since yesterday in this connection.

An official source said regarding the meeting in Dimapur, it was participated by fire-brand NSCN-IM leader V.S Atem, Cease-Fire Monitoring Group chairman Major General (Retd) N George and other leaders at Police Guest house, Chumukedima in the outskirt of Dimapur.

Meanwhile, the NSCN-IM said today that whatever has been and will be said or written about the April 19 incident at Hebron, the Council Headquarters of the outfit, it was actually an outrageous trespass of the notorious Assam Rifles to the NSCN-IM camp.

"No amount of excuses or explanations by the Assam Rifles and other Indian government agencies can justify or cover the crime.

It was a flagrant violation of cease-fire ground rules and the spirit of the widely known Cease-fire agreement between the NSCN and the government of India.

It was a planned and deliberate act of provocation," it alleged.

While expressing its unhappiness the way the Neiphiu Rio government in Nagaland state is behaving, the NSCN-IM said as a powerful unit in the India federation, and the government of Nagaland which holds the law and order subject is maintaining death silence.

"The NPF Government in Nagaland boasts of claiming as a facilitator in the peace process between the NSCN and the government of India but during such crisis and uncertainty what the Nagaland State government is doing?," the NSCN-IM asks today, while adding, "The NSCN is a political group only.

But the dangerous consequences are threatening the entire population of the Nagas.

So that Naga people may ask the reasons why the State Government of Nagaland does not raise a voice in such a critical situation? If any undesirable situation is created from today's crisis, the Government of Nagaland state should be squarely blamed by the Nagas".

The outfit then maintains that more than 95% Nagas desire freedom from want and oppressions.

They have witnessed how the government of India and its leaders are acting in political dialogue and the April 19 incident at Hebron is a good lesson for all the Nagas, it added.

The other factions are talking about political dialogue with India, but they will certainly experience the same insincerity and false diplomacy from the government of India, the NSCN-IM cautions.

"The said incident should be an eye opener for all sections of the Naga people.
The system of dictatorship and authoritarianism, oppression and suppression is speedily losing ground from the face of the world.

The Nagas are united in our desire for freedom and dignity of life.

Therefore, let us again unite as before and fight with whatever is available at our command.

Let us not loss heart but be strengthen with difficult situations we are facing now.
"From today's incident Naga people have learned the real intention of India and so we should get prepared for any eventuality," the NSCN-IM alerted
NPF state unit urges IM-AR against face-off Imphal Free Press 1
IMPHAL, April 23 (Newmai News Network): The Naga Peoples` Front (NPF), Manipur State Unit has urged the National Socialist Council of Nagalim – Isaac-Muivah (NSCN-IM) leadership and the Assam Rifles to withdraw from their standoff position in the larger interest of the public and for return of peace in the region.

General secretary, NPF, Manipur state unit S Kho John has stated that it is going to be about a century that the Naga people have undergone such circumstances as human rights violations, provocations and suppressions in their hometowns and villages. The Front further stated that among the paramilitary forces, the Assam Rifles in particular have been operating in the North East region, particularly in the Naga areas since the introduction of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 and series of counter violence have resulted in heavy human casualties affecting everyone including Indian soldiers, civilians and Naga underground cadres before the ceaseless declaration. However, with the ongoing ceasefire and the peace process, violence has been drastically reduced to a great extend, the press note stated.
The NPF thanked the wisdom and farsightedness of Indian political and military leadership who believed in political solution and initiated a meaningful dialogue, which led to the signing of the first ceasefire agreement between the government of India and the Naga underground leaders in 1964, which unfortunately ended in a deadlock due to the rigid stance adopted by different parties.
The second ceasefire agreement was again signed in 1997 during the prime minister ship of I.K.Gujral with great expectation from the Naga people, and since then the dialogue has been continuing till date for the last 15 years involving many personalities as interlocutors appointed by the Indian government, the press note stated.
The initiation of political dialogue began from the time of Indira Gandhi in 1964 and continued with the successive government led by (L) P.V.Narasimha Rao, Deve Gowda, I.K.Gujral, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Dr Manmohan Singh till date, and it sufficiently indicates that there is a problem and it needs some serious concern and efforts from both the parties including all right-thinking people and organizations, added NPF.
“Therefore, at this critical juncture, the NPF Manipur State Unit strongly feels that the need of the hour is not to hamper and complicate this crucial negotiation that is delicately on track, but help build confidence and mutual trust between the two concerned parties so as to enable them to take a bold decision for any political solution relevant at the given time. The ongoing peace process is a result of a hard-earned effort of both the political leadership of the country”, the NPF said.
The NPF appealed to the NSCN-IM leadership to wisely avoid any such temptation of retaliation in the ongoing impasse, while, at the same time, it also appealed to the Assam Rifles to refrain from unnecessary over-indulgence, and expressed belief that Delhi is capable enough to look into the matter and deal with judiciously for an immediate solution.
NSCN-IM return seized weapons to army ANI
Dimapur, Apr 25 (ANI): In a noble gesture, the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) has handed over weapons to the 29 Assam Rifles unit near Dimapur.
The handing over of the seized arms and ammunitions took place some few kilometers away from the council headquarters of the NSCN (IM) outfit at the community hall at Monglumukh village. This is perhaps the first such incident since the outfit signed a ceasefire agreement with the Centre in 1997. The detained weapons, which were handed over to the Assam Rifles, included four AK 47s, an INSAS Rifle and 360 rounds of ammunition, four sets of bullet proofs vests with caps and two wireless sets.
The NSCN was formed on January 31, 1980 by Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and S.S. Khaplang who opposed the Shillong Accord signed by the then Naga National Council (NNC) with the federal government. It has two factions-the NSCN-IM and NSCN-K-currently at loggerheads with each other over ideological issues and both groups are also active in neighbouring states of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.
The NSCN-IM exercises administrative control in 11 regions of the state and has formed ministries-including Defence, home, finance and foreign affairs. The rebellious group has also established a government-in-exile called the Govern
Cop-rebel nexus: Centre seeks reply from Nagaland Seven Sisters Post |
Gautam Debroy | New Delhi The Centre has sought an explanation from the home department of Nagaland on the alleged Nagaland Police-militant nexus even as the NSCN-IM cautioned Nagas that they should get prepared for any eventuality in view of the stand-off between the Naga outfit and the Assam Rifles. The NSCN-IM also lambasted the Naga People’s Front (NPF) led government of Nagaland for not rising up to the occasion.

According to reports, personnel of 29 Assam Rifles raided the house of Nagaland police constable Enyimi Chakhesang at Chumukedima on Saturday and recovered 3,700 rounds of 7.62 ammunition and 38 magazines of SLRs, among others.

“We suspect that a war-like store of ammunition is smuggled out to various insurgent groups in the NE,” a senior home ministry official said.
PRESS RELEASE DATED 24TH April, 2012
The 19th April 2012 incident in which the Assam Rifle Jawans with full arms and ammunition have gone to the extent of provoking the NSCN at the very entrance of the NSCN Hqs. (Hebron) which is not only a blatant breach of Ceasefire ground rule but it is a clear indication of the baleful intent of the Government of India. A situation like this, one cannot help but to look back at the past experience of the Indo-Naga political impasse with the government of India. The past half a century of violent conflict between the Indian military forces and the Naga resistance movement have outlaid more than 2.5 lacs of lives of the Nagas, immense wealth and resources have been destroyed and many precious years wasted, besides, rampant and perpetual human rights violation in the Naga areas.
With all its might and modern diplomacy, the GOI have tried to suppress the Naga political movement. Only after a decades of no win situation of the Indo-Naga conflict, a democratic space have been created ensuing a ceasefire between the GOI and NSCN-IM in 1997 which is the direct outcome of the initiatives of the Civil Societies of the Nagas as well as the Indians. However, in spite of the Ceasefire and political process, the GOI plain tactics of delaying the political process stretching over a period of 15 years is evidently marked by systematic process of consolidating its war machineries in all Naga areas to demoralize the Naga political aspiration.
That during the 15 years of Cease fire between the GOI and the NSCN-IM, much against the wishes and desire of the Naga people for an amicable solution, we are witnessing a daunting situation in the entire Naga Homeland with more military camps coming up in the nature of township, more public places been occupied in the name of security, more checkpoints have been installed in all the strategic places.
When the Naga armies are being pushed to their designated camps as part of the ceasefire ground rule agreements, it is a matter of serious concern that whether the same Ceasefire Agreement sanctions militarization of the Naga areas by the Indian security forces in this manner.
Frisking and harassment meted out by the security forces is increasing more as if ceasefire has licensed the security forces to do public policing even in the core of civilian areas and to act above the administration as it happening in many cases.
As a democratic giant nation, it would be befitting for the GOI to spell out clearly, if the ceasefire is just a scheme to further weaken the Naga movement or is it at the hands of the Indian Security Forces.
By any international standard, it is understood that ceasefire is done at equal terms with mutual agreement and terms. Lame excuses can only bring more distrust and there is also a danger of extirpating the hard earned ceasefire and peace process at the present given situation.
Hence, it would be worthwhile that a third neutral party be involved not only in the Indo-Naga political dialogue but to monitor the ceasefire ground rule in all the Naga areas, if a genuine solution has to come.
Having accepted the Indo-Naga issue as political in nature, needing a genuine political decision considering the unique history and political situation; under the purview of the present peace process while political negotiation is underway, the Concerned Senior Citizens’ Forum of Mokokchung strongly condemn the unqualified action meted out by the Indian Security Forces during the CF period.
We the Concrned Senior Citizens’ Forum of Mokokchung with great concern observe that the negative consequences of the present political dialogue and breaking the hard earned present Indo-Naga CF for the second time will bring serious political disaster creating deeper mistrust between the two entities. We therefore, sincerely appeal to both the parties to honor the Cease-Fire Agreement Ground Rules and take the wise political decision at the earliest.
Sd/- Sd/-
Bendangangshi B. Namo
Member, CSCF Mkg Member, CSCF Mkg
Dated 24th April, 2012
Sd/- Lanu Ao 24.04.12.

Govt to fence 10 km along Myanmar border R Dutta Choudhury Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, April 25 – The unfenced border with Myanmar along with the free movement regime is exploited by the militant groups of the North Eastern region and the Government of India has initiated steps to construct fencing in an area of around 10 kilometers along the international border.
India shares 1643 kilometers of international border with Myanmar in the States of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram and the Government of India has deployed 31 battalions of Assam Rifles personnel for counter-insurgency operations and 15 battalions for guarding the border. The personnel of the Assam Rifles are deployed in the routes known to be used by the militants and to check movement of arms and ammunition, drugs, fake currency notes etc, said the annual report of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA).
The report said that permit free movement regime up to 16 kilometers of the international border, which makes the border extremely porous, while, the border runs along hilly and inhospitable terrain, which lacks basic infrastructure and provides adequate cover to members of various militant groups.
Due to the problem of increased militant activities, the Government of India decided to fence around 10 kilometers of the international border from border pillar number 79 to 81 and the MHA has given administrative approval for Rs 30.96 crore for the same. The clearance from the Supreme Court and the Ministry of Environment and Forest has been obtained for the construction of the fencing and the Border Roads Organization has been entrusted with the responsibility of implementing the project. The Government of Manipur has been given a compensation of Rs 503 lakh for land acquisition.
It may be mentioned here that most of the active militant groups of the North East region including the hardline faction of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) have strong bases in Myanmar and senior leaders of the militant groups are also using the territory of the neighbouring country as a safe haven.
Security sources said that the hardline faction of the ULFA is mostly using the facilities of the NSCN (K) despite the fact that the Naga militant outfit is under cease-fire agreement with the Government of India and the disturbing fact is that the militant groups having bases in Myanmar are now coming closer to each other and extending help to each other in launching offensives.
Though the Government of Myanmar has assured India time and again that action would be taken against the militant groups using the territory of that country, no such action has yet been taken and according to estimates of the security forces, at least three thousand members of various militant groups are staying in Myanmar. The militants are also frequently changing their routes to visit Myanmar and in recent times, there have been reports that members of the ULFA went to Myanmar through Arunachal Pradesh and not through Nagaland as were the case earlier.
In recent months, the hardline faction of the ULFA also sent at least a hundred new recruits to Myanmar camps for training, sources added.
Nagalim: Exhibition Captures Naga Society Deccan Herald
Berenice Ellena displays black and white photographs of the Naga people, portraying tradition and modernity in a conflict affected region. Through these and other projects, she hopes to preserve the Naga heritage.
The exhibition ‘Nagas En Route’ of about 51 photographs mainly comprises black and white portraits and landscapes examining the transitions and metamorphoses the Naga people and their heritage are undergoing.

The idea to click the trouble-torn Nagaland came to Berenice when she saw wooden sculptors from the state at National Museum in the Capital [New Delhi]. “That was in the 1980s. I was fascinated by the strong expressions used by the artists and that was the first time I heard about Nagas. Those sculptors were human figures. This type of expression is used very much by artists in France,” says Berenice, a textile designer and art curator.
She visited Nagaland for the first time when researching textiles and natural dyes for her book, ‘India Sutra’ and thereafter many times. On her travels, she captured a set of photographs that have been shot from 1998 uptil a few months ago.’’
She chose to capture the colourful Nagaland in black and white. She says, “The drama of black and white photography is amazing. There are a lot of colours in Nagaland but sometimes colours kill the expressions.”
Her images reflect the pace of a still bucolic life, in an environment where hill-dwellers had to survive by relying on nature’s clemency as well as on their own skills. They speak of womanhood, pride and hope in a better tomorrow. One of her photos ‘Born of trees’ symbolically depicts the merging of Naga people from nature into the contemporary frame.

“I have given interpretation to the shadow of a man and a tree merging with each other. It is about the relationship between man and nature which is very strong in Nagaland,” she shares with Metrolife. Some pictures are about the locals embracing the modern values and tools, telling the tale of the change that Naga society is going through. A photograph titled ‘Time travel’ shows a tribal man clicking himself with mobile phone at Hornbill Festival, Kohima.
“I would witness the deep changes Naga society and its aesthetics were undergoing. I felt concerned about the fragile treasure of a specific and once very rich culture on the verge of fading away,” she says on her experience with Nagas and their culture.
More recently, she has been engaged in a project to establish a tribal heritage museum in the capital, Kohima. “The museum will play a crucial role in the preservation of the extraordinary heritage, both tangible and intangible, of the Naga people,” informs Berenice.
She is using the exhibited photographs as a tool to raise awareness for this project. “When I was crossing over into Nagaland through the state checkpost, I never thought that I would keep on returning to this amazing region,” she smiles.








Frans on 04.25.12 @ 09:55 PM CST [link]



Solution to Assam Rifles-NSCN (I-M) impasse soon (NPN) Staff Reporter Nagaland Post



Solution to Assam Rifles-NSCN (I-M) impasse soon (NPN) Staff Reporter Nagaland Post

DIMAPUR, There were indications that the current impasse in the aftermath of the April 19 incident near Hebron camp that led to seizure of five weapons and ammunition of the Assam Rifles by the NSCN (I-M) and consequent erection of check gates by Assam Rifles on all routes leading to designated camps of the NSCN (I-M) including Hebron, could be resolved.

In this regard, there were hectic parleys between NSCN (I-M) representatives and Cease-fire Monitoring Group chairman Maj Gen (retd) N. George wherein it was learnt the NSCN (I-M) indicated it was willing to barter weapons it seized from the Assam Rifles with weapons of its cadres which security forces seized on several occasions.

NSCN (I-M) leaders led by its convenor, steering committee V S Atem, convenor cease-fire monitoring cell (CFMC) Vikiye Awomi, senior NSCN (I-M) leader K Chawang and member Cease-fire Monitoring Cell S. Among met CFMG chairman Monday here at Chumukedima Police complex.

An hour into the meeting, CFMG chairman left the meeting venue to seek confirmation from higher authority but after waiting for more than four hours, NSCN (I-M) leaders had to leave without a concrete conclusion to the meeting.

It was learnt that the matter has now reached the office of Director General Military Operations (DGMO) and the meeting which had an abrupt ending was likely to resume Tuesday.

In the short deliberation, Atem said that both the Government of India and NSCN (I-M) were keen to end as it was not a “big deal”. He also assured the only problem that stood on the way was just “a matter of attitude”.
Atem refused to divulge details of the meeting, while another senior NSCN (I-M) leader.

When contacted, CFMG chairman Maj. Gen. (retd) N. George said during the meeting NSCN (I-M) and CFMG “mutually” arrived at an “arrangement” and for which he required “clearance” from Delhi for the arrangement to work out.

While not denying that the “clearance” has been passed, Cease-fire Monitoring Group chairman was hopeful a solution would be worked out by Tuesday and that both the parties would “start the process”.

NMA meets IGAR
Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA) Monday called on IGAR(N) at Kohima to express concern over the build up of armed forces around designated camps of NSCN(I-M) including Hebron.

NMA secretary Lochumbeni Humtsoe purportedly demanded from the IGAR for the immediate withdrawal of security forces from the areas in the “interest of peace and security” of civilians and to avoid undue harassment on civilians caused through setting up of check gates by AR.

NMA disclosed that the IGAR assured its delegation that he had issued instructions to all officers “not to harass the public in any way” and that the peace talks would not be affected. NMA said the IGAR also informed that “the minute” the arms of the five AR men were returned, the security forces around the area would be withdrawn.

Later in the afternoon, NMA said its delegation also met NSCN (I-M) commander-in-chief at Hebron where he made it clear that AR had made the “error and had tendered” an apology.

NMA said it suggested NSCN (I-M) may return the five fire arms in the interest of the safety of the public and avoid any undue confrontation.

NMA also disclosed that its team members were witness to the two check gates on the road to Hebron where they were continuously stopped and questioned about their identities.

NMA said these happed despite having informed AR authority that its delegation was on the way to hold talks with the NSCN(I-M). The association in its meeting Monday also resolved to appeal to AR and NSCN (I-M) to meet in an atmosphere without any “armed threat”.
NMA meets HM
NMA said that the association met home minister and discussed the impasse between NSCN (I-M) and AR and sought the attention on the state government on the same. The NMA delegation was led by the president Abeiu Meru, advisor Rosemary Dzuivchu, advisory board member Angela Yhome, secretary, NMA Lochumbeni Humtsoe and joint secretary, Sawmi Leyri.
Ao Senden flays
Ao Senden has termed the April 19 action of the Assam Rifles as “provocative” also expressed strong condemnation over alleged violation of cease-fire ground rules (CFGR).

Senden president Dr. Sangyu Yaden and general secretary Tsupong Longchar accused Major Sukanta “a Meitei officer from Manipur” of having a “hidden political design”.

The signatories alleged that Maj. Sukanta forced the five jawans to cross the perimeter with arms and ammunition. They also questioned the role of joint secretary MHA (NE) Shambu Singh “an IAS officer from Manipur cadres” for the “direct violation” of CFGR.

They said such “evil design” was well known by the Government of India and CFMG chairman Maj. Gen. (retd) N. George, which threatened the hard earned peace process.

Senden also questioned the role of AR in encircling every designated camp, by making temporary bunkers, blocking entries and frisking and threatening Nagas in Naga inhabited areas. Senden also said such provocative actions indicated repetition of the same history that led to the abrogation of the 1964 cease fire.

Further the signatories cautioned that any derailment of the “hard earned cease fire” could lead to a possible “political deadlock as before” and only create a wider gap between the Government of India and the Naga populace.

They said such a situation could jeopardize the integrity of the region. It appealed to both the parties to uphold cease-fire agreement and expedite the ongoing “Indo-Naga political talk”.

NISC asks GoI to show ‘statesmanship’
Naga International Support Center (NISC) Monday called on the Government of India to let “common sense prevail” and show the statesmanship to resolve a long lasting conflict. In a statement, NISC claimed that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has proclaimed “no sovereignty and no reunification for the Nagas” and asked if Nagas would remain “silent”.

NISC stated that recognition of “unique history” of the Nagas by the Government of India meant that it acknowledged the Nagas had “no cultural, linguistic, religious, economic or communicative ties with it and were only connected because Britain colonized and ruled both”.

The center alleged that quite contrary to the peace talks and cease-fire ground rules, dozens of Naga leaders were arrested and “Naga military camps harassed”. It reminded that NSCN (I-M) leader Anthony Shimray continues to languish in “an Indian jail for crimes the Indian Government commits on a daily basis (procuring arms to wage war)”.

NISC reminded the Government of India that to “provoke the Nagas” meant that its policy would lead back to the “war nobody wants”.
AR-IM stand off still on, status quo continues, TNL apprises PM on ground rules Both sides bandy truce pact alibi, IM exhorts Nagas The Sangai Express
Imphal The stalemate continues with both the Assam Rifles and the NSCN (IM) holding each other responsible of violating the ceasefire ground rules.

While the Naga outfit has accused the Assam Rifles of wilfully trespassing on the Camp Hebron on April 19, Assam Rifles on the other hand has said that the camps of the NSCN (IM) remain surrounded to ensure that the cadres stick to the rules laid down by the Ceasefire Monitoring Group.

Speaking to The Sangai Express, a reliable source said that the camps of the NSCN (IM) are being surrounded and the movements of the cadres monitored to ensure that they do not violate the cease fire ground rules.

On the other hand the NSCN (IM) has accused the Assam Rifles of trespassing into their territory at Camp Hebron in total disregard of the cease fire ground rules.

The Tangkhul Naga Long, while asserting that it is the will, aspirations and desires of the Naga people to bring a negotiated settlement to the decades old Indo-Naga issue, has submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister to defuse the situation at Camp Hebron and other camps of the NSCN (IM) keeping in mind the ceasefire ground rules.

A file picture of the Assam Rifles laying siege at a camp of the NSCN (IM) at Shirui village in 2009
It is the will of the Nagas that the cease fire ground rules be honoured and respected for an early and peaceful solution to the decades old Naga issue, added TNL.

The Chandel Naga People's Organisation (CNPO), Naga Women Union, Chandel; and Naga Students' Union, Chandel (NSUC) have also called for peaceful settlement of the impasse at the earliest through the intervention of the Home Ministry.

In a statement, the Chandel Naga bodies said that the latest impasse has not only created fear psychosis among the general public, but also caused fear that the hard earned political dialogue between the two parties may go in vain.

Appealing both the parties to exercise maximum restrain and let the matter be resolved through negotiation, the Chandel apex organisations reminded that any sort of violence or confrontation has no place in a civilised society but rather creates animosity and misunderstanding which the people never desire.

Stating that the impasse has nothing to do with the Assam Rifles and NSCN (IM), the statement posited that the matter should be resolved with the intervention of GoI (Home Ministry) .

It added that the latest stalemate has caused a sense of insecurity and fear in Chandel district too and added that the people of Chandel desire a peaceful settlement at the earliest.

Meanwhile the NSCN (IM) has alleged that the Assam Rifles wilfully and provocatively trespassed Hebron Camp on April 19, and urged the Nagas to be prepared for any eventualities.

A statement issued to the press by the GPRN's MIP said no amount of excuses or explanations by the AR and other Indian Government agencies can justify or cover the crime.

It stated that it was a flagrant violation of cease-fire ground rules and the spirit of ceasefire agreement between the NSCN and the GoI.

Stating that the Assam Rifles are the instruments and the real actor is either the GoI or the Indian Army top establishments which have dangerous differences with their Government, the MIP statement asserted that the undeterred betrayal actions of Assam Rifles clearly indicate that there is a powerful back-up from the so-called High Command.

Alleging that during the 14 years of political dialogue these crimes had been committed from the Indian side, the statement contended that such actions show how GoI is sincere and committed as per their words.

As a big nation like India stooped to such a low standard which is fighting for a permanent member in the UNO security Council, it stated.

In Such a deepening crises when anything can happen, the so-called Chairman of the Cease-fire Monitoring group, Maj Gen George awkwardly tried to shy away his neutral and unprejudicial responsibilities, it maintained.

Coming down on the silence maintained by the Nagaland Government, the MIP statement wondered what the Nagaland Government has been doing all this time of crisis.

"The NPF Government in Nagaland boastfully claims as a facilitator in the peace process between the NSCN and the GoI.

But during such crisis and uncertainty what the Nagaland State government is doing?" it asked while adding that the NSCN is a political group only.

Contending that the dangerous consequence is threatening the entire population of the Nagas, the Naga people may ask why the State Government does not raise a voice in such a critical situation, it said.

"If any undesirable situation is created from today's crisis, the Government of Nagaland state should be squarely blamed by the Nagas," the MIP statement contended.

"More than 95% Nagas desire freedom from want and oppressions.

They have witnessed how GoI and its leaders are acting in political dialogue and the April 19th 2012 incident at Hebron is a good lesson for all the Nagas.

The other factions are talking about political dialogue with India, but they will certainly experience the same insincerity and false diplomacies from the GoI" .

"The said incident should be an eye opener for all sections of the Naga people.

The system of dictatorship and authoritarianism, oppression and suppression is speedily losing ground from the face of the world.

The Nagas are united in our desire for freedom and dignity of life. Therefore, let us again unite as before and fight with whatever is available at our command.

Let us not loss heart but be strengthened with difficult situations we are facing now," it urged.
Having learnt the real intention of India from the incident the Nagas should get prepared for any eventualities, the MIP urged.
PRESS STATEMENT ON THE EXCESSES COMMITTED BY ASSAM RIFLES

The Naga Women’s Union condemn the intrusion near the NSCM(IM) camp at Hebron on April 19 2012 by the 29th Assam Rifles (AR) that has led to a standoff for days despite the admittance by the chairman of ceasefire monitoring group that it was an aberration by the AR. The situation led to the deployment of AR forces not just around Hebron but to other Naga areas and such provocation suggest that Government of India intentionally is violating the ceasefire ground rules which is unfortunate.

We condemn the high handedness of the army and demand the suspension of Major Sukanta who was in charge of the command leading the Jawans towards hebron knowing well of the likely outcome and putting the ceasefire between the NCSN and the Government of India (GoI) at great risk. We demand that the army immediately stop frisking, raiding and harassing people especially in Dimapur and Kohima and strongly demand that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) that gives such uncontrolled authority to the army to even jeopardize ceasefires and peace processes not just in Nagaland but the whole northeast be revoked!

We also express our disgust and condemnation on the torture and the killing of captain Yaomi by the AR and in a time like this we would like to remind that the ceasefire between the GOI and NSCN came after long years of armed conflict that claimed thousands of lives; Indians and Nagas and effort should be made to maintain peace. We have suffered enough and too many precious lives have been lost and we will not allow any force to revert us back to the days of armed conflict and confrontation.

sd/- publicity Wing
Naga Women’s Union
24 April 2012But will the Nagas remain silent? A Naga International Support Center, NISC A human rights organization

India wants war?
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh proclaims: No sovereignty and no reunification for the Nagas.
But will the Nagas remain silent?

Recognition of the unique History and Situation of the Nagas by the Government of India meant that India acknowledged the Nagas had no cultural, linguistic, religious, economic or communicative ties with it and were only connected because Britain colonized and ruled both.

This recognition was an important milestone in the peace talks between India and the Naga Peoples which led to renewed talks in favor of a desired solution to the almost six decades old conflict India initiated by invading entire Nagaland and by dividing it into the four states Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Assam.

Divide and rule while talking peace is how the Government of India tries to gain leverage but since the Nagas showed coherence and perseverance, if not patience, the talks went into a direction the hawks in the Indian Government did not aspire.

Or how else can it be explained that right after the announcement a solution in the proposed form of a Supra State was near, the Prime Minister of India stated that the Nagas would not get their sovereignty nor could they reintegrate or reunify to form the Naga nation (See Telegraph News here).

Then, quite in violation of the cease-fire ground rules, dozens of Naga leaders were arrested days ago and Naga Military camps harassed. If it was not enough, Anthony Shimray, the Foreign Command Naga leader languishes in an Indian jail for ‘crimes’ the Indian Government commits on a daily basis (procuring arms to wage war).

Considering these facts the Naga International Supports Center, NISC, reminds the Government of India that:
- to provoke the Nagas this much means that its policy will lead back to the war nobody wants
- to lead the Nagas into a costly war, loss of life as well as tremendous amounts of public funds in turn leads to domestic as well as international upheaval

NISC calls on the Government of India to let common sense prevail; show the statesmanship a long lasting conflict of this magnitude needs, so peace can be achieved. This way India could become a prime example of true democracy.
• Vikeduo Linyü ‎Frans Welman I didn't read the post but is NISC also working towards cutting down extortion in the name of freedom. Most of the UG's are richer than people like us who struggle daily to earn our bread and butter.
17 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 5

Frans Welman extortion cannot be in the name of freedom but taxation yes
17 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 3

Vikeduo Linyü well taxation is a new term for extortion btw.
17 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 5

Neibulie Sanchu ha ha
17 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Vikeduo Linyü btw the so call taxation is tendered in the commercial capital of Nagaland Dimapur. Frans Welman NISC should rethink. Starting from your founder Mr David ward who is an ex-convict, NISC should seriously consider if the Naga public trust you in the first place.
17 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 1

Frans Welman David ward is not our founder, that is one. david ward is english, NISC is dutch and in Amsterdam. NIsc is sure not all Nagas like to be supported; not all like to be free of India or at least have the right to exersize their right to self determination which is what NISc stands for in its dupport for the Nagas, it is a human rights organization
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 7

Frans Welman and extortion is very wrong
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Vikeduo Linyü ‎Frans Welman i am also a nationalist when in come to fighting for our freedom but i am also someone with doubt esp NISC. thanks for clearing up that NISC is free from daVID WARD.

AND YES EXTORTION IS THE ORDER OF THE DAY
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Thohe Pou Areee... I dont know who is David ward. Do u mind to tell something about him, Frans Welman and Vikeduo Linyü.
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Ageng Newmai extortion/demand by self styled ug's is discouraging. any ug's found doing such should be punished with strict disciplinary action. regarding taxation, i want the ug's to handle the govt treasury. deduct 50 - 80% from those govt servants who doesn't attend office or perform his duty but makes lots of noise regarding tax. those govt servants who are dedicated are entitled for tax exemption with 0% ..
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 2

Chong Kei NISC is human rights organisation so putting such question on member is unwise....NISC is foreign sponsored forum and objective is to help Nagas and their cause...NISC stand for Nagas pple not those gunsmen so putting such direct question on member doesnt make sense..well exhortion and heavy taxation is the issue we facing and NISC intention is to solve INDO NAGA problem,not percentage or amount deduce by Ugs...
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 7

Vikeduo Linyü if NISc is such deem organisation can they explain the that we pay daily Frans Welman
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Vikeduo Linyü ‎*tax
16 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Philip Malangmei Nagaland got membership in UNPO (Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization) what possible good could this organization offer the Naga people in current situation?

@Frans Welman, your concern for the Naga people is very appreciated. Let the world community be known of the ''Nagas and his Struggle for Self-Determination''
15 uur geleden via mobiel • Vind ik leuk • 3

Ageng Newmai standard office timing for most govt servants 11:00 AM - 1:00 PM ! there r some teachers/doctors who had never been to their respective posting. the ug's should take 90% of their salary :D
15 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 5

Sone Kho whatever it maybe i appreciate what Frans Welman a foreign national but who always support our cause,,, i wish may your support be continue in the coming days,,,,
15 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 4

Raajellung Gonmei Carry on your good works NISC.
13 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 3

Soreingam Kashung There are people who does not know how to appreciate and thank others when someone is trying to help us. Learn to say thank you when someone extend a helping hand...
13 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 10

Jeh Wotsa
Thank you! whoever,wherever;for the support & prayers.
We've crawled all this way looking for people for help,we thought nobody care! for the Nagas. Friends from India & the International community,its through with your support we are encou...Lees verder
12 uur geleden via mobiel • Vind ik leuk • 2

V Luikham Naga Those who questioned and yelled on people who help us!! Bring this and that issues in the picture instead of acknowledging what's its all about! Who could those be? Just imagine and try to gauge out... Certainly our Adversaries who does not want some one to back us in general and may be org in particular.
Now I am seeing many Nagas turned Indian converted by comfort of Indian notes. Sad...(+
6 uur geleden via mobiel • Vind ik leuk • 2

Chundibo Kalengta There are some nagas who are well- off, employed in govt jobs and living a luxurious life and thinks that their life is good enough and have no concern whether anything happens to the Nagas as long as they are not touched!! So sad!! Just selfish enough to live a happy life, short sighted!!
6 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 1

Vikeduo Linyü
The UG bosses have better car, better house Hi-fi lifestyle than us now tell me who is more comfortable the UG's with the extorted money or the common man who earns his daily bread through honest means. Yes definitely many Nagas especially ...Lees verder
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Raajellung Gonmei Can understand and agree with you Vikeduo Vikeduo Linyü. But, I think NISC here is about the general Human Rights of the Nagas.
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 1

Vikeduo Linyü well UG extorting us is also a gross violation of human rights they can also look into our fundamental right. What about the innocent public who were assassinated.
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 2

Thohe Pou
Vikeduo Linyü, I think even after 100years, without the International Support, our Naga struggle may remain only in the jungle. May be we really need to encourage all those leaders who are supporting us.

I think the international supporter...Lees verder
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 3

Thohe Pou May be only in this transitional period, there are huge taxation but we can always expect better within a few years. What do you say?
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Vikeduo Linyü it will get worst since most of the people who join now are either debt ridden or failures in life.
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Thohe Pou Actually what you are trying to say? Any suggestion to our ug or to the public leaders and common people like us?
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Visasier Acüu Kevichüsa ‎Frans Welman I don't know about NISC but I appreciate your concern for the Nagas. However, I would like to know how you differentiate between 'Extortion' and 'Taxation'. If the supposed 'Taxation' is collected at gunpoint is it still "Tax"? If a Govt. collects tax isn't it supposed to provide welfare for the people rather than spreading fear?
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 1

Thohe Pou VAK@ do we need to address such kind of problem to our International Supporters? I think we can deal and resolve the problem within our community.
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 2

Raajellung Gonmei A more local based NGOs like NPMHR or others is better suited to take up such rights issues.
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 1

Thohe Pou
We the Nagas are going to face the same problem till we solve our Naga political problem, if you hate the problem then let us resolve the problem together. Hating the present problem can even add more problem to the prevailing problem.
___...Lees verder
2 uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 3

Visasier Acüu Kevichüsa Fair enough Thohe Pou. Ya I suppose we should deal with it ourselves. I only asked cos he seems to differentiate between the two. And since he said extortion is wrong it is important to identify whether what goes on is Extortion or Taxation. If it is Extortion then we have Human Rights violation right there.
ongeveer een uur geleden • Vind ik leuk • 1

Raajellung Gonmei and this taxation/extortation issues must be actively taken up by the local based groups which will be more viable.
ongeveer een uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Visasier Acüu Kevichüsa And, by the way, no disrespect to Mr. Welman
ongeveer een uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Pipi Newmei ‎63 years into the struggle and its sad we dont have a source for revenue... but on the brighter side atleast w e are not planting poopys like the taliban :)
ongeveer een uur geleden • Vind ik leuk

Chundibo Kalengta
They extort and tax us is not appreciated, actually hate it too,!! However we know very well sometimes they are also suffering like anything, at times risk their lives and whatever........ when they are really into something concerning the whole nagas we have to give our voice and support them. When we say,' let them go to hell,' we are digging our own grave because our friends, relatives, tribes, etc etc are there.So if the war is on, we will be the ones to suffer more or less. We need to think openly and from different angles not only from one side. They are not plains manu..............Even we public do many wrong things in our day to day lives...........I do too....... So what I want to share is that we should not hate people instead hate their bad deeds and love their good deeds..........everyone has good side and bad side etc ,etc you know it ..........just look into the matter with a broader sense.........................................(just my view)
Kumjimöng Yimchunger
24 april 10:55
The sentiment among the people regarding freedom struggle is very low to be truthful. If the sentiments was high believe me there will be no shortage of funds. Again it is all becoz of their wrong doing.. Repentance is the solution to everything

OFFICE OF THE AO SENDEN: HQRS. MOKOKCHUNG
PRESS RELEASE
Dated 23th April, 2012.

The Ao Senden, the apex body of Civil Societies of the Ao community having noticed a highly provocative political strategy initiated by 29 Assam Rifles on 19th April, 2012 is constrained with great concern to express the followings:

1) That, the Ao Senden strongly condems the provocative action of 29 Assam Rifles on 19th April, 2012 wherein, under the hidden political design, one Shambu Singh an IAS officer from Manipur State cadre posted under the MHA(NE)as Joint Secretary incharge of NE, commanded by another Meitei officer from Manipur, AR Major Sukanta under whose direction, 5 Assam Rifle Jawans were forced to enter crossing the parameter of the Camp Hebron with arms and ammunition without any information. This is a direct violation of the CF Ground Rules.
2) The Ao Senden observes that such kind of evil design is well known by GOI and CFMG under the Chairmanship of Maj Gen.(Retd) N. George during whose tenure, the hard earned peace process is threatened violating the CF ground rules.
3) While political negotiation is under way between the GOI and collective leadership of NSCN (I.M), and the Cadres are housed in the designated camps; the Ao Senden question as to why the AR should encircle, every designated camps, making temporary bungers blocking entries, frisking and threatening the innocent Naga citizens throughout the Naga inhabited areas. All such provocative actions of the Indian Armed Forces indicate repetition of the same history breaking the CF Agreement of 1964.
4) The Ao Senden further observes that derailing the present hard earned CF that may be followed by a possible Political Dead Lock as before will definitely bring a wider gap between the GOI and the Naga populace in future jeopardizing the integrity of the region which will cost India heavily.
5) We therefore, sincerely appeal to both the parties to uphold Cease-Fire Agreement and expedite the ongoing Indo-Naga political talk at the earliest.
6)
Dated 23rd April,. 2012.
Sd/- Sd/-
(Dr. Sangyu Yaden) (Tsupong Longchar)
President General Secretary

To
The Editor: Morung Express/Nagaland post/Eastern Mirror/Newmai News
Sir(s)
Kindly publish this press release in your esteemed paper for the interest of our people.
With kind regards.
(Dr. Sangyu Yaden ) President










Frans on 04.25.12 @ 11:30 AM CST [link]


Monday, April 23rd

India wants war? Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh proclaims: No sovereignty and no reunification for the Nagas. But will the Nagas remain silent?


A Naga International Support Center, NISC www.nagalim.nl
A human rights organization

Press Release, April 24 2012

India wants war?
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh proclaims: No sovereignty and no reunification for the Nagas.
But will the Nagas remain silent?

Recognition of the unique History and Situation of the Nagas by the Government of India meant that India acknowledged the Nagas had no cultural, linguistic, religious, economic or communicative ties with it and were only connected because Britain colonized and ruled both. This recognition was an important milestone in the peace talks between India and the Naga Peoples which led to renewed talks in favor of a desired solution to the almost six decades old conflict India initiated by invading entire Nagaland and by dividing it into the four states Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Assam.

Divide and rule while talking peace is how the Government of India tries to gain leverage but since the Nagas showed coherence and perseverance, if not patience, the talks went into a direction the hawks in the Indian Government did not aspire. Or how else can it be explained that right after the announcement a solution in the proposed form of a Supra State was near, the Prime Minister of India stated that the Nagas would not get their sovereignty nor could they reintegrate or reunify to form the Naga nation. Then, quite in violation of the cease-fire ground rules, dozens of Naga leaders were arrested days ago and Naga Military camps harassed. If it was not enough, Anthony Shimray, the Foreign Command Naga leader languishes in an Indian jail for ‘crimes’ the Indian Government commits on a daily basis (procuring arms to wage war).

Considering these facts the Naga International Supports Center, NISC, reminds the Government of India that:

- to provoke the Nagas this much means that its policy will lead back to the war nobody wants
- to lead the Nagas into a costly war, loss of life as well as tremendous amounts of public funds in turn leads to domestic as well as international upheaval

NISC calls on the Government of India to let common sense prevail; show the statesmanship a long lasting conflict of this magnitude needs, so peace can be achieved. This way India could become a prime example of true democracy.

For more information visit www.nagalim.nl or write to us nisc@nagalim.nl">nisc@nagalim.nl
PM rules out NSCN core demands Rio plea for right choice OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph



Schoolchildren participate in a rally in Imphal on Monday demanding the release of jailed NSCN (I-M) leader Anthony Ningkhin Shimray. (PTI)
Kohima, April 17: The 15-year talks between the Centre and the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) appears to be heading for a deadlock with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh conveying his government’s inability to accept the outfit’s core demands.
The Centre has ruled out sovereignty and integration of contiguous Naga areas to hammer out a solution to the more than 60-year-old Indo-Naga political problem. It has reportedly offered greater autonomy to Nagas living in states outside Nagaland, an arrangement that has been opposed by non-Naga organisations in Manipur.
Singh also ruled out the NSCN’s demand for far more powers in the federal relationship between ‘Nagalim’ and New Delhi than is enjoyed by Indian states, even as NSCN chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah camped in New Delhi for the next round of talks with central leaders.
Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio, who is believed to support Naga nationalism, today said going by Singh’s recent statements, New Delhi was not in a position to accept the demands of the NSCN.
Describing Singh as a thorough gentleman, Rio, who met the Prime Minister recently, indicated that the Centre was not in a position to accept the core demands of the NSCN.
“Whatever is possible will be possible even after 100 years but whatever is not possible will not be possible even after 100 years,” he quoted Singh as saying.
Inaugurating the Naga Solidarity Park near the secretariat here today, Rio said Singh had asked him to tell the Naga organisations to be “reasonable”. He said Singh did not mean that Nagas were not reasonable in their approach to hammer out a solution to the Naga political problem but had simply conveyed a message to the Nagas for being reasonable.
Asking the Nagas to “think out of the box”, Rio warned that breakdown of ceasefire between the Centre and the NSCN could cost them dearly as in the past when thousands of Nagas were killed, raped and inhumanly tortured during imposition of the Disturbed Areas Act and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in Nagaland. He said the Nagas wanted peace and development and did not want to go back to those years.
Treading cautiously, Rio said at this juncture the Nagas were being offered a good opportunity to come together and resolve the Naga political problem. Rio said with the ongoing ceasefire and talks, Nagas should grab the opportunity and claim what was due to them. “Let us put our heads together and solve the problem,” he urged the Nagas at the mammoth gathering that was led by Naga Hoho, the apex body of the Nagas.
Rio said New Delhi and the world community had recognised the uniqueness of Naga history but regretted that the Nagas had not yet taken the right decision despite the opportunity offered to them.
“Take the right decision at the right time so that we do not miss the opportunity,” he said. He urged the Nagas to rethink and collectively decide what would be best for them. He said bestowing of award on Baptist clergyman Rev. Wati Aier by the World Baptist Alliance was recognition of the Nagas and their political struggle.
Former president of Naga Students’ Federation, Vikheho Swu, said the efforts of Naga organisations would not go in vain. It would strengthen the bond and unity among the Nagas. Atoho Kiho, convener of Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, said they would continue their efforts so that Nagas find their rightful place in the world community. Rio also unveiled a monolith at the solidarity park. He was accompanied by cabinet ministers, parliamentary secretaries, legislators and a host of leaders from Naga organisations.



Frans on 04.23.12 @ 09:00 PM CST [link]



India wants war? Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh proclaims: No sovereignty and no reunification for the Nagas. But will the Nagas remain silent?


A Naga International Support Center, NISC www.nagalim.nl
A human rights organization

Press Release, April 24 2012

India wants war?
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh proclaims: No sovereignty and no reunification for the Nagas.
But will the Nagas remain silent?

Recognition of the unique History and Situation of the Nagas by the Government of India meant that India acknowledged the Nagas had no cultural, linguistic, religious, economic or communicative ties with it and were only connected because Britain colonized and ruled both. This recognition was an important milestone in the peace talks between India and the Naga Peoples which led to renewed talks in favor of a desired solution to the almost six decades old conflict India initiated by invading entire Nagaland and by dividing it into the four states Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Assam.

Divide and rule while talking peace is how the Government of India tries to gain leverage but since the Nagas showed coherence and perseverance, if not patience, the talks went into a direction the hawks in the Indian Government did not aspire. Or how else can it be explained that right after the announcement a solution in the proposed form of a Supra State was near, the Prime Minister of India stated that the Nagas would not get their sovereignty nor could they reintegrate or reunify to form the Naga nation. Then, quite in violation of the cease-fire ground rules, dozens of Naga leaders were arrested days ago and Naga Military camps harassed. If it was not enough, Anthony Shimray, the Foreign Command Naga leader languishes in an Indian jail for ‘crimes’ the Indian Government commits on a daily basis (procuring arms to wage war).

Considering these facts the Naga International Supports Center, NISC, reminds the Government of India that:

- to provoke the Nagas this much means that its policy will lead back to the war nobody wants
- to lead the Nagas into a costly war, loss of life as well as tremendous amounts of public funds in turn leads to domestic as well as international upheaval

NISC calls on the Government of India to let common sense prevail; show the statesmanship a long lasting conflict of this magnitude needs, so peace can be achieved. This way India could become a prime example of true democracy.

For more information visit www.nagalim.nl or write to us nisc@nagalim.nl">nisc@nagalim.nl
PM rules out NSCN core demands Rio plea for right choice OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph



Schoolchildren participate in a rally in Imphal on Monday demanding the release of jailed NSCN (I-M) leader Anthony Ningkhin Shimray. (PTI)
Kohima, April 17: The 15-year talks between the Centre and the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) appears to be heading for a deadlock with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh conveying his government’s inability to accept the outfit’s core demands.
The Centre has ruled out sovereignty and integration of contiguous Naga areas to hammer out a solution to the more than 60-year-old Indo-Naga political problem. It has reportedly offered greater autonomy to Nagas living in states outside Nagaland, an arrangement that has been opposed by non-Naga organisations in Manipur.
Singh also ruled out the NSCN’s demand for far more powers in the federal relationship between ‘Nagalim’ and New Delhi than is enjoyed by Indian states, even as NSCN chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah camped in New Delhi for the next round of talks with central leaders.
Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio, who is believed to support Naga nationalism, today said going by Singh’s recent statements, New Delhi was not in a position to accept the demands of the NSCN.
Describing Singh as a thorough gentleman, Rio, who met the Prime Minister recently, indicated that the Centre was not in a position to accept the core demands of the NSCN.
“Whatever is possible will be possible even after 100 years but whatever is not possible will not be possible even after 100 years,” he quoted Singh as saying.
Inaugurating the Naga Solidarity Park near the secretariat here today, Rio said Singh had asked him to tell the Naga organisations to be “reasonable”. He said Singh did not mean that Nagas were not reasonable in their approach to hammer out a solution to the Naga political problem but had simply conveyed a message to the Nagas for being reasonable.
Asking the Nagas to “think out of the box”, Rio warned that breakdown of ceasefire between the Centre and the NSCN could cost them dearly as in the past when thousands of Nagas were killed, raped and inhumanly tortured during imposition of the Disturbed Areas Act and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in Nagaland. He said the Nagas wanted peace and development and did not want to go back to those years.
Treading cautiously, Rio said at this juncture the Nagas were being offered a good opportunity to come together and resolve the Naga political problem. Rio said with the ongoing ceasefire and talks, Nagas should grab the opportunity and claim what was due to them. “Let us put our heads together and solve the problem,” he urged the Nagas at the mammoth gathering that was led by Naga Hoho, the apex body of the Nagas.
Rio said New Delhi and the world community had recognised the uniqueness of Naga history but regretted that the Nagas had not yet taken the right decision despite the opportunity offered to them.
“Take the right decision at the right time so that we do not miss the opportunity,” he said. He urged the Nagas to rethink and collectively decide what would be best for them. He said bestowing of award on Baptist clergyman Rev. Wati Aier by the World Baptist Alliance was recognition of the Nagas and their political struggle.
Former president of Naga Students’ Federation, Vikheho Swu, said the efforts of Naga organisations would not go in vain. It would strengthen the bond and unity among the Nagas. Atoho Kiho, convener of Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, said they would continue their efforts so that Nagas find their rightful place in the world community. Rio also unveiled a monolith at the solidarity park. He was accompanied by cabinet ministers, parliamentary secretaries, legislators and a host of leaders from Naga organisations.



Frans on 04.23.12 @ 08:13 PM CST [link]



Ceasefire under fire By Oken Jeet Sandham Asian Tribune -



Ceasefire under fire By Oken Jeet Sandham Asian Tribune -

It was not comfortable to read the news that the Assam Rifles violated ceasefire ground rules. But the quick admission of that by the Chairman of the Cease Fire Monitoring Group (CFMG), Maj Gen (Retd) N George is appreciated. Let us discuss why we should protect peace.
When the Government of India declared ceasefire with the Federal Government of Nagaland (FNG) on September 6, 1964, there was mix-response. The Naga people had overjoyed because that was the first ever ceasefire declared between the Government of India and FGN. This ceasefire was a hard earned one and prominent Indian political leaders, Naga leaders and even foreigners were thickly involved in the making this historic and unique ceasefire.
It may be mentioned that Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) was key in effecting this unique ceasefire between the Government of India and the FGN. They had set up Nagaland Peace Mission with renowned persons like Jayaprakash Narayan, a Sarvodaya leader, Reverend Michael Scott, a British citizen and Bimala Prasad Chaliha, the then Chief Minister of Assam as members.
The church leaders persuaded the Government of India to halt their military operations for eight days in four villages. During this period, the church leaders along with Rev. Michael Scott visited FGN leaders and discussed the importance of having ceasefire with the Government of India so as to start political talks for finding solution to their issue. The FGN leaders verbally conveyed their willingness to have ceasefire with the Government of India. That was how things were shaped to reach a logical conclusion for striking an official ceasefire between the Government of India and the FGN.
Following the ceasefire between the Government of India and the FGN on September 6, 1964, political talks started within a few months. The primary objective of this historic ceasefire was to create an atmosphere to find an honorable solution to the Indo-Naga political issue. Talks were held at various places in Nagaland like Chedema, Khensa, etc. And finally it was elevated to the Prime Ministerial level. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Naga delegates led by Ato Kilonser (Prime Minister), Gughato Sukhai held talks at New Delhi.
In the 6th round of talks in October, 1967, between Mrs Gandhi and Sukhai, the talks broke down. Later, the Government of India had unilaterally abrogated the ceasefire in August, 1972. In spite of the breaking down of the historic ceasefire, the FGN still observes this “historic Indo-Naga ceasefire” annually on September 6.
It was very interesting to see how the 8-year old ceasefire and the subsequent talks could not go beyond sixth round. Most interesting part was why the Government of India, after few months of granting Nagaland statehood, had to declare official ceasefire with the Naga underground group. After few months of the declaration of the historic full-fledged “Nagaland Statehood” on the basis of a memorandum submitted by the then Naga People’s Convention (NPC), Delhi declared ceasefire with the FGN.
On one side, India had to see the nascent State’s wellbeing and security, on the other they had to deal with the Naga underground leaders to see that their first ever ceasefire was maintained and talks followed. After eight years, the Nagaland State survived, while the talks with the FGN broke down. Violence reared its ugly head again leading to the signing of the infamous Shillong Accord of 1975. The Accord, unfortunately, became the bond of contention among the leaders of the NNC. Some influential leaders broke away from the NNC and formed the NSCN in 1980. Again this split into two in 1988---one headed by Isak Chishi Swu and Th Muivah and the other by SS Khaplang and Dally Mongro.
It took 33 years to have another ceasefire with the Government of India.
It was on July 25, 1997, the Prime Minister IK Gujaral announced in the Parliament that the Government of India entered into a ceasefire with the NSCN (IM). At home, we were all taken aback when the Prime Minister announced the ceasefire with the NSCN (IM). The ceasefire declaration copy signed by NSCN (IM) Chairman Isak Chishi Swu was received by only one paper in Nagaland---“The Daily Review, Kohima”---edited by Mhiesizokho Zinyu. Few of us in the media did not know what to do thinking whether the ceasefire document was correct. We along with the Zinyu rushed to the Chief Minister’s official residence to meet him and confirm whether the ceasefire was really done.
SC Jamir confirmed it and also simultaneously declared from his side about the suspension of operation against the cadres of the NSCN (IM) with immediate effect.
The NSCN (IM) was arguably the most powerful insurgent group when the Government of India struck a ceasefire with them. Yet to come to a complete cessation of clashes between the security forces and the NSCN (IM) cadres, it took time and a lot of mechanisms and diplomacies were needed because, naturally, it would be quite difficult for the people, who spent most of their lives in jungles, to suddenly come out in public.
One thing we all should understand is the ceasefire with the Government of India simply didn’t happen. In order reach such a costly stage, so many stakeholders played their parts. You need to build a bridge of understanding through various channels. Who believed that Isak Chishi Swu and Th Muivah would be coming to Nagaland one day and have free interactions with their people? But it happened.
Successive Prime Ministers like Rajiv Gandhi, PV Narasimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and their close confidants had immensely contributed their shares to reach this stage.
It has been fifteen years that the NSCN (IM) and the Government of India have been maintaining their truce and there have been over 60 rounds of talks during this one and half decades. Also the Government of India declared ceasefire with the NSCN (K) in 2001. (Now it got split into two---one, GPRN/NSCN, headed by Khole and Kitovi Zhimomi and other, NSCN (K), still by SS Khaplang). But even after this development, the Center declared that they continued to maintain ceasefires with both of them.
Everyone is restless and frantically thinking that solution to the longstanding Indo-Naga political issue would come anytime, may be less than a year.
After 65 years of struggles, we need to show now an exemplary maturity to the world that we can still go extra miles to find solution and the size is not the matter. The world is fast changing and actually military concept may not be that relevant for a country’s health after some years. It’s going to be a technological fight rather.
There is mutually agreed upon ceasefire ground rules and, of course, we have seen charges and counter charges of violations of the ground rules by the cadres of the NSCN (IM) and also by the jawans of the Assam Rifles. Such issues are normally discussed during the meetings of the Cease Fire Monitoring Group and they managed to thrash out differences, if any, during such meetings. And the present issue should also be tackled in the similar fashion. At the same time, provocative statements should be avoided as far as possible and both parties should exercise maximum restraint for the larger interest of the peace in the region. Civil societies should rather, instead of issuing provocative statements, try to step in and educate the party in wrong side not to repeat because we should not allow any party to destroy peace which is very costly.
Let us not fire the “ceasefire,” without which, talks cannot be held. And if talks are not there, then peace will never come. They should know that in constructing this costly peace, thousands of people lost their valuable lives.
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Tension peaks in Nagaland OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima The standoff between security forces and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) reached a new high today with the rebel outfit alleging that the former had tortured one of its senior military commanders to death in Arunachal Pradesh.
In a release issued today, the NSCN (I-M) alleged that 19 Assam Rifles jawans had arrested Captain Yaomi, a resident of Manipur’s Ukhrul district, from Holom village in Arunachal’s Tirap district on April 20 and had subsequently tortured him to death. His body was allegedly dumped in Khonsa district hospital.
“Ceasefire and human rights violations in the hands of the notorious Assam Rifles is happening not only in Nagaland but elsewhere also,” the release said.
It said Yaomi was not feeling well and was about to move out of the village when Assam Rifles jawans arrested him. He was allegedly unarmed at the time of arrest.
The release said there was no doubt that it was a case of custody death. “His body was brought to Dimapur today with help from villagers of Holom. After conducting condolence services, the body was sent to his native village at Tanrui in Ukhrul,” the release added.
It said NSCN (I-M) members and civil society groups paid rich tributes to the slain rebel, who was posthumously awarded the rank of major. On the other hand, NSCN (I-M) refused to release the arms confiscated from the “arrested” Assam Rifles jawans, escalating tension inside the state.
But according to ceasefire monitoring group chairman Maj. Gen. N. George, security forces were willing to release the weapons confiscated from NSCN (I-M) functionaries in the past. The outfit has alleged that security forces had seized huge quantities of arms and ammunition from the outfit since 1997, the year it declared truce with the Centre.
Security forces have imposed a virtual blockade on the outfit’s designated camps after the latter had “arrested” and subsequently released five Assam Rifles jawans on April 19. People are also not being allowed to carry foodstuff while passing near the camps.
Security forces also busted an NSCN (I-M) ammunition dump at Sokhuvi village last evening and arrested four persons.
No respite in AR-IM tension Imphal Free Press
DIMAPUR (Newmai News Network), April 22: The stand-off between the Assam Rifles and the NSCN-IM completed four days today with no sign of easing the tension.
According to a well-placed source, the main problem at the moment between the Assam Rifles and the Naga outfit which has kept afloat the present quagmire concerns the weapons in their respective custody seized from the other.
The Assam Rifles demanded that the service weapons confiscated by the NSCN-IM from the five Assam Rifles personnel near camp Hebron be returned while the Naga outfit retorted that it would only reciprocate after the weapons seized from the Naga militants in the last few days by Assam Rifles are returned.
However, the same source disclosed to Newmai News Network tonight that the matter is being discussed now “at the higher level” in New Delhi.
Meanwhile, the NSCN-IM alleged today that one `captain` of the Naga outfit had died after the Assam Rifles tortured him in Arunachal Pradesh. The NSCN-IM `captain` has been identified one Yaomi, from Ukhrul district of Manipur. Taking serious note of the incident, the NSCN-IM said tonight that the ceasefire violation and human rights violation in the hands of the “notorious” Assam Rifles is happening not only in Nagaland but elsewhere also.
“On April one Capt.Yaomi of NSCN was picked up by the personnel of the 19 AR from the jungle in Holom village in Tirap district and tortured to death and his lifeless body dumped in Khonsa district Hospital. Yaomi was not feeling well and was on the way to move out from the village when the Assam Rifles troops caught him from a jungle hut (Khola). He was without any weapons on his body. There is nothing to doubt that the case was purely a custodial death,” alleged the NSCN-IM.
The NSCN-IM captain`s body was brought to Dimapur with the help of the villagers of Holom and after conducting condolence service the body was sent off to his native village at Tanrui in Ukhrul.
“Members from NSCN and others from the civil societies paid rich tribute to him.
Capt Yaomi who was posthumously given the rank of major died in a far off region of Nagalim in Arunachal Pradesh in the hands of 19 Assam Rifles and he remained committed to the cause he had avowed to defend till his last breath”, the NSCN-IM`s condolence message said before adding, “Certainly, major Yaomi`s name will be recorded and given a place of honour in the Naga history for the service rendered for the Naga nation. May his soul rest in peace and may God comfort his family members at such hour of grieve and sorrow,” it further said.
Centre still lacks clear-cut policy R Dutta Choudhury Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, The Government of India is yet to formulate a clear-cut policy for a permanent solution of the problem of militancy in Nagaland and talks with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (I-M) have not yet reached a conclusion. On the other hand, fratricidal clashes among militant groups under cease-fire agreement in Nagaland have become a matter of serious concern.
Highly placed official sources told The Assam Tribune that the progress of talks with the NSCN (I-M) slowed down yet again because of the failure of the Government to formulate a clear, cut policy on what it can offer the militant outfit, and no immediate solution is in sight.
Sources said that the Government of India had informed the states concerned Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur informally that there was no question of formation of a “supra state” as reported. But the issue was discussed again during the last round of meeting with the leaders of the NSCN , which raised doubts on whether there is proper coordination between the Government and the interlocutor on the issue, sources added.
Recently, the NSCN had problems with Assam Rifles personnel in Nagaland and the issue is yet to be settled. Giving details of the incident, sources said that on Thursday last, six Assam Rifles personnel strayed near the Habron camp of the NSCN and they were detained by the cadres of the outfit. After the Assam Rifles put pressure on the NSCN leadership, the security personnel were released but the NSCN did not return their weapons. Now the Assam Rifles personnel are in a fix as losing of the weapons would affect the careers of the personnel concerned.
Earlier also, the NSCN had problems with the Assam Rifles over construction of a war memorial by the militant outfit. On the other hand, fratricidal clashes among different militant groups are a matter of concern and last year, around 50 persons, mostly members of the NSCN (I-M) and NSCN (K) were killed in such clashes. Sources pointed out that members of both factions of the NSCN are moving around with weapons in clear violation of the ground rules of the ceasefire agreements, which resulted in deterioration of the situation.
The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) warned the Nagaland Government to deal with the situation and to take effective steps to stop such clashes, but sources admitted that it would be difficult for the State Government to deal with the militant groups till the Centre decides to act tough to deal with violation of ground rules.
Army vows to bring peace to Nagaland Times of India
KOHIMA: The Assam Rifles has assured the people of Nagaland that despite the provocations and false allegations against them, peace shall prevail in Nagaland. "Assam Rifles is committed to preserve the peace and harmony in the state and the people of Nagaland must realize that the hard-earned gains made in the ongoing peace process cannot be lost at any cost. We have come too far to retrace our footsteps," a statement issued by IGAR (N) PRO stated.
The statement added: "Though the current impasse has been enforced upon us, we shall continue to conduct our operations in a rightful manner so as to live up to our motto of being 'friends of the hill people'. As in the past, our current and future actions shall cause no hindrances or disrupt the lives of the common law-abiding citizens of the state. Life in Nagaland shall and must continue as normal."
GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM
Ministry of Information & Publicity Press Release
23th April 2012

ASSAM RIFLES INTENSION INTO NSCN CHQs

Whatever have been and will be said or written about the 19th April, 2012 incident at Hebron, the Council Headquarters of NSCN, it was actually an outrageous trespass of the Notorious Assam Rifles to the NSCN Camp. No amount of excuses or explanations by the Assam Rifles and other Indian government agencies can justify or cover the crime. It was a flagrant violation of Cease-fire ground rules and the spirit of the widely known Cease-fire agreement between the NSCN and the GoI. It was a planned and deliberate act of provocation.

The Assam Rifles are the instruments and the real actor was / is either the GoI or the Indian Army top establishments which have dangerous differences with their Government. Undeterred betrayal actions of Assam Rifles clearly indicate that there is a powerful back-up from the so-called High Command. In the midst of 14 years of political dialogue, these crimes had been committed from the Indian side. Such actions show how GoI is sincere and committed as per their words. As a big nation like India stooped to such a low standard which is fighting for a permanent member in the UNO security Council??

In Such a deepening crises when anything can happen, the so-called Chairman of the Cease-fire Monitoring group, Maj.Gen.George awkwardly trying to shy away his neutral and unprejudicial responsibilities. Much more, Nagaland state as a powerful unit in the India Federation, and the government which holds the law and order subject is maintaining deadly silence. The NPF Government in Nagaland boastfully claims as a facilitator in the peace process between the NSCN and the GoI. But during such crisis and uncertainty what is the Nagaland State government doing? The NSCN is a political group only. But the dangerous consequences are threatening the entire population of the Nagas. So that Naga people may ask the reasons why the State Government does not raise a voice in such a critical situation? If any undesirable situation is created from today’s crisis, the Government of Nagaland state should be squarely blamed by the Nagas.

More than 95% Nagas desire freedom from want and oppressions. They have witnessed how GoI and its leaders are acting in political dialogue and the April 19th 2012 incident at Hebron is a good lesson for all the Nagas. The other factions are talking about political dialogue with India, but they will certainly experience the same insincerity and false diplomacies from the GoI. The said incident should be an eye opener for all sections of the Naga people. The system of dictatorship and authoritarianism, oppression and suppression is speedily losing ground from the face of the world. The Nagas are united in our desire for freedom and dignity of life. Therefore, let us again unite as before and fight with whatever is available at our command. Let us not loss heart but be strengthen with difficult situations we are facing now.

From today’s incident Naga people have learned the real intention of India and so we should get prepared for any eventualities.

Issued By: MIP
Press Release 23rd April 2012

If the goodness of ceasefire is to be realized the history of Indo-Naga conflict that started in 1950s should be studied from close angle to learn something. Thousands of Nagas died in the hands of the Indian armed forces after the first bullet was fired against the Nagas. Many Nagas dared to face bullets resisting the occupational forces. But what comes last to their mind is to surrender themselves and their political rights to India. Many brave commanders from Indian side also died while trying to force the Nagas to their knees. Divide and rule policy was also effectively used to weaken the resisting power of the Nagas particularly after the formation of NSCN. The focal point of attack became the NSCN led by Isak Chishi Swu and Th.Muivah. Mufti-prong attack was organist against NSCN. But everything proved futile as NSCN refused to be cowed down under any pressure/ A time comes when Army Generals of the mighty Indian armed forces
surrendered themselves to the reality that to solve the Naga issue is not going to come out of military intervention but only through political negotiation. This point was repeatedly enlightened to their political masters. The wisdom of signing the historic ceasefire in 1997 is based on this background where the practical wisdom of the Army Generals prevails.

The 1997 ceasefire was therefore signed with much hope and aspiration by both NSCN and the Government of India. It turned out to be ceasefire that has come for the second time in the history of Indo-Naga conflict. The first ceasefire backfired on the issue of sovereignty during the Indira Gandhi regime.

During the talks held as many as 85 times the issue of sovereignty continues to be discussed, mainly on the aspect of the interpretation of Naga sovereignty. Taking cognizance of the recognition given to the unique history of the Nagas in 2002 in Amsterdam talks the Prime Minister of the India Manmohan Singh promised the NSCN negotiating team that he will go extra mile to solve the Naga political problem during his time. He kept assuring the NSCN to take his words seriously. The Home Minister Chidambaram was also not far behind in assuring the Nagas in similar tone.

However, what is to be observed is that whereas the Nagas' hope is being kept alive in such manner the hands of Assam Rifles troops are being stretched out in doing something that is never in conformity with the big promises emanating from these political leaders. This has become the crux of the issue and stalemate that follows after the illegal intrusion of the 29AR into forbidden zone of Hebron Designated Camp testifies the destruction done by AR when the Indo-Naga political talks enters the crucial stage.

Issued by
MIP/GPRN.
Stage set for lasting solution at Jessami Imphal Free Press |

Chingai MLA MK Preshow Shimray accompanied by police and civil authorities during the survey tour on Sunday.
IMPHAL, April 22: Tension along the Manipur–Nagaland border subsided with Chingai MLA MK Preshow meeting people from both sides on Saturday.
The local MLA today made a survey tour of the Akash Bridge and the disputed area along with the DC in charge and SP of Ukhrul district.
He later said in a public meeting that a lasting solution to the issue will be brought during a string of meetings between authorities of the two states at different levels. The meetings in all likelihood could be held in May, he added.
The local MLA was accompanied by IGP (LO-III) Asutoshkumar Sinha, Ukhrul SP K Kabib, Ukhrul DC in charge T John, Commandant 6th Manipur Rifles, Jessami Village Council chairman Eyete Wezah, other local leaders and media persons during his visit to the disputed area.
Speaking to media persons at the end of the tour, the MLA elaborated that his arrival with a huge contingent of armed security forces in Jessami yesterday secured the villagers who were terrified by the recent disruptions following incursions from the Nagaland side.
He further elaborated that CrPC 144 has been imposed around the disputed area which has been already intimated to both sides of the border. Meluri villagers have also been intimated that anyone found on the Akash bridge with weapons will also be arrested and punished under the law.
Meanwhile, Jessami Village Council chairman Eyete Wezah while acknowledging the presence of ancestral lands of the two villages on both sides of the border told media persons that even though the Akash bridge acts as the official border of the two states, the then DC Naga Hills Dr JS Hughton in 1924 had erected a stone on the side of Manipur at Tebuno Melu (hill) acknowledging it as a conventional border for the two villages.
Since then the two villages have acknowledged the stone as the border in a peaceful manner until recently when the Jessami villagers decided to cultivate a piece of land on their side of the stone, he added.
The Meluri villagers were angered without any instigation from the side of the Jesami villagers, when the Jessami villagers cultivated the land with maize, he added.
Meluri villagers destroyed the cultivation leading to the recent tension, he added.
Citing that Meluri villagers have been taking undue advantage of the absence of armed security forces in the area, the village council chairman appealed to the government for establishment of a MR post in the area.
He also appealed the government for a proper hospital at the area, improvement of roads and transportation.
He added that there is no public transportation connecting Jessami directly to Imphal, which is about 200 kms only.
The MLA further attended a public at the Jessami Village ground after the survey tour.
He made his observation during the meeting that even though an SDPO office at Jessami had already been upgraded, due to inadequate personnel, the SDPO himself has been operating his office from Ukhrul headquarter. The problem of inadequate security in the area can be easily solved by increasing the personnel at the said post, he added.
He further observed that the state government should consider the issue at hand seriously as it could snowball into something really big if it is not checked in time.
However, he added, both the Chief Minister and Home Minister have always responded positively whenever he has urged them on the issue, though due to the present ministry expansion issue, the two state heads couldn’t personally interact with the people at the time.
The CM has himself assured to take up the issue with his Nagaland counterpart at the earliest to bring a lasting solution to the issue, he told the public meeting.
The MLA further convened a separate meeting with the IGP-LO, CO 6th MR and Ukhrul SP on the issue of security for the area.
The MLA also donated a sum of Rs 50,000 to the village council.
Yesterday’s meeting during which the issue was brought to an understanding was held at the BSF camp, Lanye.
It was attended by Deputy Commissioners of Ukhrul district in Manipur and Phek district in Nagaland, SP Ukhrul, Commandant 6th MR, Addl SP Phek, ADC (HQ), ADC Meluri, SDO (C) Phek (HQ) EAC (Pki), SDPO, SDC Jessami, Company Commander ‘A’ coy BSF Lanye, PPF and Tangkhul Naga Long.
The meeting had decided that there will be no movements of Meluri village guards with arms, no frisking or harassment of passengers bound for Meluri Jessami villagers and that the two Hoho’s i.e Pochuery Public Forum and the Tangkhul Naga Long to have a consultative meet and visit the spot on May 3.
Of boundary disputes and SRC: Not a dispute, an intrusion - The Sangai Express Editorial

A bridge connecting Jessami in Manipur to another village in Nagaland at the border - Pix :: TSE
Disputes over boundary or territories between two or more States within the Union of India is not something unique to Manipur, read Jessami, and Nagaland alone and at the last count, there were nearly a dozen or so inter-State disputes over boundaries.

The dispute between Karnataka and Maharastra over Belgaum or the Marathi speaking region which falls on the border areas of the two States is almost as old as the Union of India, when States were carved out or made under the Nehruvian concept of reorganising State boundaries along linguistic lines.

The positives and the negatives of such a approach is open to debate and can be pitched against administrative convenience but this is not central to this commentary. The States Reorganisation Commission set up in 1953 stuck to Nehru’s idea and hence recommended that the boundaries of the States be drawn along linguistic lines.

A small diversion may be in line here. The demand for Telengana State goes against the concept or approach of setting up States along linguistic lines for this demand has come more from a perceived or real sense of being deprived their right share in the affairs of Andhra Pradesh.

A point which underlines the thought process that creating States along linguistic lines does not necessarily reflect a logical handling of the matter at hand. Ethnicity or language, on the other hand is central to the Gorkhaland demand and the debate is open.

And so it stands that today, despite the State Reorganisation Commission recommending that the States be set up along linguistic lines with the State Reorganisation Act following suit in 1956, nearly a dozen cases of inter-State disputes over boundary continue to cast a long shadow over some of the 28 States of the Union of India.

Apart from the dispute over Belgaum or the Marathi speaking region falling on the border areas between Maharastra and Karnataka, there is also a dispute over Kasargod district in Kerela between Karnataka and Kerela. Dispute is also on over 63 villages in Odhisa between Odhisa and Andhra Pradesh and between Odhisa and West Bengal.

Transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab had also worked up a dispute between Harayana and Punjab some years back and as things stand today, Nagaland has staked claims over 5000 square miles which fall under Assam.

The Merapani incident in which personnel of the Nagaland Armed Police were directly involved a few decades back is one case when border disputes reached the flash point, bordering on brute violence.

While it stands true that border disputes between neighbouring States in the country are not a new development, the recent incident at Jessami on the Manipur-Nagaland border in Ukhrul district is a crude reminder of how the State Government has consistently failed to respond to the situation.

This was not the first time that armed persons from the neighbouring State had entered the territory of Manipur and pounded on the hapless villagers at Jessami and it will not be the last either. The last time such an intrusion was reported, the State Government had opened an IRB post at the border village, but for reasons which have not been spelt out at all, the IRB post has been removed, leaving the hapless villagers to fend for their own self. A case of the State Government abdicating its obligations and duties towards its citizens, nothing less.

On the other hand it stands true that it is not the police which can and should settle the issue for there is something called the civil administration, but the logic of leaving the border literally unguarded, especially when the past tells many a significant story is inexplicable.

The dispute will continue and while the truce pact inked on April 21 is welcome, it cannot be the final solution. What is stopping the State Government from taking the matter to the Supreme Court or referring to the boundaries mapped out by the State Reorganisation Commission ?

It is not only Jessami which is under dispute with Nagaland but also Tungjoy in Senapati district in the north. There may be many who may hold that ‘dispute’ is a misnomer for it is apparent that what has been happening at these two border areas is more a case of intrusion than anything else.

One cannot change one's neighbour, that is true, but this does not mean that these cases of intrusion should be looked on benignly, like an indulgent elder brother bemused by the antics of the youngsters.
India: Moving Towards the New Police State Suhas Chakma, Director, Asian Centre for Human Rights
The Government of India’s attempt to empower its security agencies with the power of arrest must not be countenanced as the same is being done by infringing the sacrosanct principles of federalism of Indian Constitution and undermining the supremacy of the judiciary. A number of bills currently being discussed in the parliament reflect the tendency to make India the new police state.
The Finance Bill of 2012-13 not only seeks to retrospectively amend the Income Tax Act with effect from April 1962 to nullify the Supreme Court judgement in the Vodafone tax evasion case but also proposes to amend Section 104 of the Customs Act, 1962 and Section 13 of the Central Excise Act of 1944 to make all offences that attract more than three years of imprisonment cognizable and non-bailable. The Supreme Court in its judgement on 30 September 2011 in the case of Om Prakash Vs Union of India ruled that all offences under the Excise Act and the Customs Act should be made non-cognizable and bailable. Obviously, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee has been ill-advised by the Central Board of Excise and Customs which lobbied for the amendments to circumvent the Supreme Court judgement on the ground that even those smuggling arms, ammunitions and fake currencies have been getting bail. This is despite that there are stringent provisions under the India Penal Code, Indian Arms Act, the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act and host of other legislations to sternly deal with smuggling of arms, ammunitions, fake currency etc.
The Rajya Sabha, upper house of Indian parliament, is also currently considering the Border Security Force (BSF) Amendment Act, 2011 under which Sections 4 and 139 of the BSF Act, 1968 are being amended to extend the area of operation of the BSF to include “such parts of the territory of India as are notified by the Central government”. The BSF, according to the Government, are deployed “(a) to counter insurgency operations and anti-naxal operations; (b) for internal security duties, (including duties during elections, communal riots, maintenance of law and order)”. Once the Amendments are passed, the BSF will have the power to arrest under Sections 41(1), 46, 47, 48, 49, 51(1), 52, 53, 74, 100, 102, 129, 149, 150, 151 and 152 of the Criminal Procedure Code. The sacrosanct principle of Indian federalism wherein law and order is a State subject will be withered.
At present, the Border Security Force personnel are empowered to arrest, search and seizure within the prescribed border belt which is 80 Kms in the State of Gujarat, 50 Kms in the State of Rajasthan and 15 Kms in the States of West Bengal, Assam and Punjab. No such limit has been prescribed with respect to Jammu and Kashmir and five North Eastern States of Meghalaya, Nagaland, Mizoram, Tripura and Manipur.
The Indo-Tibetan Border Police deployed along Indo-China border and the Sashastra Seema Bal deployed along Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bhutan borders have already been empowered with the power to “search, seizure and arrest” in border areas under the Customs Act, the Passport Act, the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act and the Criminal Procedure Code.
The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958, which is imposed in Jammu and Kashmir and North East India already empowers the army to “arrest, without warrant, any person who has committed a cognizable offence or against whom a reasonable suspicion exists that he has committed or is about to commit a cognizable offence and may use such force as may be necessary to effect the arrest”.
While the Central government has virtually empowered all its security forces to arrest, there is no protection for ensuring the rights of those detained by the army and the armed forces. The Guidelines issued by the Supreme Court in the case of D K Basu Vs State of West Bengal do not apply to the armed forces and the army. The army and armed forces are not required to maintain basic records of the persons arrested or detained. Further, there is no external oversight over these security forces.
The Supreme Court has also failed to address the need for protection of those who are arrested by the army or the para-military forces. In its judgement of 27 November, 1997 while upholding the constitutional validity of the AFSPA in the case of Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights Vs Union of India, the Supreme Court held that “A person arrested and taken into custody in exercise of the powers under Section 4(c) of the Central Act should be handed over to the officer in charge of the nearest police station with least possible delay so that he can be produced before nearest Magistrate within 24 hours of such arrest excluding the time taken for journey from the place of arrest to the court of magistrate”. However, in reality, those detained by the army and the armed forces are seldom handed over to the nearest police station with the least possible delay. The detainees are mostly handed over only after interrogation. In conflict situations, once the detainees have no further intelligence value after interrogation; they are killed in fake encounters, often for the purposes of getting promotion.
The powers to arrest without ensuring the rights of those detained and/or arrested by the security forces under the control of the Government of India constitute a clear violation of India’s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ratified by India. By equating customs and excise offences like duty evasion with terror offences with respect to grant of bail under the Finance Bill of 2012-13, India is setting a dangerous precedent on deprivation of personal liberty. If the Government of India continues to circumvent the Supreme Court judgement on personal liberty in such a manner and further empowers all its security forces to arrest, India will soon become the de facto police state ruled by the Centre. [Ends]


Frans on 04.23.12 @ 04:53 PM CST [link]


Saturday, April 21st

Ministry of Information and Publicity Press Release The act of impropriety under 29 AR in blatantly violating the ceasefire ground rules



Ministry of Information and Publicity Press Release


The act of impropriety under 29 AR in blatantly violating the ceasefire ground rules and the imbroglio that follows is a matter of regret. But the observation of any person with political insight will say that Assam Riles is turning out to be the negation of goodness of
ceasefire without which no meaningful political talks can take place. It is also pertinent to question who is the person behind this foul play. Camp Commander Major Sukanta? He is of Meitei origin and very close to Manipur Chief Minister Ibobi Singh and naturally with a very strong anti NSCN stand. He went overboard in daring to come so near the gate of Hebron Designated Camp to create acrimonious relation between NSCN and AR, and thus devilish agenda he carried. Hebron Camp as a designated camp is already known internationally during the 15 years of Indo-Naga political talks. And to say that intrusion into the prohibited area is by mistake will simply go down as an insult to the
NSCN in particular and to the Nagas in general.

Signing the historic Indo-Naga ceasefire in 1997 with worldwide witness is not done for committing blatant act of adventurism in the hands of the notorious Assam Riles troops. There is also ground to believe that the Assam Rifles has been given blank cheque by Ministry of Home Affairs to go against NSCN under any pretext created for the purpose. And the present crisis brought about by 29 AR is a living testimony to the world. The government of India's interpretation of ceasefire between two entities is therefore becoming more of a mockery than anything else. The repeated bulldozing of ceasefire ground rules by Assam Rifles is never in conformity with the political meaning of
ceasefire. How can the ceasefire ground rules be arrogated at the whims of AR? This is the crux of the issue. To stand by ceasefire ground rules is not an act of cowardice but an act of courage and political maturity.

Going belligerent in the face of its own folly the AR is now showing its combative aggression by resorting to fear psychosis warfare by way of targeting civilian population-risking, interrogating and doing all the things that is as good as anything seen during the ore-ceasefire period. Such capricious behaviour cannot be given political sanction
if ceasefire has to go on in the spirit that was signed 15 years back.

Given the atrocious violation of ceasefire ground rules by the combine forces of 20AR, 29AR and 32 AR it is now a serious matter for the Nagas to accept the situation as a wake up call and ponder over the political design that is going against the very aspiration of the Nagas that has been built up ever since the Naga political struggle started in the 1940s and strengthen during the Indo-Naga political talks that took off after signing ceasefire in 1997.

Issued by
MIP/GPRN
IM-SF stand off intensifies, 'action' shifts to camps at Nagaland and Manipur including Hebron Area domination, says Army, IM accuses AR of violating truce
Source: The Sangai Express
Imphal: It is not exactly on the scale and intensity of the stand off between the 17 Assam Rifles and the NSCN (IM) over a camp of the latter at Shirui village in Ukhrul district from January 19 to January 24 in 2009, but reports have streamed in that troops of Assam Rifles have surrounded the camps of the NSCN (IM) at Oklong in Senapati district, Bunning in Tamenglong district and Phungchong in Chandel district.

Assam Rifles troops have also reportedly laid siege at Camp Hebron.
The new development comes close on the heels of the crackdown launched by the security forces against the NSCN (IM) at Nagaland during the last few days in which 13 cadres were rounded up and their arms seized and culminating with the retaliation from the rebel group, which hauled up a JCO of the security force along with his arms and two other colleagues.

Speaking to The Sangai Express, spokesman of 57 Mountain Division Colonel Ajay Choudhury said that there is no question of surrounding or cordoning off the camps of the rebel group: "These are routine stuff," he said and added that this is a practise that has been going on all the while.



Back then in 2009, AR troops fence the camp of the NSCN (IM) at Shirui village : File pic



The troops are not stationed around the camps, said the spokesman and added that the troops have returned to base. Such routine patrolling will continue.

There is no specific target as such, he said but added that routine patrolling, area domination and area sanitisation around the camps have been carried out near all the camps of the NSCN (IM), including Camp Hebron.

Independent sources informed The Sangai Express today afternoon that security forces have surrounded the NSCN (IM) camp at Oklong in Senapati district since last night and added that they were still there till late into the evening.

Apprehensive of any open outbreak of violence, villagers of Bunning in Tamenglong have reportedly left their homes and are taking shelter at Tamei, said sources.

Newmai News Network adds : The stand off was triggered by the Thursday incident when the NSCN-IM detained five Assam Rifles jawans after snatching their weapons.

The Assam Rifles personnel travelling in a truck allegedly 'trespassed' into the 20 metre range of Hebron Camp violating the cease fire ground rules which prompted the Naga militants to act, a source said.

Since early morning today, about 200 jawans of Assam Rifles scattered themselves on all the approach roads to Hebron Camp, off Dimapur and conducted intense frisking exercise.

The frisking operation is reportedly still underway till the time of filing of this story this evening.

Four senior NSCN-IM leaders including kilonsers (NSCN-IM ministers) were detained for the whole day and released in the evening by the Assam Rifles.

The four NSCN-IM leaders were heading towards Hebron Camp for a meeting, according to a source.

Personnel of 29 Assam Rifles and 32 Assam Rifles with their respective commanding officers are leading the operation.

In Manipur, security forces in large number have been rushed to the vicinity of NSCN-IM camps as a pre-emptive move.

Sources said that personnel of 10th Dogra Regiment are carrying out intense patrolling near the NP Battalion of the NSCN-IM camp at Piulong (Buning) near Tamei in Tamenglong district while personnel of the 5th and 43rd Assam Rifles are doing the same at Hothrong Brigade of the Naga outfit near Oklong in Senapati district and in Chandel district, central forces are enhancing the security measure at the AC Battalion of the NSCN-IM.

A separate source said that Kishumung Battalion of the NSCN-IM in Ukhrul district is also facing similar 'provocation' from the Assam Rifles today.

Another source said that chairman of the Cease Fire Monitoring Group (CFMG), Government of India, Maj Gen (Retired) N George is camping in Dimapur to defuse the highly charged situation.

Meetings are also underway at Rangapahar Army base.

Meanwhile, weapons of the Assam Rifles personnel confiscated by the NSCN-IM are yet to be returned, according to another source.

The NSCN-IM leaders stationed at Hebron Camp are reportedly waiting for the decision of Muivah and Swu who are camping in New Delhi presently.

The Naga outfit said that much water has flown down the Dhansiri river (a river in Dimapur) when the Indo-Naga ceasefire was signed in 1997 and in numerous occasions the Assam Rifles have taken extreme pleasure in rubbing the shoulder of NSCN-IM on the wrong side.

"But NSCN acted in the manner to show its commitment to go for a negotiated political settlement rather than military solution that has been proved meaningless and futile for the past many years.
Cease ground rule violations comes in heaps in the hands of the Assam Rifles.

But NSCN stood its ground not to hit back despite provocation that really put to test its nerve of endurance.This time when the 12th Assam Rifles came so near the designated Hebron Camp it was never done by mistake but deliberately to test the reaction capacity of NSCN.This is politically not correct for the AR troops as it goes against the very spirit of Ceasefire that is running more than 15 years," the ministry of information and publicity of the Naga outfit said today.

The NSCN-IM said the fact that Cease Fire Monitoring Group (CFMG) Chairman Maj.Gen (Retd.) N.George admiited the mistake of AR troops sound ok. But when the troops started to inch closer to the Hebron Camp in a more aggressive manner it carries another meaning that reflects breach of trust, it added.

The outfit added that during the past period of ceasefire Assam Rifles have taken possession of huge number of NSCN-IM weapons that had nothing to do with ceasefire violation and this issue continues to be placed during the ceasefire ground rule meetings.
But NSCN-IM's demand for return of the weapons was never accepted in good spirit though assurrance was given that the matter will be look into.
Unacceptable reason was however given on the where about of the NSCN weapons, it alleged.

."For peace to prevail the aggressor must take the initiative to build up confidence and faith in the eyes of the NSCN and public.So far AR is yet to do any such thing in the area leading to Hebron Camp.

NSCN in the face of direct attack on ceasefire ground rules shall still stand committed for peaceful approach in keeping with the hard earned ceasefire," the Naga outfit affirmed.

Assam Rifles steps up vigil against Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland-IM Times of India
DIMAPUR: The situation across Nagaland has turned tense following Thursday's incident of the capture of five Assam Rifles' jawans by NSCN (IM) cadres and their subsequent release.
The incident also saw repercussions in Manipur, where the Assam Rifles have stepped up its vigil against NSCN (IM) cadres.
Sources said Assam Rifles has restricted the movement of the NSCN (IM) cadres in Nagaland and Manipur by blocking all exit points.
In Dimapur, at least 10 to 15 trucks carrying Assam Rifles jawans with sophisticated weapons was seen proceeding towards the Hebron camp of the NSCN (IM) early in the morning.
Eyewitnesses said the AR troops put up barricades at several places on the way to Hebron camp to obstruct the movement of NSCN (IM) cadres.
On Thursday, the NSCN (IM) had detained five AR jawans as they had strayed too close to the outfit's Hebron camp.
The jawans were released after the intervention of the chairman of the Ceasefire Monitoring Group, Major General (retired) N George. However, the weapons of the AR jawans have not been returned yet.
NSCN (IM) sources also confirmed that security forces had put up barricades outside their designated camps throughout the state and even in Manipur.
Meanwhile, there were reports of a stand off between the Naga Army of NSCN (IM) and the Assam Rifles soldiers near Mukhalimi village in Zunheboto district on Friday morning after the AR troops blocked all the entry and exit points.
The district administration diffused the situation. The Assam Rifles troops had positioned themselves about one km away from the designated NSCN(IM) camp to avoid violation of the ground rules of the ceasefire agreement it has with the Centre.
Meanwhile, three NSCN (IM) functionaries were arrested by Assam Rifles in Dimapur town on Friday.
PM rules out NSCN core demands Rio plea for right choice OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, April 17: The 15-year talks between the Centre and the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) appears to be heading for a deadlock with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh conveying his government’s inability to accept the outfit’s core demands.
The Centre has ruled out sovereignty and integration of contiguous Naga areas to hammer out a solution to the more than 60-year-old Indo-Naga political problem. It has reportedly offered greater autonomy to Nagas living in states outside Nagaland, an arrangement that has been opposed by non-Naga organisations in Manipur.
Singh also ruled out the NSCN’s demand for far more powers in the federal relationship between ‘Nagalim’ and New Delhi than is enjoyed by Indian states, even as NSCN chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah camped in New Delhi for the next round of talks with central leaders.
Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio, who is believed to support Naga nationalism, today said going by Singh’s recent statements, New Delhi was not in a position to accept the demands of the NSCN.
Describing Singh as a thorough gentleman, Rio, who met the Prime Minister recently, indicated that the Centre was not in a position to accept the core demands of the NSCN.
“Whatever is possible will be possible even after 100 years but whatever is not possible will not be possible even after 100 years,” he quoted Singh as saying.
Inaugurating the Naga Solidarity Park near the secretariat here today, Rio said Singh had asked him to tell the Naga organisations to be “reasonable”. He said Singh did not mean that Nagas were not reasonable in their approach to hammer out a solution to the Naga political problem but had simply conveyed a message to the Nagas for being reasonable.
Asking the Nagas to “think out of the box”, Rio warned that breakdown of ceasefire between the Centre and the NSCN could cost them dearly as in the past when thousands of Nagas were killed, raped and inhumanly tortured during imposition of the Disturbed Areas Act and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in Nagaland. He said the Nagas wanted peace and development and did not want to go back to those years.
Treading cautiously, Rio said at this juncture the Nagas were being offered a good opportunity to come together and resolve the Naga political problem. Rio said with the ongoing ceasefire and talks, Nagas should grab the opportunity and claim what was due to them. “Let us put our heads together and solve the problem,” he urged the Nagas at the mammoth gathering that was led by Naga Hoho, the apex body of the Nagas.
Rio said New Delhi and the world community had recognised the uniqueness of Naga history but regretted that the Nagas had not yet taken the right decision despite the opportunity offered to them.
“Take the right decision at the right time so that we do not miss the opportunity,” he said.
He urged the Nagas to rethink and collectively decide what would be best for them.
He said bestowing of award on Baptist clergyman Rev. Wati Aier by the World Baptist Alliance was recognition of the Nagas and their political struggle.
Former president of Naga Students’ Federation, Vikheho Swu, said the efforts of Naga organisations would not go in vain.
It would strengthen the bond and unity among the Nagas.
Atoho Kiho, convener of Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, said they would continue their efforts so that Nagas find their rightful place in the world community.
Rio also unveiled a monolith at the solidarity park. He was accompanied by cabinet ministers, parliamentary secretaries, legislators and a host of leaders from Naga organisations.
Capitalism: A Ghost Story Arundhati Roy Outlook India

Is it a house or a home? A temple to the new India, or a warehouse for its ghosts? Ever since Antilla arrived on Altamont Road in Mumbai, exuding mystery and quiet menace, things have not been the same. “Here we are,” the friend who took me there said, “Pay your respects to our new Ruler.”
Antilla belongs to India’s richest man, Mukesh Ambani. I had read about this most expensive dwelling ever built, the twenty-seven floors, three helipads, nine lifts, hanging gardens, ballrooms, weather rooms, gymnasiums, six floors of parking, and the six hundred servants. Nothing had prepared me for the vertical lawn—a soaring, 27-storey-high wall of grass attached to a vast metal grid. The grass was dry in patches; bits had fallen off in neat rectangles. Clearly, Trickledown hadn’t worked.
But Gush-Up certainly has. That’s why in a nation of 1.2 billion, India’s 100 richest people own assets equivalent to one-fourth of the GDP.
The word on the street (and in the New York Times) is, or at least was, that after all that effort and gardening, the Ambanis don’t live in Antilla. No one knows for sure. People still whisper about ghosts and bad luck, Vaastu and Feng Shui. Maybe it’s all Karl Marx’s fault. (All that cussing.) Capitalism, he said, “has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, that it is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells”.
In India, the 300 million of us who belong to the new, post-IMF “reforms” middle class—the market—live side by side with spirits of the nether world, the poltergeists of dead rivers, dry wells, bald mountains and denuded forests; the ghosts of 2,50,000 debt-ridden farmers who have killed themselves, and of the 800 million who have been impoverished and dispossessed to make way for us. And who survive on less than twenty rupees a day.
Mukesh Ambani is personally worth $20 billion. He holds a majority controlling share in Reliance Industries Limited (RIL), a company with a market capitalisation of $47 billion and global business interests that include petrochemicals, oil, natural gas, polyester fibre, Special Economic Zones, fresh food retail, high schools, life sciences research and stem cell storage services. RIL recently bought 95 per cent shares in Infotel, a TV consortium that controls 27 TV news and entertainment channels, including CNN-IBN, IBN Live, CNBC, IBN Lokmat, and ETV in almost every regional language. Infotel owns the only nationwide licence for 4G Broadband, a high-speed “information pipeline” which, if the technology works, could be the future of information exchange. Mr Ambani also owns a cricket team.
RIL is one of a handful of corporations that run India. Some of the others are the Tatas, Jindals, Vedanta, Mittals, Infosys, Essar and the other Reliance (ADAG), owned by Mukesh’s brother Anil. Their race for growth has spilled across Europe, Central Asia, Africa and Latin America. Their nets are cast wide; they are visible and invisible, over-ground as well as underground. The Tatas, for example, run more than 100 companies in 80 countries. They are one of India’s oldest and largest private sector power companies. They own mines, gas fields, steel plants, telephone, cable TV and broadband networks, and run whole townships. They manufacture cars and trucks, own the Taj Hotel chain, Jaguar, Land Rover, Daewoo, Tetley Tea, a publishing company, a chain of bookstores, a major brand of iodised salt and the cosmetics giant Lakme. Their advertising tagline could easily be: You Can’t Live Without Us.
According to the rules of the Gush-Up Gospel, the more you have, the more you can have. The era of the Privatisation of Everything has made the Indian economy one of the fastest growing in the world. However, like any good old-fashioned colony, one of its main exports is its minerals. India’s new mega-corporations—Tatas, Jindals, Essar, Reliance, Sterlite—are those who have managed to muscle their way to the head of the spigot that is spewing money extracted from deep inside the earth. It’s a dream come true for businessmen—to be able to sell what they don’t have to buy.

A whole spectrum of corruption A. Raja being led to jail in connection with the 2G scandal. (Photograph by Sanjay Rawat)
The other major source of corporate wealth comes from their land-banks. All over the world, weak, corrupt local governments have helped Wall Street brokers, agro-business corporations and Chinese billionaires to amass huge tracts of land. (Of course, this entails commandeering water too.) In India, the land of millions of people is being acquired and made over to private corporations for “public interest”—for Special Economic Zones, infrastructure projects, dams, highways, car manufacture, chemical hubs and Formula One racing. (The sanctity of private property never applies to the poor.) As always, local people are promised that their displacement from their land and the expropriation of everything they ever had is actually part of employment generation. But by now we know that the connection between GDP growth and jobs is a myth. After 20 years of “growth”, 60 per cent of India’s workforce is self-employed, 90 per cent of India’s labour force works in the unorganised sector.
Post-Independence, right up to the ’80s, people’s movements, ranging from the Naxalites to Jayaprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti, were fighting for land reforms, for the redistribution of land from feudal landlords to landless peasants. Today any talk of redistribution of land or wealth would be considered not just undemocratic, but lunatic. Even the most militant movements have been reduced to a fight to hold on to what little land people still have. The millions of landless people, the majority of them Dalits and adivasis, driven from their villages, living in slums and shanty colonies in small towns and mega cities, do not figure even in the radical discourse.
As Gush-Up concentrates wealth on to the tip of a shining pin on which our billionaires pirouette, tidal waves of money crash through the institutions of democracy—the courts, Parliament as well as the media, seriously compromising their ability to function in the ways they are meant to. The noisier the carnival around elections, the less sure we are that democracy really exists. India’s new megacorps—Tatas, Jindals, Essar, Reliance—are those who’ve moved to the head of the spigot that’s spewing money extracted from inside the earth.
Each new corruption scandal that surfaces in India makes the last one look tame. In the summer of 2011, the 2G spectrum scandal broke. We learnt that corporations had siphoned away $40 billion of public money by installing a friendly soul as the Union minister of telecommunication who grossly underpriced the licences for 2G telecom spectrum and illegally parcelled it out to his buddies. The taped telephone conversations leaked to the press showed how a network of industrialists and their front companies, ministers, senior journalists and a TV anchor were involved in facilitating this daylight robbery. The tapes were just an MRI that confirmed a diagnosis that people had made long ago.
The privatisation and illegal sale of telecom spectrum does not involve war, displacement and ecological devastation. The privatisation of India’s mountains, rivers and forests does. Perhaps because it does not have the uncomplicated clarity of a straightforward, out-and-out accounting scandal, or perhaps because it is all being done in the name of India’s “progress”, it does not have the same resonance with the middle classes.
In 2005, the state governments of Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand signed hundreds of Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) with a number of private corporations turning over trillions of dollars of bauxite, iron ore and other minerals for a pittance, defying even the warped logic of the free market. (Royalties to the government ranged between 0.5 per cent and 7 per cent.)
Only days after the Chhattisgarh government signed an MoU for the construction of an integrated steel plant in Bastar with Tata Steel, the Salwa Judum, a vigilante militia, was inaugurated. The government said it was a spontaneous uprising of local people who were fed up of the “repression” by Maoist guerrillas in the forest. It turned out to be a ground-clearing operation, funded and armed by the government and subsidised by mining corporations. In the other states, similar militias were created, with other names. The prime minister announced the Maoists were the “single-largest security challenge in India”. It was a declaration of war.
On January 2, 2006, in Kalinganagar, in the neighbouring state of Orissa, perhaps to signal the seriousness of the government’s intention, ten platoons of police arrived at the site of another Tata Steel plant and opened fire on villagers who had gathered there to protest what they felt was inadequate compensation for their land. Thirteen people, including one policeman, were killed, and 37 injured. Six years have gone by and though the villages remain under siege by armed policemen, the protest has not died.
Meanwhile in Chhattisgarh, the Salwa Judum burned, raped and murdered its way through hundreds of forest villages, evacuating 600 villages, forcing 50,000 people to come out into police camps and 3,50,000 people to flee. The chief minister announced that those who did not come out of the forests would be considered to be ‘Maoist terrorists’. In this way, in parts of modern India, ploughing fields and sowing seed came to be defined as terrorist activity. Eventually, the Salwa Judum’s atrocities only succeeded in strengthening the resistance and swelling the ranks of the Maoist guerrilla army. In 2009, the government announced what it called Operation Green Hunt. Two lakh paramilitary troops were deployed across Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand and West Bengal.
After three years of “low-intensity conflict” that has not managed to “flush” the rebels out of the forest, the central government has declared that it will deploy the Indian army and air force. In India, we don’t call this war. We call it “creating a good investment climate”. Thousands of soldiers have already moved in. A brigade headquarters and air bases are being readied. One of the biggest armies in the world is now preparing its Terms of Engagement to “defend” itself against the poorest, hungriest, most malnourished people in the world. We only await the declaration of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which will give the army legal immunity and the right to kill “on suspicion”. Going by the tens of thousands of unmarked graves and anonymous cremation pyres in Kashmir, Manipur and Nagaland, it has shown itself to be a very suspicious army indeed.
While the preparations for deployment are being made, the jungles of Central India continue to remain under siege, with villagers frightened to come out, or go to the market for food or medicine. Hundreds of people have been jailed, charged for being Maoists under draconian, undemocratic laws. Prisons are crowded with adivasi people, many of whom have no idea what their crime is. Recently, Soni Sori, an adivasi school-teacher from Bastar, was arrested and tortured in police custody. Stones were pushed up her vagina to get her to “confess” that she was a Maoist courier. The stones were removed from her body at a hospital in Calcutta, where, after a public outcry, she was sent for a medical check-up. At a recent Supreme Court hearing, activists presented the judges with the stones in a plastic bag. The only outcome of their efforts has been that Soni Sori remains in jail while Ankit Garg, the Superintendent of Police who conducted the interrogation, was conferred with the President’s Police Medal for Gallantry on Republic Day.
We hear about the ecological and social re-engineering of Central India only because of the mass insurrection and the war. The government gives out no information. The Memorandums of Understanding are all secret. Some sections of the media have done what they could to bring public attention to what is happening in Central India. However, most of the Indian mass media is made vulnerable by the fact that the major share of its revenues come from corporate advertisements. If that is not bad enough, now the line between the media and big business has begun to blur dangerously. As we have seen, RIL virtually owns 27 TV channels. But the reverse is also true. Some media houses now have direct business and corporate interests. For example, one of the major daily newspapers in the region—Dainik Bhaskar (and it is only one example)—has 17.5 million readers in four languages, including English and Hindi, across 13 states. It also owns 69 companies with interests in mining, power generation, real estate and textiles. A recent writ petition filed in the Chhattisgarh High Court accuses DB Power Ltd (one of the group’s companies) of using “deliberate, illegal and manipulative measures” through company-owned newspapers to influence the outcome of a public hearing over an open cast coal mine. Whether or not it has attempted to influence the outcome is not germane. The point is that media houses are in a position to do so. They have the power to do so. The laws of the land allow them to be in a position that lends itself to a serious conflict of interest. There are other parts of the country from which no news comes. In the sparsely populated but militarised northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh, 168 big dams are being constructed, most of them privately owned. High dams that will submerge whole districts are being constructed in Manipur and Kashmir, both highly militarised states where people can be killed merely for protesting power cuts. (That happened a few weeks ago in Kashmir.) How can they stop a dam?
The most delusional dam of all is Kalpasar in Gujarat. It is being planned as a 34-km-long dam across the Gulf of Khambhat with a 10-lane highway and a railway line running on top of it. By keeping the sea water out, the idea is to create a sweet water reservoir of Gujarat’s rivers. (Never mind that these rivers have already been dammed to a trickle and poisoned with chemical effluent.) The Kalpasar dam, which would raise the sea level and alter the ecology of hundreds of kilometres of coastline, had been dismissed as a bad idea 10 years ago. It has made a sudden comeback in order to supply water to the Dholera Special Investment Region (SIR) in one of the most water-stressed zones not just in India, but in the world. SIR is another name for an SEZ, a self-governed corporate dystopia of “industrial parks, townships and mega-cities”. The Dholera SIR is going to be connected to Gujarat’s other cities by a network of 10-lane highways. Where will the money for all this come from?

After three years of trying to flush out the rebels, the Centre’s said it’ll deploy the armed forces. In India, this is not war, it’s ‘Creating a Good Investment Climate’.


In January 2011, in the Mahatma (Gandhi) Mandir, Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi presided over a meeting of 10,000 international businessmen from 100 countries. According to media reports, they pledged to invest $450 billion in Gujarat. The meeting was scheduled to take place at the onset of the 10th anniversary year of the massacre of 2,000 Muslims in February-March 2002. Modi stands accused of not just condoning, but actively abetting, the killing. People who watched their loved ones being raped, eviscerated and burned alive, the tens of thousands who were driven from their homes, still wait for a gesture towards justice. But Modi has traded in his saffron scarf and vermilion forehead for a sharp business suit, and hopes that a 450-billion-dollar investment will work as blood money, and square the books. Perhaps it will. Big Business is backing him enthusiastically. The algebra of infinite justice works in mysterious ways.
The Dholera SIR is only one of the smaller Matryoshka dolls, one of the inner ones in the dystopia that is being planned. It will be connected to the Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC), a 1,500-km-long and 300-km-wide industrial corridor, with nine mega-industrial zones, a high-speed freight line, three seaports and six airports, a six-lane intersection-free expressway and a 4,000 MW power plant. The DMIC is a collaborative venture between the governments of India and Japan, and their respective corporate partners, and has been proposed by the McKinsey Global Institute.
The DMIC website says that approximately 180 million people will be “affected” by the project. Exactly how, it doesn’t say. It envisages the building of several new cities and estimates that the population in the region will grow from the current 231 million to 314 million by 2019. That’s in seven years’ time. When was the last time a state, despot or dictator carried out a population transfer of millions of people? Can it possibly be a peaceful process?
The Indian army might need to go on a recruitment drive so that it’s not taken unawares when it’s ordered to deploy all over India. In preparation for its role in Central India, it publicly released its updated doctrine on Military Psychological Operations, which outlines “a planned process of conveying a message to a select target audience, to promote particular themes that result in desired attitudes and behaviour, which affect the achievement of political and military objectives of the country”. This process of “perception management”, it said, would be conducted by “using media available to the services”.
The army is experienced enough to know that coercive force alone cannot carry out or manage social engineering on the scale that is envisaged by India’s planners. War against the poor is one thing. But for the rest of us—the middle class, white-collar workers, intellectuals, “opinion-makers”—it has to be “perception management”. And for this we must turn our attention to the exquisite art of Corporate Philanthropy.
Of late, the main mining conglomerates have embraced the Arts—film, art installations and the rush of literary festivals that have replaced the ’90s obsession with beauty contests. Vedanta, currently mining the heart out of the homelands of the ancient Dongria Kondh tribe for bauxite, is sponsoring a ‘Creating Happiness’ film competition for young film students whom they have commissioned to make films on sustainable development. Vedanta’s tagline is ‘Mining Happiness’. The Jindal Group brings out a contemporary art magazine and supports some of India’s major artists (who naturally work with stainless steel). Essar was the principal sponsor of the Tehelka Newsweek Think Fest that promised “high-octane debates” by the foremost thinkers from around the world, which included major writers, activists and even the architect Frank Gehry. (All this in Goa, where activists and journalists were uncovering massive illegal mining scandals, and Essar’s part in the war unfolding in Bastar was emerging.) Tata Steel and Rio Tinto (which has a sordid track record of its own) were among the chief sponsors of the Jaipur Literary Festival (Latin name: Darshan Singh Construction Jaipur Literary Festival) that is advertised by the cognoscenti as ‘The Greatest Literary Show on Earth’. Counselage, the Tatas’ “strategic brand manager”, sponsored the festival’s press tent. Many of the world’s best and brightest writers gathered in Jaipur to discuss love, literature, politics and Sufi poetry. Some tried to defend Salman Rushdie’s right to free speech by reading from his proscribed book, The Satanic Verses. In every TV frame and newspaper photograph, the logo of Tata Steel (and its tagline—Values Stronger than Steel) loomed behind them, a benign, benevolent host. The enemies of Free Speech were the supposedly murderous Muslim mobs, who, the festival organisers told us, could have even harmed the school-children gathered there. (We are witness to how helpless the Indian government and the police can be when it comes to Muslims.) Yes, the hardline Darul-Uloom Deobandi Islamic seminary did protest Rushdie being invited to the festival. Yes, some Islamists did gather at the festival venue to protest and yes, outrageously, the state government did nothing to protect the venue. That’s because the whole episode had as much to do with democracy, votebanks and the Uttar Pradesh elections as it did with Islamist fundamentalism. But the battle for Free Speech against Islamist Fundamentalism made it to the world’s newspapers. It is important that it did. But there were hardly any reports about the festival sponsors’ role in the war in the forests, the bodies piling up, the prisons filling up. Or about the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act and the Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act, which make even thinking an anti-government thought a cognisable offence. Or about the mandatory public hearing for the Tata Steel plant in Lohandiguda which local people complained actually took place hundreds of miles away in Jagdalpur, in the collector’s office compound, with a hired audience of fifty people, under armed guard. Where was Free Speech then? No one mentioned Kalinganagar. No one mentioned that journalists, academics and filmmakers working on subjects unpopular with the Indian government—like the surreptitious part it played in the genocide of Tamils in the war in Sri Lanka or the recently discovered unmarked graves in Kashmir—were being denied visas or deported straight from the airport. But which of us sinners was going to cast the first stone? Not me, who lives off royalties from corporate publishing houses. We all watch Tata Sky, we surf the net with Tata Photon, we ride in Tata taxis, we stay in Tata Hotels, we sip our Tata tea in Tata bone china and stir it with teaspoons made of Tata Steel. We buy Tata books in Tata bookshops. Hum Tata ka namak khate hain. We’re under siege.
If the sledgehammer of moral purity is to be the criterion for stone-throwing, then the only people who qualify are those who have been silenced already. Those who live outside the system; the outlaws in the forests or those whose protests are never covered by the press, or the well-behaved dispossessed, who go from tribunal to tribunal, bearing witness, giving testimony.
But the Litfest gave us our Aha! Moment. Oprah came. She said she loved India, that she would come again and again. It made us proud. This is only the burlesque end of the Exquisite Art. Though the Tatas have been involved with corporate philanthropy for almost a hundred years now, endowing scholarships and running some excellent educational institutes and hospitals, Indian corporations have only recently been invited into the Star Chamber, the Camera stellata, the brightly lit world of global corporate government, deadly for its adversaries, but otherwise so artful that you barely know it’s there. What follows in this essay might appear to some to be a somewhat harsh critique. On the other hand, in the tradition of honouring one’s adversaries, it could be read as an acknowledgement of the vision, flexibility, the sophistication and unwavering determination of those who have dedicated their lives to keep the world safe for capitalism.
Their enthralling history, which has faded from contemporary memory, began in the US in the early 20th century when, kitted out legally in the form of endowed foundations, corporate philanthropy began to replace missionary activity as Capitalism’s (and Imperialism’s) road opening and systems maintenance patrol. Among the first foundations to be set up in the United States were the Carnegie Corporation, endowed in 1911 by profits from the Carnegie Steel Company; and the Rockefeller Foundation, endowed in 1914 by J.D. Rockefeller, founder of Standard Oil Company. The Tatas and Ambanis of their time.
Some of the institutions financed, given seed money or supported by the Rockefeller Foundation are the UN, the CIA, the Council on Foreign Relations, New York’s most fabulous Museum of Modern Art, and, of course, the Rockefeller Center in New York (where Diego Riviera’s mural had to be blasted off the wall because it mischievously depicted reprobate capitalists and a valiant Lenin. Free Speech had taken the day off.)
J.D. Rockefeller was America’s first billionaire and the world’s richest man. He was an abolitionist, a supporter of Abraham Lincoln and a teetotaller. He believed his money was given to him by God, which must have been nice for him.
Here’s an excerpt from one of Pablo Neruda’s early poems called Standard Oil Company:
Their obese emperors from New York are suave smiling assassins
who buy silk, nylon, cigars petty tyrants and dictators.
They buy countries, people, seas, police, county councils, distant regions where the poor hoard their corn like misers their gold:
Standard Oil awakens them, clothes them in uniforms, designates
which brother is the enemy. the Paraguayan fights its war,
and the Bolivian wastes away in the jungle with its machine gun.
A President assassinated for a drop of petroleum, a million-acre mortgage,
a swift execution on a morning mortal with light, petrified,
a new prison camp for subversives, in Patagonia, a betrayal, scattered shots
beneath a petroliferous moon, a subtle change of ministers
in the capital, a whisper like an oil tide, and zap, you’ll see
how Standard Oil’s letters shine above the clouds,
above the seas, in your home, illuminating their dominions.
When corporate-endowed foundations first made their appearance in the US, there was a fierce debate about their provenance, legality and lack of accountability. People suggested that if companies had so much surplus money, they should raise the wages of their workers. (People made these outrageous suggestions in those days, even in America.) The idea of these foundations, so ordinary now, was in fact a leap of the business imagination. Non-tax-paying legal entities with massive resources and an almost unlimited brief—wholly unaccountable, wholly non-transparent—what better way to parlay economic wealth into political, social and cultural capital, to turn money into power? What better way for usurers to use a minuscule percentage of their profits to run the world? How else would Bill Gates, who admittedly knows a thing or two about computers, find himself designing education, health and agriculture policies, not just for the US government, but for governments all over the world?
Over the years, as people witnessed some of the genuinely good the foundations did (running public libraries, eradicating diseases)—the direct connection between corporations and the foundations they endowed began to blur. Eventually, it faded altogether. Now even those who consider themselves left-wing are not shy to accept their largesse. By the 1920s, US capitalism had begun to look outwards, for raw materials and overseas markets. Foundations began to formulate the idea of global corporate governance. In 1924, the Rockefeller and Carnegie foundations jointly created what is today the most powerful foreign policy pressure group in the world—the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), which later came to be funded by the Ford Foundation as well. By 1947, the newly created CIA was supported by and working closely with the CFR. Over the years, the CFR’s membership has included 22 US secretaries of state. There were five CFR members in the 1943 steering committee that planned the UN, and an $8.5 million grant from J.D. Rockefeller bought the land on which the UN’s New York headquarters stands.
All eleven of the World Bank’s presidents since 1946—men who have presented themselves as missionaries of the poor—have been members of the CFR. (The exception was George Woods. And he was a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation and vice-president of Chase-Manhattan Bank.)
At Bretton Woods, the World Bank and IMF decided that the US dollar should be the reserve currency of the world, and that in order to enhance the penetration of global capital, it would be necessary to universalise and standardise business practices in an open marketplace. It is towards that end that they spend a large amount of money promoting Good Governance (as long as they control the strings), the concept of the Rule of Law (provided they have a say in making the laws) and hundreds of anti-corruption programmes (to streamline the system they have put in place.) Two of the most opaque, unaccountable organisations in the world go about demanding transparency and accountability from the governments of poorer countries.
Given that the World Bank has more or less directed the economic policies of the Third World, coercing and cracking open the markets of country after country for global finance, you could say that corporate philanthropy has turned out to be the most visionary business of all time. Corporate-endowed foundations administer, trade and channelise their power and place their chessmen on the chessboard, through a system of elite clubs and think-tanks, whose members overlap and move in and out through the revolving doors. Contrary to the various conspiracy theories in circulation, particularly among left-wing groups, there is nothing secret, satanic, or Freemason-like about this arrangement. It is not very different from the way corporations use shell companies and offshore accounts to transfer and administer their money—except that the currency is power, not money. The transnational equivalent of the CFR is the Trilateral Commission, set up in 1973 by David Rockefeller, the former US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski (founder-member of the Afghan Mujahideen, forefathers of the Taliban), the Chase-Manhattan Bank and some other private eminences. Its purpose was to create an enduring bond of friendship and cooperation between the elites of North America, Europe and Japan. It has now become a penta-lateral commission, because it includes members from China and India. (Tarun Das of the CII; N.R. Narayanamurthy, ex-CEO, Infosys; Jamsheyd N. Godrej, managing director, Godrej; Jamshed J. Irani, director, Tata Sons; and Gautam Thapar, CEO, Avantha Group).
The Aspen Institute is an international club of local elites, businessmen, bureaucrats, politicians, with franchises in several countries. Tarun Das is the president of the Aspen Institute, India. Gautam Thapar is chairman. Several senior officers of the McKinsey Global Institute (proposer of the Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor) are members of the CFR, the Trilateral Commission and the Aspen Institute.
The Ford Foundation (liberal foil to the more conservative Rockefeller Foundation, though the two work together constantly) was set up in 1936. Though it is often underplayed, the Ford Foundation has a very clear, well-defined ideology and works extremely closely with the US state department. Its project of deepening democracy and “good governance” are very much part of the Bretton Woods scheme of standardising business practice and promoting efficiency in the free market. After the Second World War, when Communists replaced Fascists as the US government’s enemy number one, new kinds of institutions were needed to deal with the Cold War. Ford funded RAND (Research and Development Corporation), a military think-tank that began with weapons research for the US defense services. In 1952, to thwart “the persistent Communist effort to penetrate and disrupt free nations”, it established the Fund for the Republic, which then morphed into the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions whose brief was to wage the cold war intelligently without McCarthyite excesses. It is through this lens that we need to view the work Ford Foundation is doing, with the millions of dollars it has invested in India—its funding of artists, filmmakers and activists, its generous endowment of university courses and scholarships.
The Ford Foundation’s declared “goals for the future of mankind” include interventions in grassroots political movements locally and internationally. In the US, it provided millions in grants and loans to support the Credit Union Movement that was pioneered by the department store owner, Edward Filene, in 1919. Filene believed in creating a mass consumption society of consumer goods by giving workers affordable access to credit—a radical idea at the time. Actually, only half of a radical idea, because the other half of what Filene believed in was the more equitable distribution of national income. Capitalists seized on the first half of Filene’s suggestion, and by disbursing “affordable” loans of tens of millions of dollars to working people, turned the US working class into people who are permanently in debt, running to catch up with their lifestyles.

Embracing death Microcredit has been the bane of many a farmer. Many have been forced to commit suicide.
Many years later, this idea has trickled down to the impoverished countryside of Bangladesh when Mohammed Yunus and the Grameen Bank brought microcredit to starving peasants with disastrous consequences. Microfinance companies in India are responsible for hundreds of suicides—200 people in Andhra Pradesh in 2010 alone. A national daily recently published a suicide note by an 18-year-old girl who was forced to hand over her last Rs 150, her school fees, to bullying employees of the microfinance company. The note said, “Work hard and earn money. Do not take loans.”
There’s a lot of money in poverty, and a few Nobel Prizes too.

But which of us sinners was going to cast the first stone? We watch Tata Sky, surf the net with Tata Photon, sip Tata Tea. Hum Tata ka namak khate hain!


By the 1950s, the Rockefeller and Ford foundations, funding several NGOs and international educational institutions, began to work as quasi-extensions of the US government that was at the time toppling democratically elected governments in Latin America, Iran and Indonesia. (That was also around the time they made their entry into India, then non-aligned, but clearly tilting towards the Soviet Union.) The Ford Foundation established a US-style economics course at the Indonesian University. Elite Indonesian students, trained in counter-insurgency by US army officers, played a crucial part in the 1965 CIA-backed coup in Indonesia that brought General Suharto to power. Gen Suharto repaid his mentors by slaughtering hundreds of thousands of Communist rebels.
Eight years later, young Chilean students, who came to be known as the Chicago Boys, were taken to the US to be trained in neo-liberal economics by Milton Friedman at the University of Chicago (endowed by J.D. Rockefeller), in preparation for the 1973 CIA-backed coup that killed Salvador Allende, and brought in General Pinochet and a reign of death squads, disappearances and terror that lasted for seventeen years. (Allende’s crime was being a democratically elected socialist and nationalising Chile’s mines.)
In 1957, the Rockefeller Foundation established the Ramon Magsaysay Prize for community leaders in Asia. It was named after Ramon Magsaysay, president of the Philippines, a crucial ally in the US campaign against Communism in Southeast Asia. In 2000, the Ford Foundation established the Ramon Magsaysay Emergent Leadership Award. The Magsaysay Award is considered a prestigious award among artists, activists and community workers in India. M.S. Subbulakshmi and Satyajit Ray won it, so did Jayaprakash Narayan and one of India’s finest journalists, P. Sainath. But they did more for the Magsaysay award than it did for them. In general, it has become a gentle arbiter of what kind of activism is “acceptable” and what is not.

Team Anna Whose voice are they, really?. (Photograph by Sanjay Rawat)
Interestingly, Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement last summer was spearheaded by three Magsaysay Award winners—Anna Hazare, Arvind Kejriwal and Kiran Bedi. One of Arvind Kejriwal’s many NGOs is generously funded by Ford Foundation. Kiran Bedi’s NGO is funded by Coca Cola and Lehman Brothers.
Though Anna Hazare calls himself a Gandhian, the law he called for—the Jan Lokpal Bill—was un-Gandhian, elitist and dangerous. A round-the-clock corporate media campaign proclaimed him to be the voice of “the people”. Unlike the Occupy Wall Street movement in the US, the Hazare movement did not breathe a word against privatisation, corporate power or economic “reforms”. On the contrary, its principal media backers successfully turned the spotlight away from massive corporate corruption scandals (which had exposed high-profile journalists too) and used the public mauling of politicians to call for the further withdrawal of discretionary powers from government, for more reforms, more privatisation. (In 2008, Anna Hazare received a World Bank award for outstanding public service). The World Bank issued a statement from Washington saying the movement “dovetailed” into its policy.
Like all good Imperialists, the Philanthropoids set themselves the task of creating and training an international cadre that believed that Capitalism, and by extension the hegemony of the United States, was in their own self-interest. And who would therefore help to administer the Global Corporate Government in the ways native elites had always served colonialism. So began the foundations’ foray into education and the arts, which would become their third sphere of influence, after foreign and domestic economic policy. They spent (and continue to spend) millions of dollars on academic institutions and pedagogy.
Joan Roelofs in her wonderful book Foundations and Public Policy: The Mask of Pluralism describes how foundations remodelled the old ideas of how to teach political science, and fashioned the disciplines of “international” and “area” studies. This provided the US intelligence and security services a pool of expertise in foreign languages and culture to recruit from. The CIA and US state department continue to work with students and professors in US universities, raising serious questions about the ethics of scholarship.
The gathering of information to control people they rule is fundamental to any ruling power. As resistance to land acquisition and the new economic policies spreads across India, in the shadow of outright war in Central India, as a containment technique, the government has embarked on a massive biometrics programme, perhaps one of the most ambitious and expensive information-gathering projects in the world— the Unique Identification Number (UID). People don’t have clean drinking water, or toilets, or food, or money, but they will have election cards and UID numbers. Is it a coincidence that the UID project run by Nandan Nilekani, former CEO of Infosys, ostensibly meant to “deliver services to the poor”, will inject massive amounts of money into a slightly beleaguered IT industry? (A conservative estimate of the UID budget exceeds the Indian government’s annual public spending on education.) To “digitise” a country with such a large population of the largely illegitimate and “illegible”—people who are for the most part slum-dwellers, hawkers, adivasis without land records—will criminalise them, turning them from illegitimate to illegal. The idea is to pull off a digital version of the Enclosure of the Commons and put huge powers into the hands of an increasingly hardening police state. Nilekani’s technocratic obsession with gathering data is consistent with Bill Gates’s obsession with digital databases, “numerical targets”, “scorecards of progress”. As though it is a lack of information that is the cause of world hunger, and not colonialism, debt and skewed profit-oriented, corporate policy.
Corporate-endowed foundations are the biggest funders of the social sciences and the arts, endowing courses and student scholarships in “development studies”, “community studies”, “cultural studies”, “behavioural sciences” and “human rights”. As US universities opened their doors to international students, hundreds of thousands of students, children of the Third World elite, poured in. Those who could not afford the fees were given scholarships. Today in countries like India and Pakistan there is scarcely a family among the upper middle classes that does not have a child that has studied in the US. From their ranks have come good scholars and academics, but also the prime ministers, finance ministers, economists, corporate lawyers, bankers and bureaucrats who helped to open up the economies of their countries to global corporations.
Scholars of the Foundation-friendly version of economics and political science were rewarded with fellowships, research funds, grants, endowments and jobs. Those with Foundation-unfriendly views found themselves unfunded, marginalised and ghettoised, their courses discontinued. Gradually, one particular imagination—a brittle, superficial pretence of tolerance and multiculturalism (that morphs into racism, rabid nationalism, ethnic chauvinism or war-mongering Islamophobia at a moment’s notice) under the roof of a single, overarching, very unplural economic ideology—began to dominate the discourse. It did so to such an extent that it ceased to be perceived as an ideology at all. It became the default position, the natural way to be. It infiltrated normality, colonised ordinariness, and challenging it began to seem as absurd or as esoteric as challenging reality itself. From here it was a quick easy step to ‘There is No Alternative’.
It is only now, thanks to the Occupy Movement, that another language has appeared on US streets and campuses. To see students with banners that say ‘Class War’ or ‘We don’t mind you being rich, but we mind you buying our government’ is, given the odds, almost a revolution in itself.
One century after it began, corporate philanthropy is as much part of our lives as Coca Cola. There are now millions of non-profit organisations, many of them connected through a byzantine financial maze to the larger foundations. Between them, this “independent” sector has assets worth nearly 450 billion dollars. The largest of them is the Bill Gates Foundation with ($21 billion), followed by the Lilly Endowment ($16 billion) and the Ford Foundation ($15 billion).

Nilekani’s technocratic obsession with gathering data is consistent with that of Bill Gates, as though lack of information is what is causing world hunger.


As the IMF enforced Structural Adjustment, and arm-twisted governments into cutting back on public spending on health, education, childcare, development, the NGOs moved in. The Privatisation of Everything has also meant the NGO-isation of Everything. As jobs and livelihoods disappeared, NGOs have become an important source of employment, even for those who see them for what they are. And they are certainly not all bad. Of the millions of NGOs, some do remarkable, radical work and it would be a travesty to tar all NGOs with the same brush. However, the corporate or Foundation-endowed NGOs are global finance’s way of buying into resistance movements, literally like shareholders buy shares in companies, and then try to control them from within. They sit like nodes on the central nervous system, the pathways along which global finance flows. They work like transmitters, receivers, shock absorbers, alert to every impulse, careful never to annoy the governments of their host countries. (The Ford Foundation requires the organisations it funds to sign a pledge to this effect.) Inadvertently (and sometimes advertently), they serve as listening posts, their reports and workshops and other missionary activity feeding data into an increasingly aggressive system of surveillance of increasingly hardening States. The more troubled an area, the greater the numbers of NGOs in it.
Mischievously, when the government or sections of the Corporate Press want to run a smear campaign against a genuine people’s movement, like the Narmada Bachao Andolan, or the protest against the Koodankulam nuclear reactor, they accuse these movements of being NGOs receiving “foreign funding”. They know very well that the mandate of most NGOs, in particular the well-funded ones, is to further the project of corporate globalisation, not thwart it.
Armed with their billions, these NGOs have waded into the world, turning potential revolutionaries into salaried activists, funding artists, intellectuals and filmmakers, gently luring them away from radical confrontation, ushering them in the direction of multi-culturalism, gender, community development—the discourse couched in the language of identity politics and human rights.
The transformation of the idea of justice into the industry of human rights has been a conceptual coup in which NGOs and foundations have played a crucial part. The narrow focus of human rights enables an atrocity-based analysis in which the larger picture can be blocked out and both parties in a conflict—say, for example, the Maoists and the Indian government, or the Israeli Army and Hamas—can both be admonished as Human Rights Violators. The land-grab by mining corporations or the history of the annexation of Palestinian land by the State of Israel then become footnotes with very little bearing on the discourse. This is not to suggest that human rights don’t matter. They do, but they are not a good enough prism through which to view or remotely understand the great injustices in the world we live in.

‘Mining happiness’ Vedanta is stripping all that the Dongria Kondh tribals hold sacred. (Photograph by Sandipan Chatterjee)
Another conceptual coup has to do with foundations’ involvement with the feminist movement. Why do most “official” feminists and women’s organisations in India keep a safe distance between themselves and organisations like say the 90,000-member Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sangathan (Revolutionary Adivasi Women’s Association) fighting patriarchy in their own communities and displacement by mining corporations in the Dandakaranya forest? Why is it that the dispossession and eviction of millions of women from land which they owned and worked is not seen as a feminist problem?
The hiving off of the liberal feminist movement from grassroots anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist people’s movements did not begin with the evil designs of foundations. It began with those movements’ inability to adapt and accommodate the rapid radicalisation of women that took place in the ’60s and ’70s. The foundations showed genius in recognising and moving in to support and fund women’s growing impatience with the violence and patriarchy in their traditional societies as well as among even the supposedly progressive leaders of Left movements. In a country like India, the schism also ran along the rural-urban divide. Most radical, anti-capitalist movements were located in the countryside where, for the most part, patriarchy continued to rule the lives of most women. Urban women activists who joined these movements (like the Naxalite movement) had been influenced and inspired by the western feminist movement and their own journeys towards liberation were often at odds with what their male leaders considered to be their duty: to fit in with ‘the masses’. Many women activists were not willing to wait any longer for the “revolution” in order to end the daily oppression and discrimination in their lives, including from their own comrades. They wanted gender equality to be an absolute, urgent and non-negotiable part of the revolutionary process and not just a post-revolution promise. Intelligent, angry and disillusioned women began to move away and look for other means of support and sustenance. As a result, by the late ’80s, around the time Indian markets were opened up, the liberal feminist movement in a country like India has become inordinately NGO-ised. Many of these NGOs have done seminal work on queer rights, domestic violence, AIDS and the rights of sex workers. But significantly, the liberal feminist movements have not been at the forefront of challenging the new economic policies, even though women have been the greatest sufferers. By manipulating the disbursement of the funds, the foundations have largely succeeded in circumscribing the range of what “political” activity should be. The funding briefs of NGOs now prescribe what counts as women’s “issues” and what doesn’t.
The NGO-isation of the women’s movement has also made western liberal feminism (by virtue of its being the most funded brand) the standard-bearer of what constitutes feminism. The battles, as usual, have been played out on women’s bodies, extruding Botox at one end and burqas at the other. (And then there are those who suffer the double whammy, Botox and the Burqa.) When, as happened recently in France, an attempt is made to coerce women out of the burqa rather than creating a situation in which a woman can choose what she wishes to do, it’s not about liberating her, but about unclothing her. It becomes an act of humiliation and cultural imperialism. It’s not about the burqa. It’s about the coercion. Coercing a woman out of a burqa is as bad as coercing her into one. Viewing gender in this way, shorn of social, political and economic context, makes it an issue of identity, a battle of props and costumes. It is what allowed the US government to use western feminist groups as moral cover when it invaded Afghanistan in 2001. Afghan women were (and are) in terrible trouble under the Taliban. But dropping daisy-cutters on them was not going to solve their problems.
In the NGO universe, which has evolved a strange anodyne language of its own, everything has become a “subject”, a separate, professionalised, special-interest issue. Community development, leadership development, human rights, health, education, reproductive rights, AIDS, orphans with AIDS—have all been hermetically sealed into their own silos with their own elaborate and precise funding brief. Funding has fragmented solidarity in ways that repression never could. Poverty too, like feminism, is often framed as an identity problem. As though the poor have not been created by injustice but are a lost tribe who just happen to exist, and can be rescued in the short term by a system of grievance redressal (administered by NGOs on an individual, person to person basis), and whose long-term resurrection will come from Good Governance. Under the regime of Global Corporate Capitalism, it goes without saying.
Indian poverty, after a brief period in the wilderness while India “shone”, has made a comeback as an exotic identity in the Arts, led from the front by films like Slumdog Millionaire. These stories about the poor, their amazing spirit and resilience, have no villains—except the small ones who provide narrative tension and local colour. The authors of these works are the contemporary world’s equivalent of the early anthropologists, lauded and honoured for working on “the ground”, for their brave journeys into the unknown. You rarely see the rich being examined in these ways.
Having worked out how to manage governments, political parties, elections, courts, the media and liberal opinion, there was one more challenge for the neo-liberal establishment: how to deal with growing unrest, the threat of “people’s power”. How do you domesticate it? How do you turn protesters into pets? How do you vacuum up people’s fury and redirect it into blind alleys?
Here too, foundations and their allied organisations have a long and illustrious history. A revealing example is their role in defusing and deradicalising the Black Civil Rights movement in the US in the 1960s and the successful transformation of Black Power into Black Capitalism.
The Rockefeller Foundation, in keeping with J.D. Rockefeller’s ideals, had worked closely with Martin Luther King Sr (father of Martin Luther King Jr). But his influence waned with the rise of the more militant organisations—the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Black Panthers. The Ford and Rockefeller Foundations moved in. In 1970, they donated $15 million to “moderate” black organisations, giving people grants, fellowships, scholarships, job training programmes for dropouts and seed money for black-owned businesses. Repression, infighting and the honey trap of funding led to the gradual atrophying of the radical black organisations. Stones were pushed up Soni Sori’s vagina to get her to ‘confess’. Sori remains in jail; her interrogator, Ankit Garg, was awarded the police medal this Republic Day.
Martin Luther King Jr made the forbidden connections between Capitalism, Imperialism, Racism and the Vietnam War. As a result, after he was assassinated, even his memory became a toxic threat to public order. Foundations and Corporations worked hard to remodel his legacy to fit a market-friendly format. The Martin Luther King Junior Centre for Non-Violent Social Change, with an operational grant of $2 million, was set up by, among others, the Ford Motor Company, General Motors, Mobil, Western Electric, Procter & Gamble, US Steel and Monsanto. The Center maintains the King Library and Archives of the Civil Rights Movement. Among the many programmes the King Center runs have been projects that “work closely with the United States Department of Defense, the Armed Forces Chaplains Board and others”. It co-sponsored the Martin Luther King Jr Lecture Series called ‘The Free Enterprise System: An Agent for Non-violent Social Change’. Amen.
A similar coup was carried out in the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. In 1978, the Rockefeller Foundation organised a Study Commission on US Policy toward Southern Africa. The report warned of the growing influence of the Soviet Union on the African National Congress (ANC) and said that US strategic and corporate interests (i.e., access to South Africa’s minerals) would be best served if there were genuine sharing of political power by all races.

Black ‘liberation’ Or a bow to the Washington Consensus?. (Photograph by Reuters, From Outlook, March 26, 2012)
The foundations began to support the ANC. The ANC soon turned on the more radical organisations like Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness movement and more or less eliminated them. When Nelson Mandela took over as South Africa’s first Black President, he was canonised as a living saint, not just because he was a freedom fighter who spent 27 years in prison, but also because he deferred completely to the Washington Consensus. Socialism disappeared from the ANC’s agenda. South Africa’s great “peaceful transition”, so praised and lauded, meant no land reforms, no demands for reparation, no nationalisation of South Africa’s mines. Instead, there was Privatisation and Structural Adjustment. Mandela gave South Africa’s highest civilian award—the Order of Good Hope—to his old supporter and friend General Suharto, the killer of Communists in Indonesia. Today, in South Africa, a clutch of Mercedes-driving former radicals and trade unionists rule the country. But that is more than enough to perpetuate the illusion of Black Liberation.
The rise of Black Power in the US was an inspirational moment for the rise of a radical, progressive Dalit movement in India, with organisations like the Dalit Panthers mirroring the militant politics of the Black Panthers. But Dalit Power too, in not exactly the same but similar ways, has been fractured and defused and, with plenty of help from right-wing Hindu organisations and the Ford Foundation, is well on its way to transforming into Dalit Capitalism. ‘Dalit Inc ready to show business can beat caste’, the Indian Express reported in December last year. It went on to quote a mentor of the Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce & Industry (DICCI). “Getting the prime minister for a Dalit gathering is not difficult in our society. But for Dalit entrepreneurs, taking a photograph with Tata and Godrej over lunch and tea is an aspiration—and proof that they have arrived,” he said. Given the situation in modern India, it would be casteist and reactionary to say that Dalit entrepreneurs oughtn’t to have a place at the high table. But if this is to be the aspiration, the ideological framework of Dalit politics, it would be a great pity. And unlikely to help the one million Dalits who still earn a living off manual scavenging—carrying human shit on their heads. Do we need weapons to fight wars? Or do we need wars to create a market for weapons? It’s the one thing that the US hasn’t outsourced to China.
Young Dalit scholars who accept grants from the Ford Foundation cannot be too harshly judged. Who else is offering them an opportunity to climb out of the cesspit of the Indian caste system? The shame as well as a large part of the blame for this turn of events also goes to India’s Communist movement whose leaders continue to be predominantly upper caste. For years it has tried to force-fit the idea of caste into Marxist class analysis. It has failed miserably, in theory as well as practice. The rift between the Dalit community and the Left began with a falling out between the visionary Dalit leader Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar and S.A. Dange, trade unionist and founding member of the Communist Party of India. Dr Ambedkar’s disillusionment with the Communist Party began with the textile workers’ strike in Mumbai in 1928 when he realised that despite all the rhetoric about working class solidarity, the party did not find it objectionable that the “untouchables” were kept out of the weaving department (and only qualified for the lower paid spinning department) because the work involved the use of saliva on the threads, which other castes considered “polluting”.
Ambedkar realised that in a society where the Hindu scriptures institutionalise untouchability and inequality, the battle for “untouchables”, for social and civic rights, was too urgent to wait for the promised Communist revolution. The rift between the Ambedkarites and the Left has come at a great cost to both. It has meant that a great majority of the Dalit population, the backbone of the Indian working class, has pinned its hopes for deliverance and dignity to constitutionalism, to capitalism and to political parties like the BSP, which practise an important, but in the long run, stagnant brand of identity politics.
In the United States, as we have seen, corporate-endowed foundations spawned the culture of NGOs. In India, targeted corporate philanthropy began in earnest in the 1990s, the era of the New Economic Policies. Membership to the Star Chamber doesn’t come cheap. The Tata Group donated $50 million to that needy institution, the Harvard Business School, and another $50 million to Cornell University. Nandan Nilekani of Infosys and his wife Rohini donated $5 million as a start-up endowment for the India Initiative at Yale. The Harvard Humanities Centre is now the Mahindra Humanities Centre after it received its largest-ever donation of $10 million from Anand Mahindra of the Mahindra Group.
At home, the Jindal Group, with a major stake in mining, metals and power, runs the Jindal Global Law School and will soon open the Jindal School of Government and Public Policy. (The Ford Foundation runs a law school in the Congo.) The New India Foundation funded by Nandan Nilekani, financed by profits from Infosys, gives prizes and fellowships to social scientists. The Sitaram Jindal Foundation endowed by Jindal Aluminium has announced five cash prizes of Rs 1 crore each to be given to those working in rural development, poverty alleviation, environment education and moral upliftment. The Reliance Group’s Observer Research Foundation (ORF), currently endowed by Mukesh Ambani, is cast in the mould of the Rockefeller Foundation. It has retired intelligence agents, strategic analysts, politicians (who pretend to rail against each other in Parliament), journalists and policymakers as its research “fellows” and advisors. ORF’s objectives seem straightforward enough: “To help develop a consensus in favour of economic reforms.” And to shape and influence public opinion, creating “viable, alternative policy options in areas as divergent as employment generation in backward districts and real-time strategies to counter nuclear, biological and chemical threats”.
I was initially puzzled by the preoccupation with “nuclear, biological and chemical war” in ORF’s stated objectives. But less so when, in the long list of its ‘institutional partners’, I found the names of Raytheon and Lockheed Martin, two of the world’s leading weapons manufacturers. In 2007, Raytheon announced it was turning its attention to India. Could it be that at least part of India’s $32 billion defence budget will be spent on weapons, guided missiles, aircraft, warships and surveillance equipment made by Raytheon and Lockheed Martin? Do we need weapons to fight wars? Or do we need wars to create a market for weapons? After all, the economies of Europe, US and Israel depend hugely on their weapons industry. It’s the one thing they haven’t outsourced to China.
In the new Cold War between US and China, India is being groomed to play the role Pakistan played as a US ally in the cold war with Russia. (And look what happened to Pakistan.) Many of those columnists and “strategic analysts” who are playing up the hostilities between India and China, you’ll see, can be traced back directly or indirectly to the Indo-American think-tanks and foundations. Being a “strategic partner” of the US does not mean that the Heads of State make friendly phone calls to each other every now and then. It means collaboration (interference) at every level. It means hosting US Special Forces on Indian soil (a Pentagon Commander recently confirmed this to the BBC). It means sharing intelligence, altering agriculture and energy policies, opening up the health and education sectors to global investment. It means opening up retail. It means an unequal partnership in which India is being held close in a bear hug and waltzed around the floor by a partner who will incinerate her the moment she refuses to dance.
In the list of ORF’s ‘institutional partners’, you will also find the RAND Corporation, Ford Foundation, the World Bank, the Brookings Institution (whose stated mission is to “provide innovative and practical recommendations that advance three broad goals: to strengthen American democracy; to foster the economic and social welfare, security and opportunity of all Americans; and to secure a more open, safe, prosperous and cooperative international system”.) You will also find the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation of Germany. (Poor Rosa, who died for the cause of Communism, to find her name on a list such as this one!)
Though capitalism is meant to be based on competition, those at the top of the food chain have also shown themselves to be capable of inclusiveness and solidarity. The great Western Capitalists have done business with fascists, socialists, despots and military dictators. They can adapt and constantly innovate. They are capable of quick thinking and immense tactical cunning.
But despite having successfully powered through economic reforms, despite having waged wars and militarily occupied countries in order to put in place free market “democracies”, Capitalism is going through a crisis whose gravity has not revealed itself completely yet. Marx said, “What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.” Capitalism is in crisis. The international financial meltdown is closing in. The two old tricks that dug it out of past crises—War and Shopping—simply will not work.
The proletariat, as Marx saw it, has been under continuous assault. Factories have shut down, jobs have disappeared, trade unions have been disbanded. The proletariat has, over the years, been pitted against each other in every possible way. In India, it has been Hindu against Muslim, Hindu against Christian, Dalit against Adivasi, caste against caste, region against region. And yet, all over the world, it is fighting back. In China, there are countless strikes and uprisings. In India, the poorest people in the world have fought back to stop some of the richest corporations in their tracks.
Capitalism is in crisis. Trickledown failed. Now Gush-Up is in trouble too. The international financial meltdown is closing in. India’s growth rate has plummeted to 6.9 per cent. Foreign investment is pulling out. Major international corporations are sitting on huge piles of money, not sure where to invest it, not sure how the financial crisis will play out. This is a major, structural crack in the juggernaut of global capital.
Capitalism’s real “grave-diggers” may end up being its own delusional Cardinals, who have turned ideology into faith. Despite their strategic brilliance, they seem to have trouble grasping a simple fact: Capitalism is destroying the planet. The two old tricks that dug it out of past crises—War and Shopping—simply will not work.
I stood outside Antilla for a long time watching the sun go down. I imagined that the tower was as deep as it was high. That it had a twenty-seven-storey-long tap root, snaking around below the ground, hungrily sucking sustenance out of the earth, turning it into smoke and gold.
Why did the Ambanis’ choose to call their building Antilla? Antilla is the name of a set of mythical islands whose story dates back to an 8th-century Iberian legend. When the Muslims conquered Hispania, six Christian Visigothic bishops and their parishioners boarded ships and fled. After days, or maybe weeks at sea, they arrived at the isles of Antilla where they decided to settle and raise a new civilisation. They burnt their boats to permanently sever their links to their barbarian-dominated homeland.
By calling their tower Antilla, do the Ambanis hope to sever their links to the poverty and squalor of their homeland and raise a new civilisation? Is this the final act of the most successful secessionist movement in India? The secession of the middle and upper classes into outer space?
As night fell over Mumbai, guards in crisp linen shirts with crackling walkie-talkies appeared outside the forbidding gates of Antilla. The lights blazed on, to scare away the ghosts perhaps. The neighbours complain that Antilla’s bright lights have stolen the night. Perhaps it’s time for us to take back the night.
1. Edited March 18, 2012: the year of CIA backed coup in Indonesia was earlier incorrectly mentioned as 1952. Corrected to 1965
2. Edited March 20, 2012: The sentence that now reads “All this in Goa, where activists and journalists were uncovering massive illegal mining scandals, and Essar’s part in the war unfolding in Bastar was emerging” was earlier published as: “All this in Goa, while activists and journalists were uncovering massive illegal mining scandals that involved Essar”


Frans on 04.21.12 @ 04:01 PM CST [link]


Friday, April 20th

Six cadres of NSCN arrested Hueiyen News Service / Newmai News Network



Six cadres of NSCN arrested Hueiyen News Service / Newmai News Network
Dimapur, April 19 2012: It is the time of arresting spree of Naga underground cadres by the Assam Rifles in Nagaland.

Few days after arresting 13 cadres of NSCN-IM cadres in the outskirt of Dimapur by Assam Rifles, six cadres of NSCN (Khole/Kitovi) faction were arrested today.

According to PRO of IGAR (North), troops of 29 Assam Rifles and Dimapur police busted a camp of NSCN (Khole/Kitovi) in general area of Nuton Basti in Dimapur today.

In the joint search operation, 6 cadres were apprehended along with one AK 56 assault Rifle, 74 live rounds of 7.62mm AK, two live rounds of 7.65 mm, two live rounds of .22 mm, along with tax collection receipts and various incriminating documents, claimed the source.

The Assam Rifles source stated that these cadres were in Dimapur town to carry out extortion and coordinate security and movement of senior officials of NSCN (Khole/Kitovi).

The arrested cadres have been handed over to West police station, Dimapur.

It is worth noting that last week, 13 cadres of NSCN-IM were arrested and recovered a huge cache of arms and ammunition from the 'hideout in the outskirts of Dimapur.

Regarding the last week incident, troops of 20 Assam Rifles, 6 Sector AR under HQ IGAR (North), based on reliable information regarding the presence of NSCN (IM) cadres in a safe hideout in Chumukedima Ward No 1 in the outskirt of Dimapur had conducted a swift operation, which resulted in the arrest of 13 NSCN(IM) cadres and seizure of one 9mm pistol, a .22 rifle, more than 3000 rounds (ammunition) of various weapons, detonators and large amount of communication and surveillance equipments.

Reacting to all these series of raids and arrests in the houses of senior NSCN-IM officials carried out by the security forces in 'Nagalim', the Naga outfit had told the government of India that if it (New Delhi) had wanted to call off the cease-fire, it should have had politely told the NSCN-IM in an unambiguous voice instead of playing hypocrisies.

Senior kilonser (minister) of the NSCN-IM in-charge of the outfit's ministry of information and publicity A.Z Jami had said few days ago that the main purpose of the cease-fire between the Government of India and the NSCN has been to facilitate for a purposeful political dialogue between the two entities to bring an amicable settlement of the decades long conflict between India and the Nagas.
Ministry of Information and Publicity

Assam Rifles violate ceasefire rules

Tension built up in the vicinity of NSCN (I-M)’s Hebron camp when road opening party (ROP) of 12th Assam Rifles (AR) Thursday came close to the designated camp without prior information.
A handout by NSCN (I-M) stated that the AR troops under the “direction of Maj. Sukanta (camp commander)” was heading towards “Shikavi” village on ROP duty and reached Hebron gate “intentionally” at 8 a.m. NSCN (I-M) sources said its cadres then “arrested” five AR personnel namely “naik subedar K D Tiwari, havaldar Sooarn Singh, riffle man Ravi, riffle man Balvi Singh and riffle man Rahul Kuhmar along with four AK 47, one INSAS, 360 live rounds and 13 magazine, two wireless set, six handset, four bullet proof with pouch, one INSAS rifle pouch and four bullet proof cap.

NSCN (I-M) sources said that the AR personnel on ROP duty were travelling in a truck (MN 7430) just few meters away from Hebron and added that their arms and ammunition were “seized” for violating cease-fire ground rules (CFGR).

To de-escalate the situation, CFMG chairman Maj Gen (Retd) N. George, Dimapur deputy commissioner Hushili Sema, superintendent of police, Z. Mero, SDPO Nuiland Khalo, Brig. Bency P Jacob, 29 AR Col. Rakesh Bhardwaj and other officials held a meeting at the community hall Monglumukh village along with NSCN (I-M) cease-fire monitoring cell (CFMC) chairman Vikiye Awomi, CFMC members and senior NSCN (I-M) members which lasted for about an hour.

As the situation unfolded, women organizations of the area also blocked the road at Monglumukh village and monitored vehicular movements till the matter was settled. The AR personnel were released later but till the filing of this report, NSCN (I-M) was yet to return the seized weapons. NSCN (I-M) sources said that AR personnel were still stationed Dhansiripar and Doyapur till late in the evening.

CFMG chairman Maj Gen (Retd) N. George, on spot verification admitted that AR troops’ action was without notification and it was against cease-fire ground rules (CFGR). However, he also said that it was purely an “error of judgment” and that there was no “malafide intention”.

When asked why the troops have come in such close proximity, George said that since 6th sector Brig. Bency P Jacob was new in command and there was a need for him to get “familiarized” with the area, the troops in order to “facilitate” his “familiarization” visit had “strayed” beyond the designated line.

“The troops have landed up in a place which should not have happened”, said George. He said that the AR personnel were released “immediately” but they were still waiting for clearance to return the seized weapons.

Earlier, interacting with GBs, councils and public gathered at Monglumukh village community hall, CFMG chairman assured the public that peace would prevail in the area and that there was no need for panic. “There will be no problem, there will be peace”, assured George.

Reacting to the incident, a senior NPF Adivsor told this Reporter that it was “an act of betrayal” by some jawans against the trust reposed on the cease fire. He also said the incident was one example of “why it is difficult to trust Indians”.
Press Release 20th April,20

Much water has flown down the Dhansiri river when the Indo-Naga ceasefire was signed in 1997 and in numerous occasions the Assam Rifles have taken extreme pleasure in rubbing the shoulder of NSCN on the wrong side. But NSCN acted in the manner to show its commitment to go for a negotiated political settlement rather than military solution that has been proved meaningless and futile for the past many years.
Cease ground rule violations comes in heaps in the hands of the Assam Rifles. But NSCN stood its ground not to hit back despite provocation that really put to test its nerve of endurance. This time when the 12th Assam Rifles came so near the designated Hebron Camp it was never done by mistake but deliberately to test the reaction capacity of NSCN. This is politically not correct for the AR troops as it goes against the very spirit of Ceasefire that is running more than 15 years.

The fact that CFMG Chairman Maj.Gen (Retd.) N.George admitted the mistake of AR troops sound ok. But when the troops started to inch closer to the Hebron Camp in a more aggressive manner it carries another meaning that reflects breach of trust.

During the past period of ceasefire AR have taken possession of huge number of NSCN weapons that had nothing to do with ceasefire violation and this issue continues to be placed during the ceasefire ground rule meetings. But NSCN demand for return of the weapons was never accepted in good spirit though assurrance was given that the matter will be looked into. Unacceptable reason was however given on the whereabouts of the NSCN weapons
.
For peace to prevail the aggressor must take the initiative to build up confidence and faith in the eyes of the NSCN and public. So far AR is yet to do any such thing in the area leading to Hebron Camp. NSCN in the face of direct attack on ceasefire ground rules shall still stand committed for peaceful approach in keeping with the hard earned ceasefire.

Issued by
MIP/GPRN

JOINT PRESS STATEMENT
United Naga Council and the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur

Dated Tahamzam, 20th April, 2012

The Indo-Naga cease-fire was put in place after the Chiefs of Armed Forces of the Government of India admitted that the Naga problem required a political solution and not a military one. The Naga political groups have entered into Cease-fire agreements with the Government of India to bring peace and for an honourable settlement of the Indo-Naga issue.

The intrusion of the 29th Assam Rifles(AR) within 20 metres of Hebron, the NSCM(IM) Council headquarters under the direction of Major Sukanta on 19th April, 2012 is a gross violation of the cease-fire ground rules. The wilful violation by the 29th AR tantamount to going against the letter and the spirit of the cease-fire agreement. Therefore if the personnel of a disciplined armed force of the Government of India wilfully violates the ground rules instead of enforcing them, then there must be some vested interest or hidden agenda in the chain of command at the instance of the enemies of peace.

We are also very much concerned that there are reports of heavy deployment of AR forces around Hebron and other designated camps in Naga areas and also detention of NSCM(IM) functionaries. If such alarming situation is allowed to stem out from the irresponsible lapses of some jawans/officers, it does not auger well for the hard earned peace.

The 15 years old Indo-Naga peace talk which has of late reportedly made good progress cannot be subjected to disciplinary issues revolving around some few jawans/officer. The cease-fire and the peace that came with it belongs to the people and not only to the signatories. There are mechanisms already in place for restoring normalcy and it is our appeal to the parties that good sense be allowed to prevail and peace be upheld and safeguarded.

sd/- sd/-
Publicity Wings Publicity Wings
United Naga Council All Naga Students’ Association,
Manipur
Does the Government of India (GOI) want the Nagas to keep on dreaming? E pao News
April 18 2012
At around 1954, not long before any of the now existing states of Northeast India were founded, the Indo-Naga conflict began in earnest. The first state -Nagaland State- making up the Seven Sisters later was carved out of Assam and disputably inaugurated in 1963.

Already in 1929, long before India's independence, the Nagas conveyed to their British colonizers that they, once the British would have left, they expected to be free again. Considering too that the British only controlled and administered less than one-third of Naga territory, the rest was termed 'unadministered areas' of free Nagas, it is also disputed how the British could hand over land and people to the emerging Union of India without jurisdiction.

Immediately after the reports on the imminent lasting solution of the Indo-Naga conflict the other but later formed northeastern states vehemently objected. In view of history this it is remarkable because Nagas have never been conquered by any outsider and they do not want to live under the jurisdiction of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Assam or Burma/Myanmar either. For almost 60 years Nagas have been fighting for their right to self determination.

It is therefore a double insult that Home Minister Gaikhangam of Manipur provokes his own people by stating the Nagas (NSCN-IM; the first insult is because he is a Naga himself and the second is that he ridicules reunification. So we see on what transpires now that the cornered Government of India is in a predicament. (See statements of United Naga Council and Naga Hoho for further understanding below)

The Naga International Support Center reminds the Government of India that India signed the UNO covenant on the right to self determination for all Peoples. And even though Mr. Gaikhangam is a Naga this does not mean he decides on the fate of the Nagas; Nagas as a people are quite capable of doing that. If the Government of India is so much impressed with the reactions of 'other' northeastern states which form stumbling blocks to the solution of the conflict it initiated, then it is apparent that they use it for their own ends. Hence:

- To prevent the Nagas from reunifying will not solve the conflict
- To prevent the Nagas from shaping their own future is asking for great trouble
- To force the Nagas to live within the Indian Constitution will only prolong the conflict unnecessarily as there are no cultural, historical, economical or communicational links

A Naga International Support Center, NISC
A human rights organization
Home Minister says Nagaland as most peaceful state By Oken Jeet Sandham Asian Tribune
Kohima, (Asiantribune.com): Nagaland Home Minister Imkong L Imchen expressed his happiness on the prevailing peaceful environment in the State. Talking to Asian Tribune here today, the Minister claimed that “Nagaland is the most peaceful State comparing with other states.” “If you look at the pre-2008 situation and compared it with the 2012 situation in the state, I think, peace is there in the State,” he described.
Still not subscribing to the argument of the Opposition Congress that Naga underground factional clashes and killings should be taken as “law and order problem,” the straight talking Minister elaborated that all these issues were correlated to the political activities of the Naga political issue.
“If the Congress thinks that those issues are law and order problem, let them deal with it according to their philosophy,” he hit back.
They should understand that the Government of India had even “recognized” that the “Naga issue is political.” So definitely it had to be dealt politically and definitely it should not be from the perspective of the law and order angle,” he pointed out.
Imchen also failed to understand the logic of the Opposition Congress that the Naga underground factional issues should be dealt with a “firm hand.”
Asking the Opposition Congress to explain what they meant by a “firm hand,” the Minister wondered whether the so-called a “firm hand” was there in their (Congress) regime.
“We are not going to kill anyone,” Imchen said. “We are also not going to disturb the peace in the state.”
Asked how long the DAN Government would pursue the policy of being a “facilitator” to the ongoing peace talks between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM), Imchen said, “So long it is required, we will remain as a facilitator to the peace talks.”
Elaborating further of their policy of being a facilitator to the ongoing talks, the Minister stated that the peace talks were between the NSCN (IM) and the Government of India and they (DAN Government) were not a party to it.
He, however, made it clear that they had trust in the “wisdom” of the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) leaderships that they would bring good solution to the Nagas. “So we are even prepared to pave way in the event of arriving at an honorable solution to the issue,” he said.
Asked his comment on the reported plan of the NSCN (K) to have a bilateral ceasefire with the Myanmar Government, the Minister said there should be peace “everywhere.”
- Asian Tribune -
Naga rebels prepare for peace talks with Burmese government Nay Myo

New Delhi (Mizzima) – The Burmese government and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland-K (NSCN-K), a separatist group that operates in India and Burma, will hold peace talks on Friday, sources said.

Nagaland State in India on the border with Burma Photo: Wikipedia
Naga rebels began an armed struggle more than 32 years ago against the Burmese regime.

Two Naga delegations will meet to work out a negotiating strategy and how to conclude a cease-fire agreement with the government peacemaking team.

Naga National League for Democracy chairman Saw Sa told Mizzima: “For a long time, they have prepared to negotiate a cease-fire. They will discuss how to stop the fighting and their political differences.”

The NSCN-K, led by S. S. Khaplang, has about 500 soldiers and operates in the Naga mountain range and in northern Lahe and Nanyun townships in Sagaing Region.

Its armed group, the NSCN, was formed in January 30, 1980, to gain freedom for the Naga people and to achieve a union between Naga living in the northeast states of India and the Sagaing Region in Burma.

In 1988, the NSCN split into two fractions; the NSCN-K led by S. S. Khaplang, and the NSCN-IM, led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah. The NSCN-K is based in Burma; the NSCN-IM is based in India.

In April 28, 2011, the NSCN-K signed a cease-fire agreement with the Indian government. The agreement is scheduled to be extended before April 28.

According to the 2008 Constitution, the Leshi, Lahe and Nanyun townships in Sagaing Region are described as a Naga Self-Administered Zone. Since 2010, the NSCN-K and the Burmese government have not engaged in armed clashes.
Manipur MLA demands deployment of IRB at Jessami Nagaland Post | Imphal, (NPN):
MLA of Manipur representing Chingai A/C of Ukhrul paid a visit to the hospitalized VDF personnel today demanded that Manipur government should not take the matter lightly and should redeployed IRB personnel at border again before thing goes bad to worse.

He recalled that Manipur government had deployed IRB personnel after such kind of tension between the villagers of two states surfaced few years back. However, the IRB personnel were taken out after government recruited 45 VDF personnel of Jessami and handed over the task of guarding the border.

Only 35 VDF personnel were currently posting at the post and as they were not a powerful force, the villagers of neighbouring state disrespect them. He claimed that yesterday’s incident of assaulting VDF personnel was within Manipur territory, asserting that the incident took place at a place 8 km from the Nagaland border towards Manipur border.
Kidnappings fuel Manipur tension Times of India
IMPHAL: Tension gripped the remote Jessami village in Ukhrul district after six of its villagers were abducted by a large number of armed men from neighbouring Nagaland on Wednesday morning.
Though the six abducted, including a village defence force (VDF) personnel, were released late at night after the intervention of the state authorities, security has been beefed up in the area to thwart possible outbreaks of violence following the renewed border land dispute.
On Wednesday morning, the abducted men were tending to a paddy field in Jessami when the miscreants who belong to Melourie village in Nagaland's Phek district intruded into Manipur territory and whisked them away to their village, local sources said. The kidnappers were armed with guns and knives.
Following the intervention of the Chingai constituency MLA Preshow Shimray, Ukhurl district's deputy commissioner and superintendent of police insisted on their Nagaland counterparts to secure the release of the six.
Manipur chief secretary DS Poonia also intimated about the matter, along with his Nagaland counterpart, official sources said.
"Other than the VDF volunteer who was beaten badly by the abductors, there had been no major casualty in the incident. We have registered an FIR," Ukhrul SP, K Kabib, told TOI.
"Following the incident, we have beefed up security at Jessami. The police have been asked to stay on a red alert to ensure such incidents do not recur," the SP added.
There have been reports of Melorie villagers encroaching upon land in Jessami, resulting in sparking of tension at the border areas.
Following such incidents, the Jessami police station had been upgraded with the induction a sub-divisional police and large number of VDF personnel a few years ago.
Meanwhile, Ukhurl police have recovered the head of Mahatama Gandhi's statue that was found missing from its erection site at Ukhrul district headquarters. In the wee hours of Sunday, the head of the Mahatma Gandhi statue erected at Gandhi Chowk close to Ukhrul town hall was found missing, forcing the cops to launch a massive manhunt to pull up the miscreants.
Four persons, including a VDF personnel, has been arrested in connection with the act of vandalism with the VDF man being dismissed from his service.
The statue's head was found in the office complex of the public works department at the district headquarters, police sources said.
Nagaland`s arrogance Imphal Free Press
The recent incident at Jessami in Ukhrul District once again brings to the fore the issue of several boundary disputes with Nagaland. The state of Nagaland has several boundary disputes with other states as well. The long standing border dispute at Merapani with Assam is yet to find a solution and there are several intrusions by Nagaland state forces in Assam territory and it is going to figure in talks with ULFA. The Sundaram Committee of 1972 that sought to resolve the Assam Nagaland border dispute had been rejected by Nagaland and the confrontation has seen the involvement of underground Naga groups. Nagaland had been accused of encroaching 662.4 sq km of land in Assam territory. Not only that, Naga groups specially the NSCN-IM is demanding a Greater Nagaland with territory from Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Between Manipur and Nagaland, there are several border disputes from Senapati to Ukhrul stretch. To mention a few there are disputes in the Dzuko valley, Mao, near Tungjoy at Lai village in Senapati District and Jessami in Ukhrul District. The most recent incident at Jessami is a result of the boundary dispute between villagers of Jessami and Mellory village in neighbouring state Nagaland. Earlier in another incident, Nagaland police had set up a post for its armed police personnel and constructed a rest house and fishermen`s rest centre. Jessami villagers say, there has been several intrusions by Nagaland police. In the Wednesday incident, around 400 Mellory villagers armed with 303 rifles and sticks came into the Manipur side at round 10:30am and took the six people including VDF personnel. But the timely intervention of the local MLA led in the release of the six persons after a severe beating. Such intrusion and and kidnapping is the result of inaction on the part of the Manipur Government. If the state government had acted firmly on these border disputes Nagaland Police or for the matter villagers of Nagaland would not have had the audacity to act like hooligans. The Manipur villagers are not amused with the way the state government is dealing with the situation. Yes, the state Chief Secretary talked to his Nagaland counterpart on the incident and was able to secure the release of the six people. But, reactive action is not enough. Manipur government has to play a pro-active role towards the solution of the various disputes to soothe hurt feelings of the Manipur villagers. What has the state government done with regard to the border dispute at Dzuko valley? Nagaland has been claiming the valley as their territory and it has even made it a tourist spot with good roads reaching right upto the valley, while Manipur has done little to improve connectivity in the areas. Concerned environmentalists had to travel to the valley via Nagaland. It is a shame. Same is the case with the Tungjoy village. Years back, Nagaland Police along with the villagers in Nagaland’s Phek district forcibly pushed out the residents of Tungjoy. A police station was constructed at Khezokhonoma in Nagaland bordering Manipur near Tungjoy. The villagers of the Tungjoy had said that while constructing the approach road the Nagaland police had encroached upon Manipur’s land. The dispute at Tungjoy is about hundred-year-old. Everyone including the state government seems to have forgotten about the dispute regarding Mao hospital. Nagaland had claimed the land on which the hospital is located. These disputes need the serious attention of the state government. The then Nipamacha led government was very firm in dealing with border disputes, but he did not take a pro-active role towards bringing a solution. Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh was very firm when he dealt with the issue of territorial integrity. But, somehow he chose not to deal with the long-standing border disputes with Nagaland as if it is a separate issue. The issue of territorial integrity and border dispute is interlinked and it should be dealt with in a holistic manner.
Nagaland's business community complains of militant outfits extorting money ANI
Kohima , Kohima, Apr 20 (ANI): The young business community of Nagaland, which has recently started their business in the state, has complained of Naga militant outfits extorting money from them.
Asi Kera, a young entrepreneur, who runs a restaurant, said they are facing difficulties as many faction groups come up to the business community and extort money from them in the name of taxes.
"There are a lot of factions coming up and the business community here in Nagaland is facing a lot of problems. They are having a hard time paying these taxes and lot of extortion is there. We are facing a difficult time," said Kera.
Another ambitious entrepreneur, Aienla, who started her boutique two years ago, said she is forced to give a part of her earnings from the business to these factions.
"We work very hard and all of sudden they just come in and ask to give this much amount in the name of some tax," said Aienla.
Entrepreneurs like them have been severely affected by the militant led extortion in the state.ime and again the business community in the region has urged the militant groups to stop such activities as it is a major deterrent in the overall development of the state.
But it seems that such requests have fallen into deaf ears as the militants groups refuse to mend their ways and continue to carry out their illegal extortion to fund their campaign in Nagaland.
Such activities have had a negative impact on the youth who are keen on want to creating an identity for themselves and the state. (ANI)
SIPRI Fact Sheet March 2012 on arms procuring of India
The volume of international transfers of major conventional weapons was 24 per cent higher in the period 2007–11 than in 2002–2006 (see figure 1). In 2011, the United States and India maintained their positions as the world’s top exporter and importer of arms, respectively. The most significant order placed in 2011, and the largest arms deal for at least two decades, was Saudi Arabia’s order for 84 new and 70 rebuilt F-15SG combat aircraft. Volumes of transfers continued to fluctuate by region, with significant rises in East Africa, North Africa, South East Asia and the South Caucasus. From 19 March 2012 the SIPRI Arms Transfers Database includes newly released information on arms transfers during 2011 (see box 1). This Fact Sheet describes the trends in international arms transfers that are revealed by the new data. It lists the main exporters and importers for the period 2007–11 and describes the regional trends among recipient states. Since the volume of deliveries of arms can fluctuate significantly from one year to the next, SIPRI presents data for five-year periods to give a more stable measure of trends in international transfers of major conventional weapons. Figure 1. The trend in international transfers of major conventional weapons, 2002–11 Note: The bar graph shows annual totals and the line graph shows the 5-year moving average (each data point in the line graph represents an average for the preceding 5-year period). The SIPRI trend-indicator value (TIV) is a measure of the volume of inter- national transfers of major conventional weapons. The method used to calculate the SIPRI TIV is described on the SIPRI Arms Transfers Programme website at www.sipri.org/research/armaments/transfers/measuring>. Volume of arms transfers (billions of trend-indicator values) 05 10 15 20 25 30 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2 sipri fact sheet THE TOP 5 SUPPLIERS, 2007–11 The five biggest suppliers of major conventional weapons in the period 2007– 11 were the United States, Russia, Germany, France and the United Kingdom (see table 1). The USA and Russia remained by far the largest exporters, accounting for 30 per cent and 24 per cent of all exports, respectively. The top 5 suppliers accounted for 75 per cent of exports of major conventional weapons in the period 2007–11, compared with 78 per cent for the same five suppliers in the period 2002–2006. The United States The volume of the USA’s arms exports increased by 24 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Asia and Oceania was the largest recipient region of US weapons (accounting for 45 per cent of exports), followed by the Middle East (27 per cent) and Europe (18 per cent). Aircraft made up 63 per cent of the volume of US deliveries in 2007–11. During 2011, the USA delivered 64 combat aircraft, including 11 F-15Es to South Korea, 7 F-15SGs to Singapore, 9 F/A-18Es to Australia, 12 F-16Cs to Turkey and 16 F-16Cs to Morocco. The most significant order placed in 2011, and the largest arms deal for at least two decades, was Saudi Arabia’s order for 84 new F-15SG combat aircraft and the rebuilding of 70 existing F-15Es to the same standard. Russia The volume of Russia’s arms exports increased by 12 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Asia and Oceania was the largest recipient region of Russian weapons (accounting for 63 per cent of exports), followed by Africa (17 per cent) and the Middle East (10 per cent). India received 33 per cent of Russian arms exports, while Russia provided 80 per cent of India’s arms imports. Viet Nam was the fifth largest recipient of Russian exports during this period, accounting for 4 per cent of their total volume. Russian deliveries to Box 1. The SIPRI Arms Transfers Database The SIPRI Arms Transfers Database contains information on all international transfers of major conventional weapons (includ- ing sales, gifts and production licences) to states, international organizations and armed non-state groups from 1950 to the most recent full calendar year. It can be used to generate detailed written reports and statistical data on these transfers, including the suppliers and recipients, the type and number of weapon systems ordered and delivered, the years of deliveries, and the financial value of the deal. The database can be used to track changes in the trends in the volume of transfers of major conventional weapons and to answer such questions as: • Who are the main suppliers and recipients of major conventional weapons? • How have the relationships between different suppliers and recipients changed over time? • Where do countries in conflict obtain their weapons? • How do states implement their export control regulations? • Where are potentially destabilizing build-ups of weapons occurring today? The database is available online at . trends in international arms transfers, 2011 3 Viet Nam during 2011 included two Gepard class frigates, anti-ship missiles and eight Su 30MK2 combat aircraft. Russia is due to deliver more Gepard frigates, anti-ship missiles and Su-30MK2 combat aircraft, as well as six Project-636 submarines to Viet Nam in the coming years. Germany The volume of Germany’s arms exports increased by 37 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Europe was the largest recipient region of German weapons (accounting for 41 per cent of exports), followed by Asia and Oceania (27 per cent) and the Americas (12 per cent). Greece was the largest recipient of German exports in 2007–11, accounting for 13 per cent of the volume of German exports of major weapons. During 2011 Germany agreed to sub sidize the sale of a sixth Dolphin submarine to Israel and approved large deals for the export to Algeria of armoured vehicles, ships, electronics and other equipment. The first order for the TPz-1 armoured personnel carrier (APC) was signed in 2011, for 54 units. The German Government also approved in principle a sale of up to 200 Leopard-2A7+ tanks to Saudi Arabia, although a contract for the tanks had not been signed by the end of 2011. The proposed sale of tanks and other weapons to Saudi Arabia led to strong opposition in Germany. France The volume of France’s arms exports increased by 12 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. However, France fell from being the third largest exporter to fourth place. Asia and Oceania was the largest recipient region of French arms exports (accounting for 51 per cent of exports), followed by Europe (22 per cent) and the Middle East (12 per cent). During 2011 France received two setbacks in its search for the first exports of the Rafale combat aircraft when the United Arab Emirates (UAE) invited bids from other suppliers and Switzerland opted for the JAS-39 from Sweden. However, in January 2012 India announced the Rafale as the preferred ten- derer for its Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MRCA) programme. The United Kingdom The volume of the UK’s arms exports rose by 2 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. The Middle East was the largest recipient region of British arms Table 1. The five largest suppliers of major conventional weapons and their major recipients, 2007–11 Supplier Share of international arms exports (%) Main recipients (share of supplier’s total exports) 1st 2nd 3rd United States 30 South Korea (13%) Australia (10%) United Arab Emirates (7%) Russia 24 India (33%) China (16%) Algeria (14%) Germany 9 Greece (13%) South Korea (10%) South Africa (8%) France 8 Singapore (20%) Greece (10%) Morocco (8%) United Kingdom 4 Saudi Arabia (28%) United States (21%) India (15%)4 sipri fact sheet exports (accounting for 30 per cent of exports), followed by the Americas (28 per cent), and Asia and Oceania (25 per cent). The UK secured few major export orders in 2011. Along with other Euro- pean Union (EU) member states, the UK came under strong criticism for its arms transfers to states affected the Arab Spring. While the UK suspended some arms export licences and announced changes to its export control mechanisms, it was also keen to ensure that larger contracts with states in the Middle East—including major arms deals with Saudi Arabia—were unaffected. THE RECIPIENTS, 2007–11 The five largest importers of major conventional weapons in the period 2007–11 were all in Asia and Oceania: India, South Korea, Pakistan, China and Singapore (see table 2). Together, the top 5 recipients accounted for 30 per cent of imports of major conventional weapons in 2007–11, compared with 39 per cent in 2002–2006, when the top 5 recipients were China, India, the UAE, Greece and South Korea. India, the largest recipient, accounted for 10 per cent of global arms imports. China, which was the largest recipient in 2002–2006, fell to fourth place in 2007–11 (see box 2). The regional breakdown of arms deliveries has remained relatively stable over the past decade. As in 2002–2006, the main recipient region in the period 2007–11 was Asia and Oceania (see figure 2). Africa The volume of deliveries of major conventional weapons to states in Africa increased by 110 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Deliveries to sub-Saharan Africa increased by 20 per cent, but deliveries to North Africa increased by 273 per cent, and the share of African imports going to North African states rose from 33 per cent to 59 per cent. Algeria, South Africa and Morocco were by far the largest arms importers in Africa in 2007–11, accounting for, respectively, 43 per cent, 17 per cent and 16 per cent of the region’s imports. Morocco and Algeria Morocco’s imports of major weapons increased by 443 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11 due to a steep increase in deliveries in 2011. Nota- Table 2. The five largest recipients of major conventional weapons and their major suppliers, 2007–11 Recipient Share of international arms imports (%) Main suppliers (share of recipient’s total imports) 1st 2nd 3rd India 10 Russia (80%) United Kingdom (6%) Israel (4%) South Korea 6 United States (74%) Germany (17%) France (7%) Pakistan 5 China (42%) United States (36%) Sweden (5%) China 5 Russia (78%) France (12%) Switzerland (5%) Singapore 4 United States (43%) France (39%) Germany (8%)trends in international arms transfers, 2011 5 ble deliveries in 2007–11 included 16 F-16C combat aircraft from the USA, 27 MF-2000 combat aircraft from France and 1 SIGMA-90 class frigate from the Netherlands. In the same period imports by Morocco’s regional rival Alge- ria included 36 Su-30MK combat aircraft, 185 T-90S tanks, 2 S-300PMU-2 surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems and 2 Project-636E submarines, all supplied by Russia. Both countries have significant outstanding orders for more weapons. Kenya and Uganda Imports by Uganda and Kenya increased significantly between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Uganda’s imports increased by over 300 per cent, mainly due to the delivery of 4 Su-30MK combat aircraft and associated guided weapons from Russia in 2011. Kenya did not import major weapons in 2002–2006 but in 2007–11 it received 15 second-hand F-5E combat aircraft from Jordan, 32 WZ 551 APCs and 4 Z-9WA helicopters from China, 3 Mi-171 helicopters from Russia and 35 Puma M-26 APC from South Africa. During 2011 Kenya used some of the recently acquired weapons in its campaign in Somalia. South Africa South Africa was the largest importer of arms in sub- Saharan Africa in 2007–11, accounting for 41 per cent of sub-Saharan African imports. Germany made 55 per cent of the deliveries to South Africa, including two frigates and two submarines. Sweden was the second largest supplier, at 30 per cent, delivering 21 JAS-39 combat aircraft, including 6 in 2011. The Americas The volume of deliveries of major conventional weap- ons to states in the Americas increased by 61 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Imports to Central America and the Caribbean decreased by 15 per cent, imports to North America increased by 54 per cent, and imports to South America increased by 77 per cent. The USA was the largest importer of conventional weapons Box 2. China: declining arms imports and growing arms exports Due to significant progress in its arms production capabilities, China has become less dependent on arms imports and at the same time has increased the volume of its arms exports. Between 2002–2006 and 2007–11, China fell from being the largest to the fourth largest recipient of major conventional weapons, while the volume of its exports increased by 95 per cent, making it the sixth largest supplier, narrowly trailing the UK. Most of China’s exports went to other states in Asia and Oceania (73 per cent of the volume of exports), followed by the Middle East (12 per cent), Africa (9 per cent) and South America (6 per cent). The increase in the volume of China’s exports is largely a result of Pakistan importing more arms. Pakistan has a long-term military relationship with China and during 2007–11 it received 64 per cent of the volume of Chinese exports. This included 50 JF-17 combat aircraft, 3 F-22P (Zulfiquar) frigates and 203 MBT-2000 tanks. China has not achieved a major breakthrough in any other significant market. Moreover, despite significant progress in its arms industry, China continues to rely on the import of engines from Russia for its combat aircraft and of other key components and designs from Russia, France, Switzerland, the UK, Ukraine and Germany. Africa, 9% The Americas, 11% Middle East, 17% Europe, 19% Asia and Oceania, 44% Figure 2. The recipients of major conventional arms, by region, 2007–11 6 sipri fact sheet in the region and the eighth largest in the world. Chile and Venezuela jointly accounted for 61 per cent of South American imports. The United States Of the 10 largest arms importers, the USA has the most diverse supply base. During 2007–11 the USA imported arms from 15 different countries, none of which accounted for more than 23 per cent of US imports. In recent years, the USA has imported a range of weapon systems that have been used in military operations in Afghanistan or Iraq, including Piranha-3 APCs from Canada, RG 31 APCs from South Africa and M 777 155-mm towed guns from the UK. The vast majority of arms transferred to the USA are produced in the USA under licensed production agreements Venezuela Venezuela’s arms imports increased by 555 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11 and it rose from being the 46th largest importer to the 15th largest. In 2011 Venezuela took delivery of a range of weapon systems from Russia, including T-72M1M tanks and S-125 Pechora-2M SAM systems. Venezuela also reached final agreement with Russia on an additional $4 billion line of credit for future arms purchases. Brazil Brazil has a wide range of arms on order that will result in a dramatic increase in the volume of its imports in the coming years. Significant orders in recent years include licensed production deals with France for 4 Scorpène class submarines, 1 SNBR nuclear-powered submarine and 50 EC-725 helicopters, as well as a licensed production deal with Italy for over 2000 VBTP Guarani APCs. Four of the helicopters had been delivered by the end of 2011, while deliveries of the armoured vehicles and submarines are due to start in 2012 and 2017, respectively. Brazil made no decision on awarding long-discussed deals for combat aircraft and naval systems but did order three VT-90m offshore patrol vessels from the UK. Asia and Oceania The volume of deliveries of major weapons to states in Asia and Oceania increased by 24 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. The region accounted for 44 per cent of all imports in 2007–11, up slightly from 43 per cent in 2002–2006. The main recipient subregion was South Asia (37 per cent of transfers to the region), followed by East Asia (29 per cent), South East Asia (23 per cent), Oceania (8 per cent) and Central Asia (1 per cent). India and Pakistan India’s imports of major weapons increased by 38 per cent between 2002– 2006 and 2007–11. Notable deliveries of combat aircraft during 2007–11 included 120 Su-30MKs and 16 MiG-29Ks from Russia and 20 Jaguar Ss from the UK. While India was the world’s largest importer in 2007–11, with 10 per cent of all imports, its neighbour Pakistan was the third largest, accounting for 5 per cent of imports. Pakistan took delivery of a significant quantity of combat aircraft during this period: 50 JF-17s from China and 30 F-16s from trends in international arms transfers, 2011 7 the USA. Both India and Pakistan have taken and will continue to take deliv- ery of large quantities of tanks. South East Asia Arms deliveries to states in South East Asia increased by 185 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11 to reach their highest level since the end of the Viet Nam War in 1975. Deliveries to both Malaysia and Singapore increased by nearly 300 per cent, while deliveries to Indonesia rose by 144 per cent and deliveries to Viet Nam by 80 per cent. There are strong tensions in the region over maritime borders, mainly in the South China Sea, and ships and other weapons with a maritime role as well as aircraft and other weapons with a dual maritime and over-land role accounted for most of the imports. Australia Australia’s arms imports increased by 48 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. It was the sixth largest importer in 2007–11, accounting for 4 per cent of all transfers. Deliveries included 24 F/A-18E combat aircraft, 6 air- borne early warning aircraft and 5 C-17 transport aircraft from the USA, and 4 A-330 tanker aircraft from France. These weapons, and those on order and planned, reflect Australia’s policy goals of long-range defence and inter- vention. Europe The volume of deliveries of major conventional weapons to states in Europe increased by 13 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Eighty per cent of transfers to European states originated in Western Europe. Greece was the largest importer in the region in 2007–11 and, along with the UK and Norway, was one of only three European states among the 20 largest importers. Greece Greece’s arms imports decreased by 18 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. In 2007–11 it was the 10th largest arms importer, down from being the fourth largest in 2002–2006. Greece placed no new order for major con- ventional weapons in 2011 but it did take delivery of the second of four Super Vita fast attack craft from the UK and related systems from Italy and the Netherlands. Greece also took delivery of the first of 20 NH-90 helicopters from France. It still has outstanding orders for five Type-214 submarines from Germany. Russia Russia, a minor importer of major conventional weapons, finally signed a contract with France in 2011 to jointly produce 4 Mistral amphibious assault landing ships, as well as a deal with Italy to assemble 60 Lynx LMV light armoured vehicles, which could increase to 2500 vehicles. Russia also took delivery of unmanned aerial vehicles from Israel. Azerbaijan and Armenia The volume of Azerbaijan’s imports of major conventional weapons increased by 164 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11, making it the SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. GOVERNING BOARD Göran Lennmarker, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi (Algeria) Jayantha Dhanapala (Sri Lanka) Susan Eisenhower (United States) Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger (Germany) Professor Mary Kaldor (United Kingdom) The Director DIRECTOR Dr Bates Gill (United States) © SIPRI 2012 Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden Telephone: +46 8 655 97 00 Fax: +46 8 655 97 33 Email: sipri@sipri.org">sipri@sipri.org Internet: www.sipri.org 38th largest recipient of weapons. Azerbaijan’s arms imports are connected to its ongoing dispute with Armenia over the disputed region of Nagorno- Karabakh. Although Armenia dropped from being the 71st largest recipient to 84th place between 2007–11 and 2002–2006, the Armenian Government has declared that it will procure arms in response to Azerbaijan’s arms acquisitions. Russia is the main supplier of arms to both states: in 2007–11 it provided 55 per cent of Azerbaijan’s arms imports and 96 per cent of Arme- nia’s arms imports. The Middle East Although the volume of deliveries of major conventional weapons to states in the Middle East decreased by 8 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11, there are signs that this trend will soon be reversed. In 2007–11 states in the region received about 195 combat aircraft, while an additional 416 on order remained undelivered at the end of 2011. States affected by the Arab Spring During 2011, the governments of Bahrain, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Syria used imported weapons in the suppression of peaceful demon strations among other alleged violations of human rights and international humani- tarian law. The transfer of arms to states affected by the Arab Spring has provoked public and parliamentary debate in a number of supplier states. However, the impact on states’ arms export policies has been mixed. The United Nations imposed an arms embargo on Libya in February 2011. Egypt, by far the largest arms importer of the five countries, continued to receive and order major arms, in particular from the USA. In 2011 Egypt received 45 M-1A1 tanks from the USA and ordered 125 more. Syria’s imports of major weapons increased by 580 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Russia supplied 78 per cent of Syrian imports in 2007–11, followed by Belarus (17 per cent) and Iran (5 per cent). Russia’s arms supplies included an estimated 36 Pantsir-S1 and 2 Buk-M2E SAM systems and 2 Bastion-P coastal defence missile systems. Russia has opposed a pro- posal for a UN arms embargo on Syria and plans further deliveries, including 24 MiG-29M2 combat aircraft and 36 Yak-130 trainer/combat aircraft. Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia ranked as the 11th largest arms importer in 2007–11. The UK was the largest supplier, accounting for 41 per cent of Saudi Arabia’s imports, thanks largely to the delivery of 24 out of 72 Typhoon combat aircraft on order. In 2011 the UK made the first deliveries of Storm Shadow air-launched cruise missiles, which improved Saudi Arabia’s long-range strike capa- bilities. These capabilities will receive a further significant boost from the mid-2010s with the delivery of 154 new and rebuilt F-15SA combat aircraft ordered from the USA in 2011.

Frans on 04.20.12 @ 11:06 PM CST [link]


Wednesday, April 18th

PM rules out NSCN core demands Rio plea for right choice OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph



PM rules out NSCN core demands Rio plea for right choice OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph


Schoolchildren participate in a rally in Imphal on Monday demanding the release of jailed NSCN (I-M) leader Anthony Ningkhin Shimray. (PTI)
Kohima, April 17: The 15-year talks between the Centre and the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) appears to be heading for a deadlock with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh conveying his government’s inability to accept the outfit’s core demands.
The Centre has ruled out sovereignty and integration of contiguous Naga areas to hammer out a solution to the more than 60-year-old Indo-Naga political problem. It has reportedly offered greater autonomy to Nagas living in states outside Nagaland, an arrangement that has been opposed by non-Naga organisations in Manipur.
Singh also ruled out the NSCN’s demand for far more powers in the federal relationship between ‘Nagalim’ and New Delhi than is enjoyed by Indian states, even as NSCN chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah camped in New Delhi for the next round of talks with central leaders.
Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio, who is believed to support Naga nationalism, today said going by Singh’s recent statements, New Delhi was not in a position to accept the demands of the NSCN.
Describing Singh as a thorough gentleman, Rio, who met the Prime Minister recently, indicated that the Centre was not in a position to accept the core demands of the NSCN.
“Whatever is possible will be possible even after 100 years but whatever is not possible will not be possible even after 100 years,” he quoted Singh as saying.
Inaugurating the Naga Solidarity Park near the secretariat here today, Rio said Singh had asked him to tell the Naga organisations to be “reasonable”. He said Singh did not mean that Nagas were not reasonable in their approach to hammer out a solution to the Naga political problem but had simply conveyed a message to the Nagas for being reasonable.
Asking the Nagas to “think out of the box”, Rio warned that breakdown of ceasefire between the Centre and the NSCN could cost them dearly as in the past when thousands of Nagas were killed, raped and inhumanly tortured during imposition of the Disturbed Areas Act and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in Nagaland. He said the Nagas wanted peace and development and did not want to go back to those years.
Treading cautiously, Rio said at this juncture the Nagas were being offered a good opportunity to come together and resolve the Naga political problem. Rio said with the ongoing ceasefire and talks, Nagas should grab the opportunity and claim what was due to them. “Let us put our heads together and solve the problem,” he urged the Nagas at the mammoth gathering that was led by Naga Hoho, the apex body of the Nagas.
Rio said New Delhi and the world community had recognised the uniqueness of Naga history but regretted that the Nagas had not yet taken the right decision despite the opportunity offered to them.
“Take the right decision at the right time so that we do not miss the opportunity,” he said. He urged the Nagas to rethink and collectively decide what would be best for them. He said bestowing of award on Baptist clergyman Rev. Wati Aier by the World Baptist Alliance was recognition of the Nagas and their political struggle.
Former president of Naga Students’ Federation, Vikheho Swu, said the efforts of Naga organisations would not go in vain. It would strengthen the bond and unity among the Nagas. Atoho Kiho, convener of Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, said they would continue their efforts so that Nagas find their rightful place in the world community. Rio also unveiled a monolith at the solidarity park. He was accompanied by cabinet ministers, parliamentary secretaries, legislators and a host of leaders from Naga organisations.


Frans on 04.18.12 @ 11:26 AM CST [link]


Tuesday, April 17th

NSCN-IM to New Delhi: Don't play mischief The Sangai Express / Newmai News Network



NSCN-IM to New Delhi: Don't play mischief The Sangai Express / Newmai News Network

Dimapur, Amid series of raids and arrests in the houses of senior NSCN-IM officials carried out by the security forces in 'Nagalim', the Naga outfit today tells the government of India that if it (New Delhi) wants to call off the cease-fire, it must politely tell the NSCN-IM in an unambiguous voice instead of playing hypocrisies.

Senior kilonser (minister) of the NSCN-IM in-charge of the outfit's ministry of information and publicity AZ Jami in a statement made available to Newmai News Network said, "The main purpose of the cease-fire between the Government of India and the National Socialist council of Nagalim (NSCN) is to facilitate for a purposeful political dialogue between the two entities to bring an amicable settlement of the decades long conflict between India and the Nagas".

This statement of the NSCN-IM leader came amid series of raids and arrests on the former by the security forces for the alleged violation of cease fire ground rules.

The latest incident had been the arrest of 13 cadres of the NSCN-IM by the Assam Rifles in Dimapur after a raid in a house three days ago. There have been numerous such raids and arrests on the NSCN-IM for the alleged cease fire ground rules violation.

Reacting to all these incidents, senior NSCN-IM leader AZ Jami said the much provocative actions of the Indian Army and para-military forces and vitiating the peaceful atmosphere in Nagalim is a serious concern for the NSCN as well as the Naga populace.

"If the government of India wants to call off the cease-fire, it must politely tell the NSCN in an unambiguous voice instead of playing hypocrisies. If the government of India wants to maintain cease-fire, it must respect the hard earned cease-fire. Much harm has already been done to the NSCN under the shadow of the cease-fire.We want the government of India and its machinery to respect the cease-fire whole heartedly" .

AZ Jami said the NSCN's serious concern is towards a sincere and meaningful political dialogue rather than interpretations of the cease-fire ground rules.

"If an amicable political settlement is arrived at, then it is the fulfillment of the cease-fire ground rules. But if the political dialogue breaks down what is the use of the cease-fire ground rules? So let us not focus much on the cease-fire ground rules but rather focus on the political talks" he added.

The NSCN-IM leader then stated that when it considers the present escalated operations of the Indian Army and para military forces in the form of unabated checking and frisking and also house raids throughout "Nagalim", they are very much skeptical whether cease-fire actually exists between the government of India and the NSCN.

He added that the NSCN-IM also doubts the sincerity of the Indian Government.

"If we want to talk about the terms of the ceasefire here, then the preamble or preface of the cease-fire ground rules agreed upon on the 12th December, 1997 runs thus, "The cease-fire with a view to ensuring continuance of an effective cease-fire to pave way for a peaceful and meaningful political dialogue", it stated.

AZ Jami said the preamble of the revised cease-fire ground rules finalised in January, 2001 states, "with a view to make the cease-fire more effective and to create a proper and conducive atmosphere for a peaceful and meaningful political dialogue" .

From all these statements the cease-fire was and is focused on political dialogue and settlement. But the way the Indian army and paramilitary forces are acting at present is quite contradictory and provocative, Jami said.

"The first clause of the ground rules runs thus, 'there would be no offensive operations like ambush, raid and attack leading to death/injury/damage or loss of property against the NSCN by the Indian army, paramilitary forces and the police'. But the wonder is what the Indian army and paramilitary forces are doing at present. Attacks, raids and making arrests against the NSCN cadres are daily occurrence. Therefore, the NSCN urges the Indian government machinery not to vitiate the peaceful atmosphere in Nagalim and give due respect to the existing ceasefire, and maintain code of conduct of ceasefire," the senior NSCN-IM leader asserted.
Peace appeal to Naga groups on NBCC anniversary TNN
Kohima: Angami Public Organization (APO) has appealed to Naga political organizations and underground groups not to disturb the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) platinum jubilee celebrations, scheduled to be held from April 19 to 22 on the theme of "One New Humanity in Christ" here.
APO President K Neingunyu Sekhose said during the celebration, all "warring Naga political groups" should reconcile and come together to "cohesively" work towards "Naga political aspiration". The APO said all citizens of Nagaland, Christians or non-Christians, should support and co-operate during such occasions.
"It is evident that the NBCC and the Naga church leaders are doing their best and all it takes to make this occasion the grandest of success is the participation of Christians from all over Nagaland, besides having enlightened personalities and church leaders from around the globe," the APO release said.
The APO said it would cooperate with district administration and various government departments in maintaining civic amenities. The four-day conference is expected to see participation of a large number of delegates, including several from abroad.
NBCC president, Keviyiekielie Linyu, said preservation of identity of the Nagas, ushering in education in Naga society and the role played towards establishment of peace between India and the Naga underground groups were the three major achievements of the church.
Talking about the advent of Christianity in Nagaland and the subsequent formation of the NBCC on April 5, 1937, Linyu said since its inception, six general secretaries and 27 presidents have served the council. There are now 20 full-fledged associations and four associate member associations affiliated to the NBCC with 1,553 churches and over 5 lakh baptised members.
The platinum jubilee celebrations will begin with the inauguration of the Convention Centre by Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio on April 19. An 85-member Platinum Choir will present the theme song on the opening evening service, written by Ajeen Longchari and composed by Khyochano TCK Ngully.
NBCC general secretary Anjo Keikung said invitations have been sent out to partner countries of Thailand, Denmark, Japan and the United States of America, who would be sending delegates for the celebration, along with various states in India and Baptist associations of the Northeast.
Rio wants early settlement of Naga issue for development Seven Sisters Post | UNI | Kohima (Apr 17):
Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio on Tuesday emphasized the need of early settlement of Naga political issue so that development can take place at a faster pace.

Inaugurating the Naga Solidarity Park at the Capital Complex here Rio reminded the people that the political issue had been creating many problems which had claimed thousands of precious lives and brought sufferings to thousands of Nagas.

He said it was the Britishers who first gave identity to the Nagas by introducing laws to protect and preserve their unique identity by introducing the Inner Line Permit.
Northeast states want tighter border vigil By IANS,
Agartala : Highlighting crimes such as smuggling of weapons, narcotics and fake Indian currency notes (FICN), the northeast states have pressed the central government to tighten vigil along international borders.
The issue was taken up at the chief ministers' conference on internal security in New Delhi Monday with Mizoram's Lal Thanhawla, Tripura's Manik Sarkar and Manipur's O. Ibobi Singh saying that the long unfenced India-Myanmar and India-Bangladesh borders and mountainous terrain are the main routes of various border crimes.
While Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Assam share a 1,880-km border with Bangladesh, Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh share a 1,640-km unfenced border with Myanmar.
The India-Bangladesh border is patrolled by the Border Security Force (BSF) while the India-Myanmar boundaries are being guarded by the Assam Rifles.
The dense forests and mountainous terrain add to the factors making the borders porous and vulnerable.
Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla said Monday that his state, sharing "porous" international borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh, remains prone to a host of illegal activities like smuggling of weapons, narcotics and FICN.
"Mizoram shares 722-km long porous international borders with Bangladesh and Myanmar and free movement regime is allowed along the 404-km Indo-Myanmar border. The Indo-Myanmar unfenced border is characterised by hostile terrain covered with dense canopy. Hence, Assam Rifles alone cannot effectively monitor the Indo-Myanmar border," he said.
This, he said, has direct bearing on the internal security of not just Mizoram but also "for the whole northeastern region as Indian insurgent outfits use it as a conduit for arms smuggling and for crossing over to neighbouring countries for seeking shelter or training".
Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar said fencing was incomplete in about 176 km of the 856-km India-Bangladesh border in his state. "It is necessary to complete fencing in the remaining part as the militants are using these unfenced borders to get access their camps in Bangladesh."
"The northeast India extremist outfits are mainly operating from across the border in Bangladesh. Details of locations of their camps and activities in Bangladesh have been shared. The issue should be taken up with Dhaka," he said.
Sarkar demanded the setting up of more border outposts along the border.
Manipur Chief Minister Ibobi Singh also asked for accelerating border fencing works.
"The 400-km long unfenced Indo-Myanmar border with Manipur is a cause of concern for the state's internal security as numerous crimes are taking place along this porous border," he said.
The state governments in the region are also worried about the fake currency racket and raised the issue in New Delhi. Fake currency notes of Rs.500 and Rs.1,000 denomination are in circulation in the region. Nationalised banks and various other financial institutions in northeast India have taken a series of measures, including installation of fake note detection machines.
Manipur: Post-Assembly Elections 2012 Shristi Pukhrem
Elections to Manipur’s 10th Legislative Assembly were conducted, in January-February 2012. The Indian National Congress [INC] swept the polls and sealed an absolute majority (42 seats out of 60) in the House. The outcome was applauded by the regional and national media as a hat-trick, performed by Mr Okram Ibobi Singh, the Chief Minister.
In fact, the results in Manipur came as a surprise, given that the law and order situation was precarious and was marked with uncertainty, frequent bomb-blasts and fierce encounters, necessitating the deployment of additional companies of paramilitary forces. In the wake of the precarious security scenario in Manipur and erratic functioning of the government, the media had, earlier, on a few occasions, described Manipur as a failed state under the same ruling party (INC). To make matters more difficult for the Ibobi Singh government, and his party, various underground militants groups unified against the INC by forming what is known as the Coordination-Committee (Cor-Com) –– an amalgam of seven valley-based militant groups. The elections were marked by numerous bomb-attacks targeting INC candidates and workers. The elections were, thus, conducted under the shadow of a high degree of violence perpetrated by the militant groups. In spite of this, the people of Manipur bravely exercised their franchise and voted the INC to power.
In the backdrop of the recent developments, it might be useful to consider what the elections in Manipur implied. First, regardless of the increased deployment of security forces during the elections, and thereafter, the security scenario in Manipur was volatile (and continues to remain so). For instance, several poll-related violent incidents were reported both in the Valley and Hill districts, including booth capturing at Mao Fudung village and Tadubi in Senapati district; dismantlement of electronic voting machines at Saluk and Unapat polling stations in Chandel and Ukhrul districts; and the death of seven people, including three polling officials, two Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel, a girl and a suspected National Socialist Council of Nagaland- Isak Muivah [NSCN (IM)] member in a crossfire at 41/40 Tampi polling station, under Chakpikarong Police Station limits, Chandel district.
Second, the 80 per cent voter turnout clearly mirrored the faith of the masses in democratic governance and the hope for improvement, even though the state was taken hostage by the militant groups that imposed economic blockade on National Highway No. 2 (erstwhile NH-39) for almost 100 days.
Third, it persuades one to suggest that the militants have lost their influence over the masses, which ought to have, otherwise, been under their direct influence, either because of ideological brainwashing or mortal threats. This became very clear when the people elected INC candidates despite numerous threats issued by the Cor-com warning the people not to support/ vote for the Congress candidates.
Fourth, the election also led to the emergence of a new political entity, which is suspected by the Valley people as inimical to the state’s interests. The Naga People’s Front (NPF) won four seats in the Naga dominated areas of the state. The NPF is seen by the Valley people as thriving chiefly because it espouses the Nagas’ demand for Nagalim. It is generally perceived as a potential challenge to the territorial integrity of the state as the proposed Nagalim includes four districts of Manipur, viz. Tamenglong, Senapati, Ukhrul and Chandel.
The continuing precarious security environment in Manipur has taken a toll on the economy of, and development in, Manipur. The finances of Manipur, like the other states of the North East region, are catered for through 90 per cent grant and 10 per cent loan from the Central Government. Even as the state is faced with an acute financial crunch, there has been a lack of industrial development and entrepreneurship. Only a few infrastructure projects are being undertaken, but these have, thus far, met with limited success. Besides, poverty in the state has increased in the last few years. According to the 2011 Census figures, the state has a population of 12.5 lakh below the poverty line (BPL); the population of Manipur is 27.21 lakh. Thus, poverty in Manipur is the highest in the northeast region with 45.93 per cent people falling under the BPL category.
Even as the overall situation in Manipur presents a rather depressing picture, the people have not given up hope. They earnestly aspire that the Central and State governments would resolve various issues that have been plaguing the state. Of course, there are some doubts in the minds of the people, which nudge them to wonder if there would be a drastic change in the state of affairs, all the more because the same political party has strode to power for a third consecutive term.
But, it is with the hope of a better future that the people voted the INC back to power. The Ibobi dispensation would do well to understand that the people have reiterated their faith in democracy and have cold shouldered the militants, if not politely shown them the door. Consequently, it is the responsibility of the INC government to take advantage of the situation and not let down the people of Manipur. It has to rise up to the occasion and fulfil their aspirations. It cannot afford to squander the opportunity afforded to it by the people.

Frans on 04.17.12 @ 10:25 PM CST [link]


Monday, April 16th

Public rally for Shimray’s release in Ukhrul town Nagaland Post Pamreiso Shimray



Public rally for Shimray’s release in Ukhrul town Nagaland Post Pamreiso Shimray

UKHRUL The public campaign for unconditional release of Ningkhan Anthony Shimray, head of NSCN (IM)’s foreign affairs, is gaining momentum with a peaceful mass rally held today in Ukhrul town with high turnout of people including school children.

On Monday the streets in Ukhrul town witnessed thousands of rallyists marching from both ends of the town and converged at Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL) ground, where a public meeting was convened and a memorandum to be submitted to the India’s Prime Minister was read out to the audience.

The peace rally, which was organised by the Committee for Release of Ningkhan Shimray (CRNS) and participated by 14 other villages, kick started at 11am from Pakshi ground and the other from Nuyainao’s Kharasoom junction simultaneously.

Will the mass rally held today be another just a whisper in the air? The Naga civil societies have been launching a series of campaign ever since the Naga Women Union, Manipur initiated the movement last year. There has been no response from the Government of India (GoI) so far. This statement was clearly substantiated by the CRNS.

Leaders of various Tangkhul frontal organisations addressed the gathering and delivered expletives against the GoI. In every speech the GoI was blamed for pursuing “double standard” and adopting “evil design” in handling the Naga issue. “Indian government should not betray us...must release Anthony Shimray,” said Tangkhul Naga Wungnao Long president A.S. Vaomi.

Tangkhul Shanao Long (TSL) vice president K. Shimtharla termed the “long detention” of Anthony as “unjustified” and called for unconditional release of the Naga leader.

In his expletive speech, the Tangkhul Katamnao Saklong (TKS) president Yangmi Khapai hurled accusations that “the GoI is not sincere at all” and vowed to protest against its “evil design.”

TKS president questioned “How can the GoI levies charges against peace talks member?”
He further challenged that if the GoI continue with the “detention ... we better break the ceasefire and declared was against India.”

Tangkhul Youth Council (TYC) president Ningkhan Shangh vowed to take the ‘Free Anthony Campaign’ to the limit and threatened that the Naga organisational leaders will take a march to Delhi.

“We will march through the mainland of India and hold a sit-in protest at India’s House of Parliament,” he asserted.

Today’s memo to India’s PM was endorsed by Tangkhul civil societies and signed by chiefs of 14 villages including Tushar—the birthplace of Ningkhan Shimray. “...with confidence and conviction, we believe your honourable office will understand our point and definitely act for safe and unconditional release of Ningkhan Shimray in the interest of peace with Naga people...” read the representation addressed to India’s PM Dr. Manmahon Singh.

In a symbolic show of protest, the Tangkhul womenfolk were all clad in black-coloured kashan (phanek) and turned out in greater number than men folk. All along the streets, the rallyists shout slogans like—we want peace; we demand uncoditional release of Ningkhan Anthony Shimray; we stand for Naga integrity; restore humna rights; is Tihar jail for peace talk member?

The government offices and business establishments remained downed their shutters for over three hours, while educational institutes remained opened on Monday
Nagalim: NSCN (I-M) Presses Center To Resolve Naga Issue Nagaland Post

NSCN (I-M) leaders has been praised for progress on the peace talks with the central government.
NSCN (I-M) leadership is believed to have conveyed the state Congress leaders to press the central government for expediting the ongoing talks over the long protracted “Indo-Naga political issue.”
Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee (NPCC) members led by its president S.I Jamir met NSCN (I-M) chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Th. Muivah Wednesday in New Delhi and deliberated on the progress of talks between the Centre and NSCN (I-M).
Speaking to this correspondent, S.I Jamir said that the NSCN (I-M) leadership conveyed to the Congress leaders that the ongoing talks were being held at a positive note and efforts were on by both the entities to resolve the issue at the earliest.
According to Jamir, the team met NSCN (I-M) leadership before meeting Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and was appraised by the leaders on the progress of talks.
Later, when the delegation met the Prime Minister, the Congress leaders conveyed the issues briefed upon by the NSCN (I-M) leaders to the PM, who in turn told the NPCC delegation that the UPA government is sincere and resolute towards addressing the Naga issue.
Congress Legislature Party (CLP) leader Tokheho Yepthomi, who was also part of the delegation, informed this correspondent that the Prime Minister told them that “things are moving well” and that his government was “committed” towards resolving the Naga issue at the earliest.
Tokheho further informed that the Prime Minister assured the team that he will ensure that the core-committee continues to examine and monitor the progress of talks so that an early settlement is arrived at. NPCC delegation also met home minister P. Chidambaram and discussed issues pertaining to law and order in Nagaland.
Jamir said the state government was always in the habit of shying away from any law and order problem created out of factional clashes saying it (state government) is not a party to the Centre-Naga underground parleys.
However, Chidambaram is understood to have conveyed to the NPCC delegation that the state government is equally responsible for any breakdown in law and order in any state.
CLP leader Tokheho said that Chidambaram placed the onus on the state government for rampant extortions, kidnappings and killings stating that these issues are a “State subject.”
On the socio-economic front, the prime minister is learnt to have told the delegation that enough money is being accorded to the state and there should be development in all the spheres. The delegation however told the prime minister that mere submission of “utilization certificates” by various departments under the state government was just a “cover-up” of misutilization.
Therefore the Congress leaders urged the prime minister to send proper investigation bodies and agencies to the State to oversee the functioning of various departments in Nagaland, Tokheho added.
NPCC delegation also met UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi, union finance minister Pranab Mukherjee and defence minister A.K Antony.
Both Jamir and Tokheho admitted that their visit to New Delhi also touched on the matters relating to party affairs ahead of the Assembly election schedule next year.
Sikhs laud Jang Group’s peace efforts NANKANA SAHIB City News
Say ‘Aman Ki Asha’ brings Indo-Pak people close together: Sikh yatrees praised the Jang Group for launching peace efforts between Pakistan and India and said “Aman Ki Asha” is a strong bridge to bring both nations close together.
Talking to The News at Gurdwara Janamasthan here on Sunday, World Muslim-Sikh Federation chairman Sardar Manmohan Singh Khalsa said the US was the biggest terrorist of the world and spreading terror across the world.
“India should give freedom to Nagaland, Manipur, Asam, Khokhaland, Khalistan and Kashmir and then it should claim to be the biggest democratic country of the world. America and India are falsely levelling charges on Hafiz Muhammad Saeed.
Khalistan Movement is still alive and it will continue till freedom. Sikh will take revenge from India for massacring Sikhs and violating sanctity of Golden Temple,” the Sikh leader said.
He said India should cancel death sentence for Balvint Singh Rajuana as he had already served jail punishment for more than seventeen years. Talking to The News, president of Sri Guru Singh Saba Sardar Swarn Singh Gill lauded peace efforts of Jang Group of Pakistan and said “Aman Ki Asha” was an initiative for peace.
He demanded that ten thousand yatrees should be allowed to visit their worship places in Pakistan. Meanwhile, Indian Sikh Yatrees visited Gurdwara Sacha Soda Farooqabad on Sunday.
They performed their religious rituals including ‘Matha Taki’. A heavy contingent of police was along with them to avoid any untoward incident.
Nagas decry hydel project OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, April 15: Naga organisations have expressed concern over the construction of a hydel project on the Chindwin, which they fear will affect thousands of Nagas in Myanmar.
Naga Hoho, the apex organisation of the Nagas, apprehends violation of human rights as construction of the project would force Nagas out of their lands at Tamanthi village in Sagaing region of the Naga self-administered autonomous region of Mynamar. The dam is about 35km from the Naga-inhabited Homalin town in Myanmar.
The dam is being constructed by NHPC, under an agreement signed between Myanmar and India in 2004 during the visit of senior general Than Shwe to New Delhi.
The feasibility report for the project was prepared by Colenco Power Engineering Ltd of Switzerland and the hydel project is expected to generate 1200MW power, of which 80 per cent will be sent to Delhi and the remaining used in Monywa copper mine in Sagaing division.
According to the Environmental Impact Assessment report, the dam’s height would be 80 metres and cover more than 3,000 square km, displacing over 1,00,000 people.
Hoho general secretary Chuba Ozukum said the project would affect 67 villages and displace over 1,00,000 Nagas.
“We will discuss the issue in detail in our federal assembly to be held at Kohima next week. As an apex body, it is our duty to safeguard the interest of our people,” he said.
Several Naga organisations in Myanmar have sought support from their Indian counterparts like the Naga Hoho, Naga Students’ Federation, Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights and Naga Mothers’ Association to stop the construction of the dam.
According to the Nagas in Myanmar, the construction which began in 2007 has been kept in abeyance and since then 2,400 people from Tazone and Laywayyan villages have been displaced without proper compensation.
The Naga organisations fear the project would create health, education, unemployment, environmental and social problems. They allege that this was a deliberate human rights’ violation as the agreement between the two countries was signed without their consent.
They alleged that Nagas are still being used as porters and bonded labourers by the junta-backed government.
Naga Hoho is likely to ask India and Myanmar for adequate compensation to the affected people and respect for their rights in its meeting next week.
Assam concerned over Maoists' presence, illegal coal trading PTI

New Delhi | Expressing concern over Maoists' presence in his state, Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi on Monday said that illegal coal trading in border areas of a number of northeastern states is fast becoming a major source of funding for terror outfits.
Gogoi, speaking at a conference of Chief Ministers on internal security, cautioned that Maoists' presence in Assam has the potential to grow into a major threat in the state where militancy related incidents have come down drastically last year.
The chief minister attributed change in Bangladesh's policy of not allowing sanctuary to militants from the region and better coordination between central and state security forces for the drop in militant violence.
However, he said funds coming from illegal coal trading have found their way to militant outfits and favoured better policing in the region to contain militancy.
"The illegal coal trade originating in bordering area of neighbouring states transits through Assam and is fast becoming a major source of funding for different militant outfits," he said, adding Dimapur in Nagaland is particular emerging as a centre for illegal arms trade and shelter for criminals and militants.
Identifying various challenges of internal security in Assam, he said inflow of fake currency into the state was a matter of concern which needes to be tackled with better border policing.
"The fake currency is being pushed into the country through the Indo-Bangladesh and Indo-Nepal borders. Hence, special focus is kept on districts along these international borders," he said, adding 514 cases relating to fake currency have been registered in the state in the last six years.
Gogoi said most of these fake notes are of a "very high quality" which cannot be detected by the common man and sometimes even by the banks.
The chief minister also highlighted the problem of proliferation of dubious Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFCs) which have "misappropriated huge sums of money raised from the public.
"In last one year, 107 cases involving 62 companies have been detected leading to arrest of 99 persons, recovery of Rs 65 lakh in cash, attachment of immovable properties worth Rs16 crores and freezing of 70 bank accounts both within and outside state," Gogoi said.
Holding that better vigil on international border will result in improvement in security situation in the state, he said significant work on border fencing was nearing completion but sought floodlighting work to be completed speedily.
He said riverine areas of international border with Bangladesh are still a cause for concern as the proposal to have floating Border Outposts (BOP) could not be made operational. Assam has a 267-km border with Bangladesh and 269 km with Bhutan. In the past, both these countries have been used as sanctuaries by militant outfits.
Noting that public mood has been in favor of peace and development in Assam, Gogoi also complemented the Centre for helping the state in enhancing its capabilities to counter the militants. He said Assam Police is now second to none in counter-militancy skills.
"The central government has played a crucial role in helping to modernise police forces. In the past 10 years 85 per cent of funds allotted have been utilised to construct police stations, achieve better mobility, acquire modern weaponry and ensure effective communication," Gogoi said. Seeking extension of the MPF (Modernisation of Police Force) scheme to the entire 12th plan period, Gogoi said time has come to stress on 'policing with a human face'.
Gogoi also favoured increased recruitment of youths from the state in central security Forces so that militant outfits cannot lure the unemployed young people. For improving internal security, Gogoi also sought separating law-and-order from investigation wing of police, adding a major expansion in terms of manpower for police was needed.
Stating that better intelligence was key for effective policing, he proposed setting up of a Regional Training Centre for Intelligence and Security in Assam to cater to needs of the region.

India setting up missile bases in North East: ULFA (AGENCIES) GUWAHATI,

In a startling revelation, the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) has claimed that the Government of Indian was secretly setting up nuclear missile bases in North East India, especially in Assam “in lieu of its growing conflict with China”.

According to a Times of Assam report Monday ULFA ‘commander-in-chief’ Paresh Baruah stated that the Government of India has already completed surveys for setting up bases for BRAHMOS cruise missile (Indo-Russian Technology) in Nagaland and Nuclear missile AKASH in Assam respectively.

In a press release sent to Times of Assam, the ULFA chief stated that Assam was sandwiched between the Sino-India conflicts and maintained that Assam has never had any conflict with China over the centuries.

Reminding that China had walked back without hurting Assam in the Sino-India war of 1962 after the Indian Army had fled, the elusive ULFA commander stated that this time it was unlikely for Assam to be saved if a war happens. Naturally the Chinese targets would be the nuclear bases in Assam due to which the state would be completely destroyed, Paresh Baruah stated.

He also said that though India-China conflict was over Arunachal Pradesh, the Indian authorities did not set up bases in Arunachal but in Assam for which millions of innocent people might have to pay the price.

It may be mentioned that ULFA had earlier appealed to the people to protest against the Indian Air Forces taking over huge areas of lands to set up Air bases in the state.

Abductions, extortions in NE worry PM Kalyan Barooah Assam tribune
NEW DELHI Admitting that the situation in some of the North Eastern States continues to remain complex, Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh red flagging ‘pilferage of development funds’ by the militants, observed that much remains to be done to eliminate extortions and kidnappings.
In what should come as a warning to the Chief Ministers of the North Eastern States for adopting a complacent attitude towards curbing illegal acts like extortions and kidnappings, the Prime Minister left none of the attending Chief Ministers of the region in doubt that he was unhappy with the state of affairs. “The situation in some of our North Eastern States has, however, remained complex. There was some improvement in terms of incidents of violence, but there is no question that much remains to be done to restore calm and eliminate extortion, kidnapping and other crimes by militant or extremist groups on the pretext of ethnic identity,” Dr Singh said.
“The pilferage of development funds by militant groups is hurting our efforts to improve the lives of the people of the region. Inter-factional clashes, such as those in Tirap and Changlang, are another source of insecurity,” the Prime Minister cautioned.
According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, the States of Assam, Manipur, Nagaland and even Arunachal Pradesh have gained notoriety for forcible collection of funds and abductions by militant and even ex-militant groups.
“The answers to these problems lie in strengthening the law and order capabilities of the States concerned and in reasserting and rebuilding normal democratic political and development processes. More proactive state police forces, reducing reliance on central armed police forces would be a useful step forward, the Prime Minister suggested.
“The Centre will continue to work with the States of the region to make this possible. I would hope that the implementation of infrastructure projects in the North-East would create conditions for the return of normalcy.
Meanwhile, in his opening remarks, Union Home Minister, P Chidambaram said Assam has emerged as the new theatre of Maoist activity. There are also inputs about the links of CPI (Maoist) with insurgent groups in Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.
The decline in the overall number of casualties among civilians and security forces in Left Wing Extremists (LWE)-affected districts may give a false sense of assurance, but that is not the true picture. Two States are very badly affected, four States are affected and three States are within the arc of influence of the CPI (Maoist).
Referring to the situation in Assam he said that political processes of negotiation and dialogue are underway with several insurgent and ethnic separatist groups in the North-East. These dialogues, which are being undertaken by the Ministry of Home Affairs in close consultation with the states concerned, are making steady headway.
“In the North Eastern States, nearly all major groups are in talks with the Government. I am, therefore, confident that 2012 will see further advancement in bringing peace and development to these States, Chidambaram said.
NE crucial in India-Myanmar relations Imphal Free Press By Our Correspondent
NEW DELHI, A brainstorming session on Indo-Myanmar economic relationships was held Thursday at the India Habitat Centre in Delhi.
The session was organized with an objective to chart out India’s plan of action in the light of the recent political and policy developments in Myanmar by Delhi based Research and Information System of the Developing Countries, a think-tank of the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India.
The seventeen member group included among others economist Amar Yumnam of Manipur University.
Others who deliberated extensively on the issue included Shyam Saran, former Ambassador to Myanmar, V. S. Sheshadri, present Ambassador, Biswajit Dhar, Director General of RIS, chief functionaries of Indian corporate houses now undertaking projects in Myanmar and ministry officials. The two Ambassadors spoke on connectivity, involvement of the Indian corporate sector and the huge interest being taken by different countries from all over the world in the wake of the recent policy and political changes in the resource rich country.
Economist Amar Yumnam stressed the need for the great potential of Myanmar for picking up the speed of growth sooner than later to levels of the Asian tigers.
He also spoke of the ASEAN strategies and the need for appreciating the new character of global economic relationships going much beyond merchandise and involving even cultural components.
He also spoke of a more comprehensive approach than just exports and imports. He emphasised the imperatives of attending to the scenario of North East and Bangladesh while designing policies for dovetailing to the larger scenario of Asia.
This view was also supported by later speakers from the corporate houses and Commerce ministry. The representatives of the corporate houses spoke of the need and urgency of the Government of India to be more pro-active and integrated in her approach.
The meeting emphasised further interactions between government and corporate houses and need for integrated approach by both the sides.
Burma getting ready to boom: ADB Mizzima News
(Mizzima) – With the imminent lifting of major sanctions on Burma, its economy is poised for rapid growth, the Asian Development Bank said Wednesday.

However, the challenges remain “tremendous” in one of the poorest economies in the world, Craig Steffensen, the bank’s director for Myanmar and Thailand, told The Associated Press on Thursday. “We’re trying to unwind a knotted ball of yarn if you will, and it’s going to take a long time to untangle.”

Even so, he said the capability for private sector growth is such that “we haven’t seen anywhere else for a long time.”

ADB figures indicate the economy has already been significantly bolstered by a 26 percent jump in tourist arrivals and a 15 percent rise in gas exports that alone are worth $3 billion in annual revenue, he said.

The bank said it forecasts GDP growth in the country will rise from 5.5 percent in 2011 to 6 percent in 2012, and at least 6.3 percent the following year.

Steffensen said those estimates may prove conservative and could rise “substantially” if sanctions are eased and the government continues on its path of reform.

Frans on 04.16.12 @ 09:59 PM CST [link]


Friday, April 13th

'GoI ready for settlement' Morung Express Dimapur, April 12 (MExN)




'GoI ready for settlement' Morung Express | Dimapur, April 12 (MExN):

A team of the Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee after meeting Central leaders of the present UPA government disclosed that New Delhi was having a ‘positive’ frame of mind on the Naga political issue with the NPCC President Sungit Jamir even disclosing to the Morung Express that the Government of India under the Congress led UPA “they are ready to settle the matter”.

The NPCC team met AICC president Sonia Gandhi, and the big four at the Centre – the Prime Minister, Home Minister, Defence Minister and the Finance Minister. Speculations doing the rounds, of the NPCC again taking up the matter of I. Imkong’s status in the party with the AICC, the NPCC however, maintained that that particular issue was not at the core of the visit.

NSCN (I-M) tells NPCC to press Centre for expediting talks Morung Express
| Dimapur (MExN): NSCN (I-M) leadership is believed to have conveyed the state Congress leaders to press the central government for expediting the ongoing talks over the long protracted “Indo-Naga political issue.”

Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee (NPCC) members led by its president S.I Jamir met NSCN (I-M) chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Th. Muivah Wednesday in New Delhi and deliberated on the progress of talks between the Centre and NSCN (I-M).

Speaking to this correspondent, S.I Jamir said that the NSCN (I-M) leadership conveyed to the Congress leaders that the ongoing talks were being held at a positive note and efforts were on by both the entities to resolve the issue at the earliest.
Forged Nagaland arms licenses pose security threat to India (UPI)
Indian security officials are increasing concerned about firearms security. The government is particularly unsettled by the proliferation of forged arms licenses in Nagaland. GUWAHATI, India, April 13 -- Indian security officials say they are increasing concerned about firearms security. The government is particularly unsettled by the proliferation of forged arms licenses in Nagaland in northeastern India. Recent police criminal investigation department inquires have determined that several armed private security guards and criminals in Assam possess illegal firearms purchased by using fraudulent arms licenses issued in Kangpokpi in Manipur and Dimapur in India's troubled Nagaland.
India's Nagaland state is in Indiay's far northeast and borders the state of Assam to the west and north as well as Arunachal Pradesh state and Myanmar to the east. The state is the center of a long-simmering insurgency. Residents say that their concerns have been ignored by the Indian government, The Telegraph newspaper in Kolkata reported. Many armed groups roam the state.
In response to New Delhi's alleged lack of concern, in 1980 the National Socialist Council of Nagaland, a Maoist organization, was formed to establish a Greater Nagaland, encompassing parts of Manipur, Nagaland and the north Cachar hills in Assam. The NSCN split in 1988 into the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) and NSCN (Khaplang), with both groups maintaining a shaky cease-fire with the Indian government.
Their concept of a Greater Nagaland is strongly opposed by the neighboring states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh as they all say they fear they would lose territory should such a political entity be formed. Among the security problems still roiling the region are extortion, kidnapping and inter-factional clashes. The CID, which is investigating, said arms and ammunition obtained using bogus licenses were a rising threat to public safety and an increasing concern for security forces.
"If anybody commits a crime with a firearm procured through these licenses, it becomes very difficult for police to track him down, since these licenses do not have the complete address of the license holder, a CID official, speaking on condition of anonymity to The Telegraph, said. The source said there is an "interstate racket" providing fake licenses to residents of Assam.
He said the investigation uncovered 41 arms licenses with all-India validity and with incomplete addresses had been issued by the additional district magistrate of Kangpokpi subdivision. "There must be some illegal activity going on," the source said to The Telegraph. "Otherwise, why would a resident of Assam go all the way to Kangpokpi and Dimapur to get an arms license instead of applying in his home state?"
PRESS STATEMENT
Dated Tahamzam, 13th April, 2012

The United Naga Council(UNC) has felt it necessary to bring the views of the Naga people in Manipur on the responses of the Meitei organisations and purported intellectuals of Imphal valley on 9th April 2012 edition of the local media on the supposed options that are emerging in the Indo-Naga dialogue to find an honourable settlement to the Naga issue.

As the UNC has always maintained, it is not against the political aspiration of the Meiteis and other communities, which of necessity are rooted in the histories of the respectivde communities. While it is matter of inherent historical rights for the Nagas to live together as a people, for the dominant community it is their economic and political interest that Nagas should not have political empowerment to be able to decide their own future.

Let it be also clearly placed that the land of the Nagas and tribals were not gifted by the Meitei Maharaja. Meiteis lived in the Sanaleibak of the valley and the Hao tribals/Nagas lived in the hills. Our histories were different. The hills were never a part of the Meitei Kingdom or its magnificent history. Nagas and tribal live in their own land. And Nagas and tribals alone must decide their destinies, which cannot not be conditioned and subjected to the interest and convenience of the dominant community of the valley.

The Indo-Naga dialogue is between the NSCN and the Government of India as two entities. The talk is in place because the legitimacy of the Naga movement has been recognised. Manipur is a state under the Constitution of India. But the parochialism and chauvinism of the dominant community as reflected in the recent statements emanating from the valley has given rise to the demand for alternative arrangements outside the communal government of Manipur by different tribal communities even as far back as 1948.

Selective reference of the Kuki-Naga conflict in the 1990s have been frequently cited to project the NSCN as the perpetrators of genocide. It was a clash factored by many causes and chief among them was the instigation and manipulation of the dominant community in the state who were the silent and sadistic spectators. But nothing is mentioned of the massacre of Nagas by Kuki irregulars in 1971-1919 with the use of 600 musket rifles provided by the Meitei Maharaja. The targeting of Nagas does not reflect kindly on the historical and ethical sense of the Meitei intellectuals. There seems to be a persistent aversion to any news or development on the historically registered Naga issue and decided unwillingness to look into the merit of the case. When the Nagas position is not appreciated and no sincere effort made to do so, then the peaceful parting of ways is the only option.

Threat of use of violence by referring to the June 18, 2001 mayhem is constantly used against changing the territorial boundary of Manipur. But such threats do not change the fact that Nagas and tribals are not Meiteis and that there is already an irreparable social divide in the present state of Manipur.

AMUCO and UCM rightly uses Manipur, which is without the Nagas and tribals in the hills. Their concern for Manipur’s (Imphal valley) territorial integrity is rightly placed. The “naked” Nagas have always desired is to be able to live together as a people and to have other communities as good neighbours. Sooner this position is understood as inevitable , the better it would be for all concern.

Publicity Wing United Naga Council

PRESS STATEMENT Naga Hoho
Dated Tahamzam, 12th April, 2012

The statement of Mr Gaikhangam, Home Minister of the Government of Manipur and President MPCC on the supposed options that are emerging in the Indo-Naga dialogue to find an honourable settlement to the Naga issue reeks of utter disrespect of the Naga people and their political aspirations. Although he himself is a Naga by blood, he describes as “daydream” the almost 6 decades of bloodshed and struggle of the Naga people for their rights to live together as a people. The Naga movement for their political aspiration, based on their history, has unfortunately dragged on for so long because of individuals like him who have betrayed the mandate of the people for the proverbial 30 pieces of silver.

Mr Gaikhangam was not so long ago a champion for Naga integration and a signatory to the memorandum demanding for integration of Naga areas submitted to the Prime Minister of India on 27th May, 2005 by 11 MLAs and 2 MPs. The 30 pieces of silver has indeed turned him into a different person today.

The NSCN(IM) is having a dialogue with the Govt of India with a view to negotiate a settlement to the protracted Indo-Naga issue. Mr. Gaikhangam, who is the Home Minister of a state under the Union of India has the audacity to state that such a process that has brought peace in our land is a daydream. Instead of facilitating the peace process, as is his duty, this Naga become the spoilsport, for the applause from the gallery which threw down the silvers. Does he really believe in what he has uttered ? But history will record his due place in its pages.


Publicity Wing
United Naga Council
Nagaland produces world's first 'mithun' calf through embryo transfer technology ANI News track India
Kohima, Apr 13 (ANI): In a historic achievement, the world's first ever mithun calf was produced through embryo transfer technology (ETT) in Nagaland recently.
Scientists have named the calf "Bharat", which was born on March 27 and is the result of five years of hard work on embryo transfer technology by scientists at the National Research Centre (NRC) on Mithuns in Nagaland.
Dr Kishore Kumar Baruah led the team along with Dr Mohan Mondal, Dr Chandan Rajkhowa and several others. The entire cost of the project was less than Rs 10 lakhs.
"For the last five years we are working on this project. We have tried this ETT on seven different occasions and today we have succeeded," said Bhaskar Bora, research associate, NRC-Mithun.
Embryo Transfer Technology is the process of removing embryos from a female and placing them in another, the surrogate mother, where they develop. The surrogate mother gives birth to an offspring that is genetically unrelated.
Mithun is a domesticated form of wild Gaur and is mainly confined to Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram in the Northeast. It weighs around 450 kg and produces around 1-1.5 litres of milk.
The new calf will help increase the population of mithuns in the region. It will attract more farmers to rear this domestic animal for its meat and skin. This technology has successfully been applied to pigs, cattle, horses, buffaloes and yaks.
The team is hopeful of getting three more mithun calves soon through this technology.Now we are planning that we should go in a very big way to the farming community through this technology. And now the second step we have taken with the financial help of Department of Biotechnology and ICAR (Indian Council of Agricultural Research) is that we have gone for a project to develop more embryos from transfer technology," said Chandan Rajkhowa, Director NCRM (ICAR).
The idea of the Mithun Institute was conceived in Vision 2030, with the aim to preserve, conserve and propagate superior quality Mithun germplasm for sustainable production system and subsequent utilization for better nutritional and socio-economic support to the farmers. (ANI)


ONE COUNTRY, ONE NATION – ONE PEOPLE, ONE VISION
THE PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY PARTY RESPONSE TO THE MILITARY JUNTA AND
AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S AFIRMATION OF THE MILITARY CONSTITUTION 2008
Date: 5th April, 2012
The British media, the BBC TV domestic and BBC World, Sky News, Radio, Newspapers led by the Times have gone over the top in praising the outcome of the phony election organised, arranged and choreographed by the military Junta to deceive the gullible that reforms are underway but to where?
1. The PDP's objective position is this; it adamantly does not recognise the military drafted 2008 Constitution.
2. The mindset of the military Junta is incapable of restoring democracy, freedom of speech/media, the Rule of Law, because its governance method is by arbitrary rule, coercion, imprisonment, torture, threats/intimidation and restrictions of access to media. In the circumstances, the notion of the military Junta introducing reforms is a manifest delusion to deceive those who are ready to collaborate with murderers, gangsters, looters of public assets, who have committed heinous crimes against humanity.
3. The so-called by-election, to allow Aung San Suu Kyi and some of her supporters to contest was a given and an elaborate political sham, which the military has perpetrated on the world media. The military Junta made sure that Aung San Suu Kyi won and a good number of her
2


supporters for the simple reason that this will benefit it and influence the lifting of economic sanctions by European Union and other countries.
4. In the PDP's view, Aung San Suu Kyi's and the NLD participation in the so-called by-election charade, authored, prepared and supervised by the military Junta is a political confirmation that her and the NLD have joined the military Junta as partners and collaborators. She is tainted with the crimes against humanity but also with the gross betrayal of the brave 8888 students who were mercilessly killed by the Junta, and of the living students groups who chose her to be leader of the NLD, and of the tens of thousands of minority communities and thousands of the 2007 monks led demonstrations and more recently, thousands of the Kachin men, women, children – raped, killed and displaced in their thousands. She has been claiming recently that the military Junta are doing reforms right, and she does not want them to be investigated for crimes against humanity.
5. There is a presumption among the media in Britain, the US and Europe that the children born in 1988 and who are about 25 million are supporters of Aung San Suu Kyi, which is not only outrageous, but also an insult to the people of Burma. This group has grown up being told by their fathers and grandparents that Aung San Suu Kyi will bring better times of plenty and employment! As they grew up, they kept asking their parents where are the jobs you have been telling us Aung San Suu Kyi would bring? The objective point here is that Aung San Suu Kyi is a failed politician, who has failed to end military rule and who has failed to bring employment to these young men and their parents in the 22 years she has been in politics. The suggestion by the media in the West that despite these manifest political and economic failures, the people still support Aung San Suu Kyi, is perverse, as it is make-believe celebrity politics. We know that the majority of the people no longer support her or the NLD. Aung San Suu Kyi has been sustained by a large celebrity publicity organised by Burma Campaign and now a huge public relations operations backed by tens of millions of US dollars to deceive, mislead the long oppressed people of Burma that she is a capable leader – this is bound to fail. What demonstrable political achievements has she delivered to the people of Burma: of jobs, ending military rule but betrayal and disloyalty?
6. It is important for people to recognise the limits of giving a political leader space to solve political problems or problem. In the case of Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi was given enormous support by the people in 1988/89 through to 1995 to end military rule and restore democracy. Also she received big support and money from the West, but her record of
3


performance is absolutely nil, while the people's economic and social condition has geometrically become worse and hopelessly dire. More than 20 years is more than a reasonable period in which a political leader should have demonstrated competence and success. Virtually, all objective political analysis have expressed serious reservations about her political judgement to make such an alliance with a military regime, which is continuing to commit as of March 2012 crimes against humanity in the Kachin region. She is hopelessly out of touch with the people's incandescent volcanic rage, which is ready to explode. She has thrown excrement in the faces and graves of the dead 8888 student martyrs who made it possible for her to become General Secretary of the NLD in order to hide her personal indiscretions. Her alliance with the military Junta which is seeking the insurance and support of outsiders to paraphrase George Orwell "It is a lie to say that we are here in Burma to help our poor black brothers rather than to rob them." This is what the betrayal of Aung San Suu Kyi will do for the country unless the people repudiate her that she has no mandate from the people to decide the future of Burma on her own without all other political groups.
7. We ask the Western powers to remain faithful to their democratic values not to recognise the present military dictatorship and demand that it has no governance role at all other than a National Defence Force.
8. The PDP regards the Burma military Junta as having no legitimacy to make agreements with outsiders to sell the assets of our country as insurance for their crimes against humanity and the looting of the country's wealth they committed in the past 50 years.

Central Committee
Parliamentary Democracy Party (Burma)
GHQ (Liberated Area)
E-mail: pdp_office@yahoo.com">pdp_office@yahoo.com,
Web page: www.pdpburma.net,

Frans on 04.13.12 @ 10:43 PM CST [link]


Wednesday, April 11th

'IM' daydreaming, says Gaikhangam Source: Hueiyen News Service



'IM' daydreaming, says Gaikhangam Source: Hueiyen News Service

Imphal, April 09 2012: Clarifying the report over the proposed Greater Autonomy status for Nagaland instead of Supra State Body, Home Minister Gaikhangam today said that NSCN-IM is still day-dreaming with Supra State or Greater Autonomy status with administrative and financial control over parts of Manipur and some other North Eastern States of India.

Hitting out at NSCN-IM, Gaikhangam said that it is like searching for fish after the oil has been already heated on the frying pan.

All these speculations are baseless and would bore no fruit, he said while assuring intact territorial integrity of Manipur to its people.

He was speaking to editors of local media in a meet at MPCC office here today.

When asked about the various crimes involving state security forces which have been reported in the state since he took the charge of Home Minister, Gaikhangam said that the government would not support any guilty security personnel.

Necessary legal actions would be taken up against them and they would be punished in accordance to the law of the land.

He said that four persons who raped a woman from Khoupum are under judicial custody.

The two IRB personnel who were involved in the incident were also placed under suspension.

One of the IRB jawans was on AWOL (Absence without Leave) while the other was overstaying on leave.

The case has been handed over to a DSP and charge-sheets are being prepared against them so that there is no loophole in punishing them with stringent penalty.

In another instance, eight IRB jawans including a Subedar of 3rd IRB Saivom Post were detained by 42 Assam Rifles at Bongyang while they were travelling in a Unit Bus from Kakching along with 93 kgs of suspected Ephedrine powder in four carton boxes, 9,60,000 pieces of tab Polyfed, 4,18,500 pieces of Tab Respified in 6 airbags, 5,76,000 pieces of Tab Respified in 16 carton boxes on April 2 .

After verifying the report, a case was registered under NDPS Act by SP Chandel and they have been arrested and remanded into custody.

ADGP (AP & Trg) conducted a thorough enquiry as per order of DGP Manipur.

After the preliminary enquiry, JC No 409 Subedar Md Jaherudding of 8 MR (attached to 3rd IRB), the Post Commander of Saivom Post who was leading the team and the seven other personnel namely Ksh Prafullo, S Vio, T Dhanabir, N Ramajit, A Rameshwor, Th Tiken and driver E Debananda have been placed under suspension.

Draft charge has been issued and a Departmental Enquiry is under progress for awarding major penalty against them, he said.

Today also, DGP Manipur received a DO letter from MLA Md Abdul Nasir stating that personnel of Narcotics Cell, Imphal West detained a driver illegally, who was reportedly carrying some banned items in order to extort money.

Acting on the letter, the DGP ordered an enquiry by DIG (Range-I) L Kailun.

Prima facie enquiry was established against three constables of Narcotics Cell, Imphal West and Inspector W Ibocha, OC Narcotics Cell.

Inspector Ibocha and the other three constables namely Ch Bikram, M Ranan and Ch Dinachandra were placed under suspension.

A Departmental enquiry has been ordered against them, Gaikhangam added.

Gaikhangam further said that he is targeting to establish a good relationship between the people and police.

Acknowledging that increasing corruption and immoral activities among the police personnel are due to various loopholes and mistakes in the schooling of the personnel, Gaikhangam assured that he would try his best to correct the mistakes in police department.
Home Minister Gaikhangam on Supra State Source: The Sangai Express
Imphal, April 09 2012: Home Minister Gaikhangam has brushed aside the report about New Delhi's offer for Supra State body or any similar arrangement to appease NSCN-IM as nothing but a pipedream.

Speaking to media persons at his official quarters at Babupara this afternoon, Gaikhangam stated that the question of Supra State body is just a pipedream which would never see the light of day.

"It's like heating cooking oil and preparing condiments for cooking fish curry when one does not have any fish", Gaikhangam stated in a satirical tone.

Earlier the Guwahati based Seven Sisters' Post reported that New Delhi was planning to offer Supra State body to NSCN-IM in place of Nagalim.
Nagas: A sense of urgency Augustine Bruno Eastern Mirror
As the year releases us further into the future, many of us had already face harsh reality and many of us are yet to face the reality. We see a warning sign each day in different ways, and somehow in one way or the other way, the facts confirm it the next day.
We walk a different road each day into the future, not knowing what will happen the next moment; the sense of insecurity in ourselves and in our own land! We are forced to live in an uncertain world and at the same time, we must learn how to live in an uncertain world.
We must (as individual/organization/society) ceaselessly rethink ways of carrying out each task. The era of drawing close boundary has shadow us in many different ways.
Now, it is a different era we are facing with, an era where we believe in more freedom and more evolving democracy in the society. It is no more an era of unreason, of paradox, of despair. We must live with the changing era, combat it to live with a different approach; explore for different opportunities/tactics to be applied in a single given situation. We must give a chance to believe in the approach of its member’s ideas, thoughts and at the same time, let us not misuse the freedom of speech and expression in any forms. We must believe in questioning, in exchanging, in sharing and discover a better result by exploring different forms. We must believe that shattering of old limitations and great accomplishments are still possible.
Let us believe: men, women and children can all spur this revolution and guide for new birth in ourselves, for our society, and for our Nation.
Supra-State Rumblings Seven Sisters Post | (Apr 10): :
Many may wonder why home minister P Chidambaram is now silent on the “supra-state body” controversy. But moment the polls are over, the Centre is back with a proposal (again reported only in Seven Sisters Post) that it was offering the NSCN “maximum autonomy with administrative and financial control” over Nagas residing in states adjoining Nagaland.

So, one can see the contours of a developing storm in Northeast, unless the Congress-led UPA government diffuses it by its time-tested delay tactics. The Centre might be using the Naga issue to experiment with a new “maximum autonomy” formula that could not only solve the half a century old Naga problem but could also be a possible answer to all the separate statehood demands from Bodoland to Bundelkhand. Without doubt, this “maximum autonomy” formula will have to step beyond existing constitutional parameters and attempt to work out a new autonomy paradigm for the whole nation.

If India’s lawmakers and the usually routine-serving bureaucracy discovers a new path to address the problems of ever-multiplying statehood demands, the Naga issue could be used as a trial ground for what could stabilise the whole country
UCM, AMUCO denounces Greater Autonomous Council proposal
Source: Hueiyen News Service
Imphal, Expressing strong resentment over the proposal of a Greater Autonomous Council for Nagaland in place of the earlier Supra State Body proposal by the Centre, United Committee Manipur (UCM) and All Manipur United Clubs' Organisation (AMUCO) today stated that the proposal of the India government for a Greater Autonomous Council is like inviting another June 18 to the people of Manipur.

In a joint statement, UCM and AMUCO recalled how the India government forced the people of Manipur to revolt against the government and sacrifice 18 valuable lives for the sake of protecting the territorial integrity of Manipur when Cease Fire Agreement with NSCN (IM) was extended 'without territorial limit' .

The joint statement alleged that in many instances, the state government acted like a puppy before the NSCN-IM and India government whenever NSCN-IM cadres carried out terrorist acts in the state conflicting human casualties, taking innocent lives and extorting huge amount of money from the state.

An IRB CO was given forced retirement for shooting and recovering arms from 11 NSCN-IM cadre at Pallel Lamkhai.

Some cadres of the outfit who were arrested by Manipur Commandos from Kangpokpi were also accorded VIP's status and later escorted upto Mao gate with state honour before setting them free.

Moreover, NSCN-IM instigated its frontal organisations to carry out indefinite economic blockades on the two National Highways giving different reasons.

Thus, the government has been conceding to the high-headedness of the leaders of the frontal organisations and even went to their place to initiate dialogues when court had issued arrest warrant against them, the statement observed.

On the other hand, Chief Minister O Ibobi did nothing when he was welcomed with placards that read 'Welcome to South Nagaland' at Senapati HQ and 'We do not welcome communal Chief Minister O Ibobi' at Ukhrul, the joint statement recalled.

It further recalled that SDO Thingnam Kishan and his two sub-ordinate staffs were murdered by NSCN-IM.

Bombs were exploded in various public places killing and injuring innocent lives only to protest against the election to ADC in the hills districts.

Amidst all these, a news report of Seven Sisters' Post which reported about an alternate Greater Autonomous Council instead of the previous Supra State Body has sparked uncertainty and apprehension in the minds of the public wondering whether the India government is again playing a dirty trick with the people of Manipur to please the NSCN-IM.

Adding to the confusion is the act of the Manipur government in keeping quite over the news report, it added.

The statement further stated that all the 60 MLAs who have sworn to protect the territorial integrity of the state before the election have vanished when it is the time for them to raise their voices against the proposal of the Centre which might turn into reality soon.

Demanding a clear stand on the matter from both the state government and the Centre, the joint statement warned of another June 18 like public uprising if the government fails to heed the warning of UCM & AMUCO.

If the government goes ahead with the proposed Greater Autonomous Council without respecting the territorial integrity of Manipur and the aspiration of the people, the joint statement stated categorically that UCM & AMUCO would not remain silent over any decision of the government which is against the interest of the people in Manipur.

It also called upon the people to stay alert over the proposal and raise their voice.
Naga orgs revisit AFSPA era with UN Rapporteur Morung Express Al Ngullie: E Pao
A number of Naga civil organizations recently joined other northeast region-based Human Rights organizations in Assam’s Guwahati to express their denouncement of the Black Law, the infamous Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act of 1958 of the Government of India. The dark decades of the 1950 till the early 1980s in Nagaland under the hand of the AFSPA-empowered Indian military, was the presentation of the Naga organizations to the United Nations Special rapporteur Christof Heyns during the meeting.

Mass-based civil groups from the North Eastern Region had converged in Guwahati during March last week when Christof Heyns was in India to recommend to the Indian government to repeal the draconian law, among other repressive state laws.

From Nagaland, a number of leaders from the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) and some from the south Naga areas attended the open meeting with Christof Heyns. The meeting was held March 28, at Hotel Bhramaputra in Guwahati proper.

(Press Release)
KOHIMA ATTACK OF 1956 : AZ . JAMI.

While offering heartfelt condolences of the sad demise of Late. Brig. Khashepu Kath, I, AZ Jami would like to supplement with some corrections of the writing of Mr.Joel Nillo, carried in the local paper of 3rd April 2012 under the caption “Naga patriot laid to rest” about the Naga Hills District Capital Kohima attack or rather siege in his word in the summer of 1956. Whatever people may say or claim, the District Capital Kohima attack, as Mr.Joel Nillo had rightly projected was the major event in the Naga National movement which drew the attention of the Indian people as well as the foreign well-wishers.

I was then a sergeant (Havildar) in the then Naga Home Guards and participated in that fighting and when the attack or siege ended, I was promoted to 2nd Lieut. That’s why I remember some of the events of the siege. Yes, Lt. Brig. Khashepu Kath was also a Commandar of one of the groups. From the Lothas, Late. Brig. Etsonyimo Tsopoe, a former veteran of Indian army, took command of one of the groups. And Late. Brig. Tsemomo Ovung, a young, brave and intelligent Indian Army soldier become one of the sub-ordinate Officers under Etsonyimo in the rank of Captain.

During the time, Late Gen. Thongti Chang was the Chief of the Naga Home Guards and Late Gen.Yanpamo Lotha was the Adjutant General of Naga Home Guards in the rank of Lieut.General. Both of them stayed together at Rukroma (Now Rosuma) and directed and supervised the Kohima siege. But while the Naga fighters were on the verge of victory, a dispute arose between Naga Home Guards and the Naga Safe Guards, and the Naga safe Guards who were assigned to block Dimapur – Kohima road withdrew enmasse. Then the enemy, the Indian army came in Battalions and Brigades from Dimapur and re-captured the Kohima town. The Indian Soldiers marched in hundreds on foot from Dimapur to Kohima and the vehicle carrying loads of supplies moved in hundreds behind the soldiers. Then the Rosuma Village was heavily bombarded by Indian Army and kept in ruins at the time.

The divisions among people face defeats. The present Naga situation is just like that. Therefore, let us unite again and put up a united effort for the common cause.

A.Z. Jami
Senior Kilonser, NSCN

'Assam issue may be resolved in less than a year' Sanjib Kr Baruah, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, Hope and optimism were on a definite high on the first day of Govt-United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) talks on Monday. Noting 'significant and tangible progress', the government has said a resolution of issues look a 'bright possibility' in less than a year. "The understanding of the
issues and the appreciation of the difficulties of what is achievable and what is not…a very good beginning has been made. A resolution looks possible very soon and definitely in less than a year," Shambu Singh, joint secretary (North East), who participated in the talks along with Union Home Secretary RK Singh, told HT.
Singh's statement is significant in the backdrop of the lingering talks with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) that has been ongoing for the last 14 years.
Declining to pinpoint the exact areas where the 'tangible progress' has been made, Home Secretary RK Singh said: "it won't be beneficial to the process if I talk about it now."
ULFA chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa also expressed happiness. "We are very happy with the way the government is looking at the issue. We only hope that the talks translate into action."
"If this is the way the talks progress, a resolution of issues appear a distinct possibility in less than a year."
Noting that Monday's talks focused on the "most serious and sensitive" issues, Rajkhowa emphasized that the process could veritably address the loss of national identity of the Assamese people which has been a result of the colonial character of the prevailing administrative apparatus. Talks with the ULFA has started after a hiatus of six months. Seven top ULFA leaders, including Rajkhowa, participated in this round of talks.
The Paresh Barua-led ULFA faction continue to hold out in camps along the jungled Myanmar-China border, steadfast in its opposition to the ongoing talks.
ULFA was formed 33 years ago at the historic Ronghor to start an armed rebellion to fight for Assam's independence. Ever since, the conflict has claimed more than 12,000 people.
Beijing Behind Eastern India Separatists? Written by Nava Thakuria Asia Sentinel


ULFA rebels ready for action
India alleges China funding, arming United Liberation Front of Asom
China allegedly is funding support for a banned separatist organization and its leader, Paresh Baruah, along the Northeat Indian mountainous region of Assam that abuts Tibet, say sources who have visited Buruah in Burma.

China has for decades assailed the border established as the McMahon Line in 1914 by the British colonial government, alleging that the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, which Beijing calls Southern Tibet, is illegally occupied by India. The two countries fought a border war in 1962, with China invadng well inside India before withdrawing.

Nearly cut off from the rest of India by a spur of Bangladesh that juts up almost to Nepal, Assam is one of five eastern states that lie close to the confluence of Myanmar, China, Nepal and Bhutan. Cut off economically as well from the rest of the country, the five states have often been the site of unrest and criticism of the central government for ignoring their economic needs.

GK Pillai, the former Indian home secretary, said during a public meeting at the Assamese capital of Guwahati on Feb.13 that many insurgents in northeast India maintain relationships with Chinese intelligence officials. He also claimed that Beijing was directly or indirectly supporting militant leaders including Paresh Baruah, who heads a militant faction of the United Liberation Front of Asom. Pillai also revealed that Baruah’s wife and two sons, who were still hiding in Bangladesh, had expressed their interest to come back to Assam.

The elusive ULFA leader was quick to reject the allegation, saying in a statement a week later that ‘GK Pillai’s comment on the ULFA is baseless and an outcome of frustration.” China’s foreign ministry spokesperson Liu Weimin also dismissed the charges saying that Beijing upholds the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries.

But Indian intelligence agencies stick to the report that Baruah has established a comfortable relationship with some levels of officers of Beijing administration. The leader, equipped with Chinese weapons, security guards and a satellite communication system, has been traced to the jungles of northern Myanmar to Ruili of Yunnan, where the arms deals are struck with various small groups of northeast India.

The intelligence source also disclosed that the Chinese Army has recently modernized their arms and ammunition, offloading old and used weapons to arm dealers and ultimately to militants in Myanmar and northeast India.

While the Indian government’s assertion could be dismissed as propaganda, Rajib Bhattacharya, the execuitive editor of the Seven Sisters Post English-language daily and Pradip Gogoi, a cameraman from Prime News, went into Myanmar recently to meet the ULFA leader, reported that a Chinese security cordon surrounded the encampment, and that no Assamese cadres were with him.

ULFA was born in 1979 with the aim to make Assam a sovereign nation although the organization is split today, with one faction comprising all senior leaders including its chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa, engaged in talks with the Indian Union government.

Baruah, however, continues to maintain the armed struggle. He was driven out of Bhutan in 2003 when the Bhutanese flushed out its ULFA hideouts, shifting his operations to Bangladesh during the regime of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party led by Khaleda Zia in Dhaka. However, when the Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina Wajed took the reins in 2009, most of the militant leaders and their families from northeast India, including those of ULFA, were arrested and secretly handed over to Indian authorities.

But Baruah escaped. After being declared a wanted criminal by a Bangladeshi court, he returned to his jungle bases in northern Myanmar, bordering the northeast Indian States like Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. The Myanmar region, also bordering China’s Yunnan province, has increasingly emerged as a safe haven for many other militant groups from Nagaland, Manipur, Tripura and Assam.

The banned groups reportedly run camps in the hilly, heavily jungled terrain where they are comparatively safe from both Burmese and Indian forces. They train new recruits, extorting money from the wealthy in their respective states, and issue press statements on various occasions.

Two recent e-mails drew the attention of the mainstream Assamese, arguing on behalf of China’s sovereignty over the region. In the 1962 border incursion, the Chinese captured the state of Arunchal Pradesh, even venturing westward as far as the city of Tezpur in Assam on the banks of the Brahmaputra River. However, they withdrew after the United States and France warned Beijing following pleas from the then Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.

The region has been disputed for nearly two centuries, with Burmese staging a series of attacks between 1820 and 1826 until they were defeated by the British, which brought the region under colonial rule in the Yandaboo Agreement signed in 1826.

The ULFA statement issued on March 31 insisted that Assam ‘should build bridges with China’ for its own prosperity. A friend like China is crucial for the people of Assam, it added.

Referring to the ‘Indo-China war of 1962’, the statement asserted that India had fallen backward from the war front in Arunachal, that the People’s Liberation Army had reached the border of Assam and did not occupy an inch of Assam’s land, proving “who our friend is, it stressed. “So there is no logic for any anti-China movement in Assam,” the statement asserted.

The faction claimed on Mar. 26 that New Delhi is ‘secretly setting up nuclear missile bases in northeast India, because of its growing conflict with China.’ Baruah asserted in a press statement that ‘the Indian government has already completed surveys for setting up bases for Brahmos cruise missile (Indo-Russian Technology) and Akash nuclear missiles in Nagaland and Assam’.

ULFA’s awakened interest appears to coincide with growing activity on the part of Tibetan refugees in Guwahati, including street demonstrations and press conferences, with the cause for a free Tibet suddenly gaining momentum, which has caught the attention of the Chinese. Hundreds of Tibetans observed the Tibetan National Uprising Day in Guwahati on March 10, commemorating Tibetans’ first massive uprising against the Chinese occupation in 1959. Clad in traditional dress and holding Tibetan national flags along with the Indian Tricolor, nearly 300 Tibetan exiles moved through the streets of Guwahati, also organizing a candlelight procession at the heart of the city in the evening.

Attending a public meeting in Guwahati on March 26, Gyari Dolma, the home minister of the Tibetan government in exile, appealed for help, saying ‘Tibet is closer to northeast India than China.”

The hardliner ULFA faction countered by criticizing the Dalai Lama for “not being sensitive to the suffering of Assamese under Indian rule.”

“We are not aware of any voices raised by the Dalai Lama (or any Tibetan refugee taking shelter in India since 1951) against New Delhi’s oppressive action in Assam, especially in the period of Assam movement (1979 to 1985), when 855 students were shot dead by the government forces,” the militant group claimed in a statement. “ Even later also, the exiled Tibetan establishment has not expressed its concern on the atrocities and human rights violations going on in Assam in the last three decades of armed movement.
MoS Defence inspects border fencing Source: Hueiyen News Service
Imphal, April 10 2012: Union Minister of State (MoS) for Defence Dr MM Pallam Raju today arrived here along with Director General of Border Road Organisation (BRO) Lt Gen P Ravi Shankar; Chief Engineer of Project Pustak, BRO and other officials of Defence Ministry.

He came from Nagaland in a chopper and flew straight to Moreh where he inspected the border fencing work being taken up along the Indo-Myanmar border.

At Moreh, the Union MoS for Defence was received by IGAR (S) Maj Gen UK Gurung; Brig Upendra Dwivedi, DC Chandel, representatives of different communities and students of the border town.

He also crossed the Indo-Myanmar border bridge and inspected the condition of the bridge.

Later talking to mediapersons, Dr Raju said that the road renovated by BRO from Moreh to Tamu was satisfactory.


Union MoS for Dr MM Pallam Raju along with Army officials during the inspection


After the inspection, the Union MoS for Defence convened a joint meeting with various district level officials before flying back to Imphal.

At Imphal, Dr Pallam Raju met Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh at the Chief Minister bungalow at around 4 pm for nearly 40 minutes, but the details of the meeting could not be ascertained till the time of filing of this report.

The Union minister also met Governor Gurbachan Jagat at Raj Bhavan where he would also be holding the night.

In the evening, a dinner was hosted in his honour at the Banquet hall of 1st MR.Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh was also present at the occasion.

Cultural dance and folk songs were also displayed prior to the dinner.

The Union MoS for Defence would be visiting Tamenglong district and Jiribam sub-division on Wednesday for inspection of work being taken up by BRO on National Highway 37 which links Imphal with Assam and other parts of India and inaugurate a road newly constructed by Assam Rifles in Tamenglong district.

Afterward, he would be visiting Jiribam sub-division, Imphal East district to have a first-hand account of the progress made so far on railway tracks being laid to connect Imphal with the rest of the country, official source said.

It may be mentioned that the progress of the work being undertaken by BRO along National Highway 37 has been alleged to be very slow by truck owners, truck drivers, and various civil society organizations.

Letters and memorandums urging the Union Government to speed up the progress of the work along this highway before the rainy season have been submitted by various concerned parties.

The Union MoS for Defence would leave Imphal tomorrow afternoon.

Frans on 04.11.12 @ 10:06 PM CST [link]


Monday, April 9th

Home Minister of India arrested on charges of procuring arms and waging war against Nagaland Court Allows GPRN intelligence to Quiz Chief Arms Procurer of the Government of India


A Naga International Support Center, NISC www.nagalim.nl
A human rights organization

Press Release, April 9 2012

Home Minister of India arrested on charges of procuring arms and waging war against Nagaland

Court Allows GPRN intelligence to Quiz Chief Arms Procurer of the Government of India

P. Chidambaram, Home Minister of India, arrested in Mokokchung Nagalim April 6, was allowed by a local court to be produced before the designated court in Kohima, the national capital of Nagalim

By this court today the GPRN Intelligence Agency, GIA, has been allowed to interrogate. Chidambaram, an alleged chief arms procurer, to remain in custody for 14 days.

The GIA has accused Chidambaram of conspiring to procure arms in China and Thailand, a huge quantity of arms and ammunitions, for carrying out terrorist activities in Nagalim.

The Special Judge of the Naga Customary court allowed the GIA investigators to interrogate Chidambaram, a key figure in the GOI, whose custody was granted till April 22. The GIA said that Chidambaram deposited money with offshore arms dealers during his travels to Nepal, Thailand and other nations. He was booked under various provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, dealing with criminal conspiracy and waging war against the Government of Nagalim. The GIA wants to interrogate Chidambaram for 15 days as various incriminating documents/articles were recovered from his people which are required to be verified.

“Custodial interrogation of Chidambaram was required to unearth the entire conspiracy of procurement of huge quantity of arms and ammunition and to recover material evidence to prove his complicity in the conspiracy. Interrogation would help to identify places and persons like accomplices used by Chidambaram in transshipment of arms.” GIA stated

For more information visit www.nagalim.nl or mail to nisc@nagalim.nl">nisc@nagalim.nl

Disclaimer!!!
Of course, NISC admits that this news is not true; Nagas would not stoop to this low and deplore this undermining of the peace talks. At the talks the Naga Government, GPRN, is the equal partner of the Government of India, They agreed to cease fire and peace talks the conditions both parties are bound to. With the arrest of Anthony Shimray the peace talks came under fire; credibility on the part of the Government of India is at stake.
NISC demands the unconditional release of Anthony Shimray so the talks can resume on the basis of equality. Or is the Government of India planning the arrest the entire leadership of Nagaland? Not such an alien idea because that leadership assigned Anthony Shimray to do his job like the Government of India assigned Chidambaram to do his’.



Frans on 04.09.12 @ 06:35 PM CST [link]


Saturday, April 7th

Proposed 'Supra-State' irks Arunachal Government ANI


Proposed 'Supra-State' irks Arunachal Government ANI

Itanagar, Apr 7 (ANI): Reacting strongly to any alleged move by the Centre to offer "maximum autonomy with administrative and financial control" to Nagas, including those living outside Nagaland, the Arunachal Pradesh Government has rejected any proposal to make its districts part of the 'Greater Nagalim'.

Government of Arunachal Pradesh spokesperson Nabam Rebia made this statement while reacting to a report that appeared in some sections of the media on Friday, claiming that two Arunachal districts of Tirap and Changlang are supposed to be included in the proposed 'Supra-State'.

"We have no objection to autonomy within the territory of Nagaland if the integrity of Arunachal Pradesh is not disturbed," said GoAP spokesperson Rebia.

Sixteen districts - now 17 after creation of Longding district recently - form the culturally rich state of Arunachal that boasts of 26 major and over 110 sub-tribes, reflecting unity in diversity, cultural richness, a strong bond of unity and brotherhood, Rebia said.

He further pointed that any disturbance in the territorial integrity of the state would destroy the very fabric of its distinct society living in peace and harmony since ages.

"We respect the sentiments of our Naga friends and we will not interfere in their internal matters. But we are pained with the reports that they are claiming our three districts as part of the 'Supra state'. Though we are not sure about the authenticity of media reports, we oppose any move that interferes into our state's affairs and its territory," Rebia added.

The Centre has already made it clear to the NSCN (IM) top leaders that there would be no redrawing of the existing boundaries of Nagaland and other neighbouring states.

However, if the media report is any indication, NSCN (IM) general secretary Thuinglenag Muivah and chairman Isak Chishi Swu, who are currently in New Delhi to hold another round of peace talks with interlocutor RS Pandey, are believed to be toying with the idea.

They are likely to call on Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and Home Minister P Chidambaram. (ANI)

Arunachal cautious about 'supra state' Seven Sisters Post | UNI,

Itanagar The Arunachal Pradesh government on Friday reacted to a report that appeared in some sections of the media on Thursday claiming an ‘idea of the Centre’ to offer ‘ maximum autonomy with more administrative and financial control’ to Nagas including those living outside Nagaland as an alternative to the demand for creation of a greater Nagalim.

“We have no objection to autonomy within the territory of Nagaland if the integrity of Arunachal Pradesh is not disturbed,” said government spokesperson Nabam Rebia in a statement on Friday. Seventeen districts, including the newly-created Longding district, form the culturally rich state of Arunachal Pradesh that boasts of 26 major and over 110 sub-tribes.

What happens when Seven Sisters Post 're-breaks' a story about some idea called Supra. Then after two days, ANI, a large news network funded by some Indian Ministry quotes an Arunachal Government spokesperson who says "nahi hoga". Meanwhile, intricate discussions take place over groups within FB with injections by very well read commentators. What have you? A time tested and well oiled propaganda machinery prepared to take on any super tribe or group of super tribes. Athili Sapriina

Nagas ‘Supra State’ Likely to Put on a New Avatar
The Centre is reportedly toying with the idea of offering the collective leadership of NSCN (IM) “maximum autonomy with administrative and financial control” over Nagas living outside the existing Nagaland as an alternative to the demand for creation of a greater Nagalim. The demand for greater Nagalim includes incorporation of Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. However, the subject of law and order will remain with the respective state governments. This is exactly the supra-state model as reported by the Seven Sisters Post in November last year.

Although this time there may be a new nomenclature, the tone and tenor remains the same. NSCN (IM) general secretary Th Muivah and chairman Isak Chishi Swu, who are here in the national capital to have another round of peace talks with interlocutor RS Pandey, are scheduled to make a courtesy call to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and home minister P Chidambaram. They are also believed to be toying with the idea of meeting some other political leaders and “friends of the Nagas” in the capital during their stay at the 61 Lodhi estate official bungalow. The Centre has already made it clear to the NSCN (IM) bosses that there would be no redrawing of the existing boundaries of Nagaland and other neighbouring states. But at the same time, the Union government is ready to amend the Constitution to “accommodate most of their demands” to hammer out an amicable solution.

Sources indicated that as per the proposed offer, the Nagas in the four hill districts of Manipur — Tamenglong, Chandel, Senapati and Ukhrul — will have one administrative unit, and this autonomous council will be responsible for the overall development of the entire Naga areas of Manipur. The administrative body will get direct funding from the Centre besides government aid to promote art, culture and festivals. Sources also added that the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) that has been demanding a separate Naga state covering four districts of Eastern Nagaland — Mon, Tuensang, Longleng and Kiphire — and two Naga-inhabited districts of Arunachal Pradesh — Changlang and Tirap — may be given the same model of autonomous council as a sol ution to their grievances.

ENPO general secretary Toshi Wongtung, along with other members, has already met the Prime Minister and the home minister and submitted its memorandum, demanding a separate state of “Frontier Nagaland.” Talking to Seven Sisters Post, Wongtung claimed that “about 45% of the total Naga population live in Eastern Nagaland comprising the four districts of Mon, Tuensang, Longleng and Kiphire.” “These four districts will be included in the proposed new state and we have the s upport of all the six Naga t ribes — Konyak, Chang, Sangtam, Phom, Yimc hunger and Khiamniungan — living in these four dist ricts. We also want to incorporate the two Naga-inhabited districts of Arunachal Pradesh — Changlang and Tirap —to the proposed Frontier Nagaland. They are our brothers and sisters and we want to live together,” said Wongtung. However, it remains to be seen how the governments o f Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh and Assam react to the new proposal.

In fact, the United Naga Council of Manipur, which had organised over 100 days of economic blockade last year demanding an ‘alternative arrangement’ for the Nagas in Manipur, is believed to be ready to accept the Centre’s offer for a separate autonomous council for the Nagas in Manipur. Once the NSCN (IM) leadership agree to the proposed “autonomous council with full administrative and financial control” as an alternative to Greater Nagalim demand, the Centre is expected to engage all three Congress ruled states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh to explain and convince the state government leaderships for an amicable solution to the six decade-old Naga political problem.

Meanwhile, the NSCN leadership is believed to have intensified its campaign for the formation of an underground GPRN set up involving NNC, NSCN (IM) and the NSCN (Kholey) faction. The Forum for Naga Reconciliation is also working for this purpose. If the three factions come together, it will be an advantage for the Nagas to negotiate with the Centre from the position of strength. This will also allow NSCN bosses to smoothly execute any agreement they sign with the Government of India.

-TSE

An Appeal from the Forum for Naga Reconciliation FNR
Dear fellow Nagas,

Greetings from the Forum for Naga Reconciliation!

The Forum for Naga Reconciliation wishes to express our deepest gratitude to all fellow Nagas where-ever you are living for the support your have extended to the Naga Reconciliation: A Journey of Common Hope. The Naga Reconciliation in the last 36 months has made significant progress through your solidarity and prayers.

Of late, the Naga Reconciliation process has slowed down and a stalemate has been reached. Nonetheless, the three signatories of the Covenant of Reconciliation – NSCN/GPRN, NNC/FGN and GPRN/NSCN remain fully committed to the reconciliation process. The Reconciliation process has not been easy. And while it is fair to say that the three groups have weathered many challenges, it must also be pointed out that the reconciliation process needs the active and expressed support, prayer and hope of the people.

At this point of the process, it is of absolute necessity for the top leaders of the three signatories to meet face to face without any further delay. The intent of the highest level reconciliation meeting is to explore together the possibilities of a new reconciled political relationship among the signatories of the Covenant of Reconciliation; and to develop a joint working mechanism to pursue the historical and political rights of the Nagas.

While the Naga people and the political groups recognize the urgency of the highest level reconciliation meeting, public intervention is required to further persuade such a meeting. In this respect, the Forum for Naga Reconciliation is writing to you to kindly take the initiative to express your support for this meeting by organizing a prayer vigil, candlelight march or any other creative expression in your region before March 15, 2011.

Such an outward expression will certainly encourage the Naga reconciliation process. We also encourage you to write a letter to the Naga leaders with the following points:



• Supporting the Naga Reconciliation process on the basis of the historical and political rights of the Nagas;



• Urging the signatories of the Covenant of Reconciliation to address all outstanding issues and differences in the spirit of reconciliation through non-violence, mutual respect, understanding and love; and



• Demand that the highest level reconciliation meeting take place without any further delay so that the reconciliation process can take decisive steps towards its logical end.

The Naga Reconciliation process needs your support and prayers.
With warn regards,

Rev. Dr. Wati Aier
Convenor

Forum for Naga Reconciliation

Showcase: In the hills of the east SWATI DAFTUAR The Hindu


Special Arrangement Bitter Wormwood, Easterine Kire, Zubaan Books

Bitter Wormwood, celebrated Naga author Easterine Kire's new novel, traces the story of one man's life from 1937 to the present day woven in with the Naga struggle for freedom. The struggle, which has expanded over the last 70 years, has seen countless human lives wasted and families torn apart.

Published by Zubaan books, Bitter Wormwood shows us the struggle through Mose's eyes, a man who lives with his widowed mother and grandmother in one of Nagaland's tribal villages. Small incidents from Mose's childhood, his family, the routines and rituals of traditional village life paint an evocative picture of a peaceful way of life, now long-gone.

Growing up, Mose and his friends become involved in the Naga struggle for independence and they are caught in a maelstrom of violence — protest and repression, attacks and reprisals — that ends up ripping communities apart. Once the Naga underground is formed, Mose and his friend decide to join it. The novel moves in and out of Mose's life, and we see the Naga freedom struggle gaining momentum.

Kire also shows the hardships faced by the Naga people. The novel is written simply, and highlights facts and points crucial towards understanding the tumultuous situation in the region. In the introduction, Kire also gives a brief chronological history of the Naga political history.

There are copies of important letters sent by Naga leaders to the Simon Commission along with a copy of the agreement of peace between the governor of Assam and Naga leaders. Though listed as fiction, this book walks a thin line between fact and fiction and is a recommended read for anyone who wishes to learn a little more about one of India's ‘most beautiful and misunderstood region'.

Bitter Wormwood is a herb believed to keep bad spirits away. With violence and danger surrounding them, the herb became a powerful talisman for the Naga people.

Bottomline: A recommended read for anyone who wants to learn more about one of India's most beautiful and misunderstood regions.

Bitter Wormwood; Easterine Kire, Zubaan, Rs.295

Ulfa talks tough, says won’t tolerate delaying tactics Sanjib Kr Baruah, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, Two days before the key talks take place between the United Liberation Front of Asom (Ulfa) and the government, the rebel outfit said it is determined not to let talks with the government go the Naga way and will walk away from negotiations the moment it feels cheated. "Delaying is denying.

We won't let talks go the way as in the case of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim. At the first whiff of delaying tactics we will backtrack and go back to people for consultations and do whatever the people want," Ulfa chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa told Hindustan Times.

Talks with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim have been going on for the last 14 years, but there has been no resolution so far of the issues. Three interlocuters have changed, with negotiations having taken place in eight countries across the world from UK to Japan.

"We won't be so patient like the NSCN," he added.

Insurgent groups from the region have often accused New Delhi of dilly-dallying on resolving issues.

"We have already submitted our agenda comprising 12 points that among other things explain the ground for struggle of the Ulfa and which we want addressed. So this time, we have come to find out what the government has to say," Rajkhowa said, underlining the significance of this round of talks for resolution of the decades-long conflict in Assam.

Seven Ulfa leaders, including Rajkhowa, will participate in this round of talks which, inter alia, will focus on constitutional safeguards and degree of autonomy for the Assamese people.

The insurgent group entourage will be without political adviser and Ulfa founding member Bhim Buragohain aka Mama who passed away on December 19, 2011 at the ripe age of 86.

An Ulfa faction led by Paresh Baruah and hundreds of his armed fighters continue to live in camps along the jungled Myanmar-China border, steadfast in their opposition to the ongoing talks.

Ulfa was formed 33 years ago at the historic Ronghor to start an armed rebellion to fight for Assam's independence. Ever since, the conflict has claimed more than 12,000 people.

Rio asks youth to build ‘Naga future’ Nagaland Post, (NPN Correspondent ) MON

class=NewsImage v:shapes="ChannelNews1__imgNewsImage">State chief minister Neiphiu Rio Thursday challenged the youth to come forward and seek the help of the government to build up Naga future. Rio was speaking at the Aoleang Festival cum, youth Expo as a chief guest at Mon.

Pointing out that the purpose of the Youth expo was to share successful achievements of individual so as to encourage and influence others in shaping their own “carrier”, Rio said that future lies in the hands of the Youth. He stated that if they were properly trained and nurtured, they could be at par with anybody.

Reacting to criticism of celebrating tribal festivals organized by the government, the chief minister said that the objective of organizing such festivals was to preserve the rich culture and tradition of the Nagas. Therefore, he urged upon the people to celebrate the festivals with Christian principle of love and peace and uphold the work culture of “forefathers”.

Stating that peace was the essence of any developmental activities and celebrations, Rio said the voice and the desire of the Nagas was to shun factional clashes and find permanent solution acceptable to the Nagas. Therefore he urged upon fellow Naga underground “brethrens” to refrain from blood-shed and other anti-social elements.

The chief minister also urged “Naga brothers and sisters living across the border” to keep the spirit of oneness and the emotional integration alive.

Angau I Thou, DC Mon, while delivering a short speech, appreciated the government of Nagaland for providing people friendly programs for the development of the state and the upliftment of the youths in particular.

Underlining that the progressive development of a community, a region and of a nation depended on the mindset of the people she said “unless the people are really determined to utilize the facilities provided by the government there will be no development”.

Hinting at the slow progress of developmental activities and mis-utilization of fund within Mon district, she said, in terms of fund flow, Mon district was not lacking behind.

However, when it came to full utilization of the facilities provided by the government, Mon was behind others and cited the example of Tizit. Therefore she urged upon the people to judiciously utilize the fund for the actual implementation of the project.

Thou said Tizit and Nagaranimora could be transformed into a commercial hub by setting up industries and business centres for the native Mon district and neighboring Assam villages.

Therefore she urged upon the youths to commit themselves to built up the economy of the district and to venture out to take up various business options that could be taken up in Mon district and become a successful business entrepreneurs.

Meanwhile, P. Pongom, president ENPO, who came as the guest of honour lauded the continuous efforts of DAN government for facilitating “a friendly dialogue” between the Government of India and various underground factions, whereby peace has been restored in the state and the people of Nagaland were able to celebrate festivals in a peaceful atmosphere.

Meanwhile Aoleang greetings was delivered by M.C. Konyak, minister for forest, welcome speech by president K.U, invocation prayer by Rev. Tonlong, vote of thanks by Honje Konayk Project director DRDA Mon and the function was chaired by Neiba Konyak, parliamentary secretary Youth resources and sports.

The day-long celebration was marked by various cultural dances, folk songs and cultural parade displaying the rich unique cultural heritage of the Konyaks by various federating union, demonstration of martial arts “the art of swords & spears by the Thang-Ta association of Mon and folk fusion “Home is where the heart is” by Toxic Peace. The Hahshik Noknyu, Pangmi Myanmar was the guest cultural troupe of the function.



Manipur body to campaign against AFSPA

Our Correspondent|EMN

IMPHAL, APRIL 6: A state convention on United Nations (UN) response on Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) 1958 resolved “to campaign to repeal the AFSPA 1958 by fully supporting organization of a Manipur National convention to consider the present situation of armed conflict and international human rights and humanitarian law violations in Manipur, and take up necessary steps and actions to repeal AFSPA 1958 and advance the agenda for a peaceful political solution to the situation.”

Convenor Dr Debabrata Roy Laifungbam of Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights in Manipur and the UN, a conglomeration of various civil society organization speaking to the media after the day long in Imphal here today said that they've also resolved to urgently compile and publish the relevant recent documents relating to the United Nation officials’ visits to the north east region of India to further the people’s campaign.The day’s convention attended by prominent civil society leaders and human rights bodies at Manipur Press Club in Imphal minutely discussed the UN special Rapporteur on human rights defenders Mrs Margaret Sekaggya and her final report at the 19th regular session of UN Human rights council on March 5, 2012 and the subsequent general comment and preliminary recommendation by UN special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions Christof Heyns on March 30 this year.The convention also welcomes the general comment and preliminary recommendation of UN special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions Christof Heyns.The convention feels that the international humanitarian law is applicable to Manipur’s 50 year old armed conflict. The Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions also supported the sentiment.Prof Christof Heyns, United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions on the concluding day of his 12 day visit to India on March 30 this year recommends scrapping of the controversial AFSPA, saying, “A law such as AFSPA has no role to play in a democracy and should be scrapped.” He also held a consultation with civil societies of north east in Guwahati on March 28.



No US role in India’s ‘Look East Policy’ Assam Tribune
BEIJING, April 6 – India has been pursuing an independent foreign policy based on its national interest, including good ties with Beijing, an influential Chinese daily said today, dismissing perception that New Delhi’s ‘Look East Policy’ is aimed at collaborating with US to contain China, reports PTI.

“India lately held a trilateral dialogue with the United States and Japan, and it has also close contacts with Vietnam, Myanmar and some other Southeast Asian countries,” an article in the state-run People’s Daily Online said today on India’s Look East policy.

“However, it cannot be deemed as collaboration of the United States and India. India has been pursuing the independent foreign policy and mainly considers its own interests,” it said.

The article said “it is hard to imagine that India will completely follow the foreign policies of the United States”.

“India has an all-round diplomatic policy and it both maintains relations with the United States” and takes account of “relations with other countries”.

It said India keeps “a close contact with Russia, Japan and the European Union countries and its relation with China is also positive,” it said.

Fresh outcry against AFSPA SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Imphal, April 6: Encouraged by UN intervention, civil society groups in Manipur today stepped up the movement for repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, rejecting Union home minister P. Chidambaram’s proposal for amendment.

Starting the campaign, Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights in Manipur and UN held a daylong state-level convention here on the UN’s recommendation for repeal of the act.

Human rights activist Irom Sharmila Chanu has been on a hunger strike for more than 11 years, demanding the act’s repeal.

“We will organise a Manipur National Convention to discuss the ongoing armed conflict in the state, to take steps to repeal the act and advance the agenda for peaceful political solution (to the armed conflict),” Debabrata Roy Laifungbam, convener of the coalition told reporters after the convention.

UN special rapporteur on human rights defenders Margaret Sekaggya in her report to the UN Human Rights Council Session on March 5 had recommended repeal of the act. UN’s special rapporteur on extra-judicial, summary or arbitrary executions Christof Heyns had also asked New Delhi to repeal the act in a statement issued in New Delhi on March 30 after the conclusion of his 12-day fact-finding mission in India. “A law such as AFSPA has no role to play in a democracy and should be scrapped,” he had said.

Heyns had met civil society groups of the Northeast in Guwahati during his visit to India last month.

A day after his statement, home minister P. Chidambaram had said the government was preparing to amend the act. He said the matter was pending before the cabinet committee on security.

Taking note of the statement made by the home minister, today’s convention reiterated that the people of Manipur wanted the act repealed.

The convention also concluded that the armed conflict in the state arose from the people’s struggle for self-determination and international humanitarian law was applicable in Manipur.

Lawyers, retired judges, former members of Manipur Human Rights Commission and human rights defenders took part in today’s deliberations. The participants said the UN’s “intervention” was an achievement of the people’s struggle against the act and encouraged them to take the struggle forward.

Roy said they had not yet fixed a date for the Manipur National Convention but it would be held soon. “The civil society coalition will take the campaign forward according to the decisions taken by the convention,” he added.

The coalition is planning to hold more consultations and interactions to spread awareness on the need to continue the struggle for repeal of the act, especially in view of the UN support.




Frans on 04.07.12 @ 09:38 PM CST [link]



‘Special federal relationship’ final solution to the Naga imbroglio! Sujit Chakraborty



‘Special federal relationship’ final solution to the Naga imbroglio! Sujit Chakraborty

New Delhi/Dimapur: The contours of a “special federal relationship”, that have clearly emerged from 13 years of often tortuous negotiations between the Indian government and the NSCN, seek to give Nagaland much more than what is possible under the existing provisions of the Constitution.
The NSCN has given up its demand for a separate flag and a separate currency for Nagaland — but the Centre has agreed to allow it to raise its own armed force that will be exclusively responsible for internal security of Nagaland. Both sides have agreed to “jointly deploy for external defence” the armed forces of India and those of Nagaland in the event of Nagaland facing an external threat.
The Centre has also agreed to the NSCN’s proposal for creating a forum to ensure smooth coordination on all outstanding security issues, but with a big rider that the Indian forces can set up cantonments and camps anywhere in Nagaland. However, no deployment of these forces will be allowed for internal security without a request from the Nagaland government.
The Centre has also agreed to give greater powers to Nagaland on exploitation of its natural resources by agreeing on principle that “all natural resources in, below and above the soil of Nagaland” belong to the Naga people. The Union government has said consultation with the Nagaland government is a must before any exploration or exploitation of discovered resources is undertaken. This is important because Nagaland can negotiate favourable royalty deals for its considerable known mineral and hydrocarbon deposits.
But the NSCN leadership has committed itself to follow the monetary policy of the Government of India and dropped the demand for a separate currency for Nagaland. Both sides have agreed that the Nagaland government will have the authority to receive aid from multilateral and national development finance institutions but “subject to the concurrence of the Government of India”.
The Centre has also agreed not to levy duties on goods in transit destined for Nagaland. Both sides have agreed to work out a special arrangement to exempt central excise and sales tax for goods manufactured in India and destined for Nagaland.
So Indian goods are likely to get cheaper in Nagaland than in neighbouring states and countries — and it could become an important forward trading entrepot for Indian capital in and around the Northeast. Since Indian businesses will have to work in Nagaland through Naga subsidiaries, this could boost the fortunes of Naga capital, a good slice of which rests with the NSCN leaders and those who have supported them.
Both sides have also agreed that barring the railways and National Highways, surface transport in Nagaland would be the responsibility of the stare government — and the Indian government had agreed to examine whether a separate airline for Nagaland would be viable.
The NSCN wanted dual citizenship to protect Nagas from the non-Nagas and give some legitimacy to their position that Nagas are a separate nation. But the Indian government has only agreed to mention prominently on all Naga passports the fact of their residency in Nagaland. The idea is to allow them a sense of dual identity — as Indians and as Nagas. Indian interlocutor RS Pandey has also managed to convince the NSCN leadership that the creation of a pan-Naga “supra-state body” will protect the identity of Nagas.
But it is not clear whether Nagas living in the areas under the “supra-state body” will be shown as Nagaland residents in their passports. If that does not happen, the NSCN leadership, most of whose roots lie in Naga-areas of Manipur, will find it difficult to convince their own kith and kin about the effectiveness of this settlement. The Centre has agreed to allow Nagaland to have a separate emblem, but not a separate flag, a separate constitution and a separate currency. But at the symbolic level, Delhi has agreed to release a series of stamps depicting various tribes of Nagaland and their festivals in a possible effort to project a unique Naga identity within India.
Athong Makury http://sevensisterspost.com/?p=511#
ANOTHER SELL-OUT HAS COME?
I don't think that it is different from that infamous ACCORD of 1975 :( :( We are still under Delhi and Naypyidaw.

Naga solution: ‘Supra state’ may don new avatar Sujit Chakraborty, New Delhi | Seven Sisters Post

The Centre is reportedly toying with the idea of offering the collective leadership of NSCN (IM) “maximum autonomy with administrative and financial control” over Nagas living outside the existing Nagaland as an alternative to the demand for creation of a greater Nagalim. The demand for greater Nagalim includes incorporation of Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.

However, the subject of law and order will remain with the respective state governments. This is exactly the supra-state model as reported by the Seven Sisters Post in November last year. Although this time there may be a new nomenclature, the tone and tenor remains the same. NSCN (IM) general secretary Th Muivah and chairman Isak Chishi Swu, who are here in the national capital to have another round of peace talks with interlocutor RS Pandey, are scheduled to make a courtesy call to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and home minister P Chidambaram. They are also believed to be toying with the idea of meeting some other political leaders and “friends of the Nagas” in the capital during their stay at the 61 Lodhi estate official bungalow. The Centre has already made it clear to the NSCNIM bosses that there would be no redrawing of the existing boundaries of Nagaland and other neighbouring states. But at the same time, the Union government is ready to amend the Constitution to “accommodate most of their demands” to hammer out an amicable solution.

Sources indicated that as per the proposed offer, the Nagas in the four hill districts of Manipur — Tamenglong, Chandel, Senapati and Ukhrul — will have one administrative unit, and this autonomous council will be responsible for the overall development of the entire Naga areas of Manipur. The administrative body will get direct funding from the Centre besides government aid to promote art, culture and festivals. Sources also added that the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) that has been demanding a separate Naga state covering four districts of Eastern Nagaland — Mon, Tuensang, Longleng and Kiphire — and two Naga-inhabited districts of Arunachal Pradesh — Changlang and Tirap — may be given the same model of autonomous council as a sol ution to their grievances. ENPO general secretary Toshi Wongtung, along with other members, has already met the Prime Minister and the home minister and submitted its memorandum, demanding a separate state of “Frontier Nagaland.” Talking to Seven Sisters Post, Wongtung claimed that “about 45% of the total Naga population live in Eastern Nagaland comprising the four districts of Mon, Tuensang, Longleng and Kiphire.”

“These four districts will be included in the proposed new state and we have the s upport of all the six Naga t ribes — Konyak, Chang, Sangtam, Phom, Yimc hunger and Khiamniungan — living in these four dist ricts. We also want to incorporate the two Naga-inhabited districts of Arunachal Pradesh — Changlang and Tirap —to the proposed Frontier Nagaland. They are our brothers and sisters and we want to live together,” said Wongtung. However, it remains to be seen how the governments o f Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh and Assam react to the new proposal. In fact, the United Naga Council of Manipur, which had organised over 100 days of economic blockade last year demanding an ‘alternative arrangement’ for the Nagas in Manipur, is believed to be ready to accept the Centre’s offer for a separate autonomous council for the Nagas in Manipur.

Once the NSCN-IM leadership agree to the proposed “autonomous council with full administrative and financial control” as an alternative to Greater Nagalim demand, the Centre is expected to engage all three Congress ruled states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh to explain and convince the state government leaderships for an amicable solution to the six decade-old Naga political problem. Meanwhile, the NSCN leadership is believed to have intensified its campaign for the formation of an underground GPRN set up involving NNC, NSCNIM and the NSCN (Kholey) faction. The Forum for Naga Reconciliation is also working for this purpose. If the three factions come together, it will be an advantage for the Nagas to negotiate with the Centre from the position of strength. This will also allow NSCN bosses to smoothly execute any agreement they sign with the Government of India.

Athong Makury
Can't get it! Saying India can't redraw the state boundary. But who plundered all these? If India had gut to draw the boundary of the Nagas without the consent of the Nagas in the past then she must be brave enough to put into the right one. The question is nothing but it has to do with her sincerity. Now for the Nagas, fighting for more than half a century with lots of lives losing and bloodshed, finally Nagas are going to end up with mere "ALTERNATIVE ARRANGEMENT."
Are we really gonna be satisfied with this offer?

Soreingam Kashung If this is what India Govt. has realized even after more than 60 yrs of Nagas Struggle there will never be an end of the struggle from Nagas until India fully realised her mistake. Provided there will be more chaos in her Nation from other people fighting for sovereignty and more autonomy...Naga issue is not a toy thing to be played around...
Khaplang-Yangon truce on cards H. CHISHI The Telegraph
S.S. Khaplang


Kohima, April 5: The National Socialist Council of Nagaland, headed by S.S. Khaplang, will soon sign a ceasefire with the Myanmar government to end decades of conflict.
According to a high-ranking NSCN (K) leader, in an effort to hammer out a solution to the Naga political problem in Myanmar, the outfit will soon sign a bilateral ceasefire with the junta-backed civilian government.
The NSCN (K) source said top rebel policymakers from Nagaland, including Khaplang’s envoy, Kughalu Mulatonu, and Khaplang’s blue-eyed boy Wangtin Konyak, have left for Myanmar to work out modalities to declare a truce before April 28, when the outfit will also ink an extension of ceasefire with the government of India.
Khaplang declared a bilateral ceasefire with Delhi on April 28 last year. A source said while Mulatonu and few rebel leaders have left for Myanmar via Changlang district in Arunachal Pradesh, another group has entered Myanmar via Moreh in Manipur.
Khaplang will not meet the Myanmar officials but will be the key person to negotiate with during political talks. An NSCN source said Myanmar has also shown keen interest in resolving the Naga issue.
Prior to the declaration of truce with Myanmar, the NSCN (K) will hold a general meeting at its council headquarters not far from the Indo-Myanmar border.
A cessation of fire was inked between the NSCN (K) and Myanmar after the government granted autonomy to the Naga-dominated Sagaing division, after the country’s general elections in 2010. Autonomy has been widely welcomed by the Nagas in Myanmar, with Naga MPs being given top cabinet berths in the Myanmar Assembly.
Delhi and the Nagaland government had also played a major role in ensuring autonomy to the Nagas in Myanmar. Lately, Nagaland government officials, including chief minister Neiphiu Rio, met several top Myanmar officials for special recognition of Nagas in Myanmar.
The Nagaland government also sought a special economic package for the Nagas from the government of India and Myanmar. Though the outfit is working on the modalities to begin talks with Myanmar, a few hardliners have stuck to sovereignty, which Myanmar is likely to reject.
Asked about the fate of other militants groups like Ulfa which are taking shelter in Myanmar, after the signing of ceasefire, a rebel leader said:
“We will remain united like before”. He said ceasefire with Myanmar would not affect the other rebel groups holed up in that country.
The NSCN (K) will soon open its ceasefire supervisory board office at Dimapur under the protection of Indian authorities, since the rival NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) is opposed to opening Khaplang’s office in Dimapur.
On reports of Kitovi and Khole preparing to begin talks with the government of India, the NSCN (K) belittled the rival faction saying the proposed talks would be a futile exercise, as the group did not have enough political base to negotiate with the Centre.
Delhi toys with idea of maximum autonomy with administrative and financial control in lieu of Lim model Naga solution : 'Supra State' likely to don a new avatar Source: The Sangai Express / Courtesy: Seven Sisters Post
New Delhi, The Centre is reportedly toying with the idea of offering the collective leadership of NSCN (IM) "maximum autonomy with administrative and financial control" over Nagas living outside the existing Nagaland as an alternative to the demand for creation of a greater Nagalim.

The demand for greater Nagalim includes incorporation of Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. However, the subject of law and order will remain with the respective state governments. This is exactly the supra-state model as reported by the Seven Sisters Post in November last year. Although this time there may be a new nomenclature, the tone and tenor remains the same.

NSCN (IM) general secretary Th Muivah and chairman Isak Chishi Swu, who are here in the national capital to have another round of peace talks with interlocutor RS Pandey, are scheduled to make a courtesy call to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and home minister P Chidambaram. They are also believed to be toying with the idea of meeting some other political leaders and "friends of the Nagas" in the capital during their stay at the 61 Lodhi estate official bungalow.


A proposed map of Nagalim covering other States in the North East region

The Centre has already made it clear to the NSCN (IM) bosses that there would be no redrawing of the existing boundaries of Nagaland and other neighbouring states.

But at the same time, the Union government is ready to amend the Constitution to "accommodate most of their demands" to hammer out an amicable solution.

Sources indicated that as per the proposed offer, the Nagas in the four hill districts of Manipur - Tamenglong, Chandel, Senapati and Ukhrul - will have one administrative unit, and this autonomous council will be responsible for the overall development of the entire Naga areas of Manipur.

The administrative body will get direct funding from the Centre besides government aid to promote art, culture and festivals.

Sources also added that the Eastern Nagaland People's Organisation (ENPO) that has been demanding a separate Naga state covering four districts of Eastern Nagaland - Mon, Tuensang, Longleng and Kiphire - and two Naga-inhabited districts of Arunachal Pradesh - Changlang and Tirap - may be given the same model of autonomous council as a sol ution to their grievances.

ENPO general secretary Toshi Wongtung, along with other members, has already met the Prime Minister and the home minister and submitted its memorandum, demanding a separate state of "Frontier Nagaland" .

Talking to Seven Sisters Post, Wongtung claimed that "about 45% of the total Naga population live in Eastern Nagaland comprising the four districts of Mon, Tuensang, Longleng and Kiphire" .

"These four districts will be included in the proposed new state and we have the s upport of all the six Naga t ribes - Konyak, Chang, Sangtam, Phom, Yimc hunger and Khiamniungan - living in these four dist ricts.

We also want to incorporate the two Naga-inhabited districts of Arunachal Pradesh - Changlang and Tirap -to the proposed Frontier Nagaland.

They are our brothers and sisters and we want to live together," said Wongtung.

However, it remains to be seen how the governments o f Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh and Assam react to the new proposal.

In fact, the United Naga Council of Manipur, which had organised over 100 days of economic blockade last year demanding an 'alternative arrangement' for the Nagas in Manipur, is believed to be ready to accept the Centre's offer for a separate autonomous council for the Nagas in Manipur.

Once the NSCN (IM) leadership agree to the proposed "autonomous council with full administrative and financial control" as an alternative to Greater Nagalim demand, the Centre is expected to engage all three Congress ruled states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh to explain and convince the state government leaderships for an amicable solution to the six decade-old Naga political problem.

Meanwhile, the NSCN leadership is believed to have intensified its campaign for the formation of an underground GPRN set up involving NNC, NSCN (IM) and the NSCN (Kholey) faction.

The Forum for Naga Reconciliation is also working for this purpose.

If the three factions come together, it will be an advantage for the Nagas to negotiate with the Centre from the position of strength.

This will also allow NSCN bosses to smoothly execute any agreement they sign with the Government of India.
"Hardly any deployment in Mon": Yona Oken Jeet Sandham (NEPS)*
Kohima, April 03 2012: Congress leader from Mon District N Yona Konyak said the issue concerning the areas of the ENPO that culminated to the demand of a separate "Frontier Nagaland State" was very much genuine.

"We should admit that there is chronic negligence by the Governments to this region over the years," he disclosed.

The fact is in the recently concluded State assembly sessions, the members on the floor cutting across party affiliations agreed that the region needed to be taken care of and invested so that people in this region could come up at par with the rest of their counterparts.

This itself was an admission of the prolong negligence to the people of the ENPO region, the NPCC general secretary told NEPS here today.

Asked his opinion on the ENPO issue, Konyak, who was a Congress candidate in the 42 Wakching A/C in last assembly elections, described that it was not an individual issue.

It was a people's movement and this would be there to stay till the right medicine to cure the syndrome was found, he stated.

"But I am happy that the recently concluded Nagaland Assembly had deliberated on the burning issue," he said.

"But I am afraid whether concerns expressed by the legislators would really be translated into reality" .

Konyak also expressed his regrets that in spite of having two cabinet ministers and other four legislators as parliamentary secretary, chairman, adviser, etc. from his district, developments were yet to come up in the district.

"Of course, except for a few pockets, there were hardly any developments worth mentioning in the district of Mon," he alleged.

The Congress leader also revealed how pathetic the conditions of the roads in his constituency, water supply, electricity, administrations, educations, etc.

He said the condition of the road from Naginimora to Wakching remained as it is without any maintenance.
He said the only maintenance came was from the Coal Contractors Union.

He said this road was so important that it was a lifeline of Mon and Tuensang districts.
There was no water supply in Wakching HQs and the only village that availed water supply was Tanhai village.

This was also from the World Vision.

And least electrification had reached Wakching, Chingphoi and Chingdang through another Central scheme. Otherwise, nothing was there from the State Government, he further alleged. Interestingly, for the water supply in Wakching, it was already in the work program and more than Rs 50 lakh was already released against it but never implemented, Konyak stated.

He also disclosed that road from Naginimora to Tiru was also maintained through NREGA fund. Here also interestingly, Rs 25 lakh was sanctioned for maintenance, but it was never utilized, he said. Asked why people did not react, the Congress leader said the citizens in the area got fed up to react now as most of these ruling legislators and Ministers failed to live up to their expectations.

He also said the DAN Government kept on creating more and more administrative blocks, upgrading EAC to SDO, SDO to ADC, but no officers were appointed to man all these offices. "So what is the point if you go on creating offices, upgrading existing offices to higher status while no manpower is there to see these offices," he said.

"It is absolutely meaningless and the people in the backward areas will remain as it is if not worsening" .
* The sender of this news can be contacted at nepsonline(at)yahoo(dot)com .
NSCN (IM)-AR faceoff near designated camp in Zbto
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Morung Express News | Pughoboto | April 5


DIG Assam Rifles, Brig. Ravi (2nd right) and NSCN (I-M) commanders of ZB battalion, Satakha designated camp (left) after the two forces came face to face near Upper Tsuyi Bridge, in Zunheboto district, Wednesday.

The Assam Rifles and ZB battalion of the NSCN (I-M) based at Ghatashi designated camp in Zunheboto district had a tiff over interpretation of the cease fire ground rule after they almost collided with each other near the new Upper Tsuyi bridge, Wednesday afternoon A convoy of the Assam Rifles led by DIG Brig. R Ravi on its way to Satakha came face to face with the NSCN (I-M) commander of ZB battalion, ‘Col’ Elija, deputy commander ‘Maj’ Khehoto and some odd cadres in full uniform and carrying arms, at a turning on the road some 200 metres above the bridge around 12.30 pm.
The NSCN (I-M) officers had come to attend the inauguration of the new bridge at the invitation of the area public and were returning to their camp, minutes after Minister for Roads & Bridges, G Kaito, left when the incident happened.
A confrontation that may have turned worse was averted as Pughoboto administration officials and police, public leaders and villagers of the area intervened and diffused the tension. Brig. R Ravi said the AR would not have minded if the NSCN (I-M) officers attended the function in civil dress and without arms. He said the open “show of strength and intimidation” in public was a violation of the ceasefire ground rules.
The AR personnel took photos of the armed NSCN cadres and before proceeding to Satakha insisted that the police take action and file a FIR that arms were recovered from the cadres. On the other hand, the NSCN (I-M) commanders accused the AR of violating the ceasefire rules by passing the designated camp without giving prior information. Stating that site of the incident is well within the perimeters of the designated camp, the NSCN (I-M) officers also said that being ceasefire monitoring group (CFMG) card holders, they were entitled to carry arms. When contacted, official sources said the NSCN officers returned to the camp after signing PR bonds at the police station.
According to revised text of CFGR, 2001, between the Government of India and NSCN (I-M), Rule ‘F’ states that there would be no parading (either in groups of individual) of NSCN cadres in uniform and/or with arms. “For the present, this would cover all populated areas, public transport and highways.”
Rule ‘B’ states that patrolling by Indian Army or paramilitary force “within one km of NSCN designated camps decided after due consultation in the monitoring mechanism, will be carried out with intimation to them.”
Rule ‘F’ states that NSCN members holding identity cards issued by CFMG would, for their personal security, be entitled to have one NSCN cadre each accompany them at all times. The weapons should be carried in a concealed fashion.
Nagalim: Decisive Peace Meeting In Delhi UNPO

Top NSCN-IM officials are heading to Delhi for peace talks with the Indian government, which they are confident will result in a breakthrough agreement.
Below is an article published by the Eastern Mirror:
The long wait might be finally over with the Centre ready and expected to lay down their proposal for a final solution to the protracted Naga political issue. This was indicated by the two top NSCN/GPRN leaders today.
After over 60 rounds of talks and 15 years since signing the ceasefire agreement with the Government of India to negotiate for an honourable political settlement across the table, expectant top NSCN-IM functionaries led by chairman Isak Chishi Swu and general secretary Th Muivah left for Delhi for yet another round of high level talks with the Indian counterparts on Tuesday.
However, the meeting this time will not be the usual kind ending with intangible results but rather a decisive one, it was indicated.
Making a significant revelation, Chairman Isak Chishi Swu told reporters prior to their departure at Dimapur airport that the NSCN-IM is expecting a definite settlement from the GoI. “We are expecting a result for settlement,” Swu made it clear.
“We have submitted our written document. It was examined by the decision making body there at the Centre; so we are going to meet those people,” he added, explaining the purpose of their trip to Delhi.
Still looking frail, Swu who had arrived Dimapur last December in a wheelchair, reiterated the GoI is also willing to settle the Naga issue. He again recalled the meeting held with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Home Minister P Chidambaram sometime in December last year wherein they had shown positive attitude towards solving the Naga problem.
On being asked about their observations of the sentiments of the Naga people as per their interactions held with Naga civil society representatives, hohos and organisations since their arrival last December, Swu said every Naga wants settlement. All Nagas are waiting and longing for a settlement to the protracted Indo-Naga problem, he asserted.
General secretary Th Muivah also expressed the same sentiments with respect to the expectations of a possible settlement. “This time we are expecting something positive,” he said.
Stating that the problem is not with them but with the GoI, Muivah said they have been waiting for a final response from the centre.
“Our history is unique and our solution should be based on the uniqueness of Naga history. This time we are expecting something positive,” he stated.
It may be recalled that, upon his arrival earlier in December, Muivah had disclosed that the dialogue with the GoI on the decades-old Indo-Naga issue is on the verge of reaching a meeting point for an honourable settlement acceptable to all. He had also sought to make it clear that the ball is now in the court of the Indian Government, which he reiterated today.
On the date of the expectant meeting, Swu said it was yet to be fixed, but informed that it will be held within the next 10 days.
Suu Kyi win raises hope of Stilwell road reopening Nagaland Post

GUWAHATI/DIMAPUR, (AGENCIES/NPN) Overwhelming victory of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party in a by-election last Sunday hasn’t just signalled Myanmar’s switchover from five decades of military rule to democracy.

It has also raised hopes of a WW II road from Assam to China being reopened after 1945 besides fast-tracking of several Indian projects in Myanmar such as Sittwe Port.

A growing number of influential voices in India are pressing the government to revive the Stilwell Road, a World War II-era supply route that once connected northeast India with Kunming through northern Burma, with the goal of increasing India’s poor and restive northeast region’s business ties with Southeast Asia and China.
The 1,736 km Stilwell Road, named after American General Joseph Warren Stilwell aka Vinegar Joe, links Ledo in eastern Assam with Kunming in southern China’s Yunnan province through the Pangsau Pass on the Arunachal Pradesh-Myanmar border.

Stilwell took two years to have the road built so that the Allies could supply Chiang Kai-Shek’s Kuomintang forces after the Japanese had cut an arterial rote in 1942.

The road, last used by the Oxford-Cambridge Overland Expedition in 1955, stretches 61 km in India, 1,033 km in Myanmar and 632 km in China. Much of the Myanmar portion is controlled by Burmese rebels and drug cartels.

“Stilwell Road isn’t just a piece of near-forgotten history; it is a relentless journey towards economic cooperation between Northeast India and Southeast Asia. We hope democratisation will enable Yangon to have a more rational view on liberalisation and economics will have precedence over narrow geo-political sectarianism,” said Assam industries minister Pradyut Bordoloi.

Bordoloi represents Margherita assembly constituency, wherein lies the coal-rich Ledo town. The Stilwell Road starts barely 200m west of Lekhapani railway station, Indian Railway’s ‘last frontier’.

“The pace of friendship and cooperation between New Delhi and Yangon has been increasing over the past decade, and political developments in Myanmar will not slow things down.

Stilwell Road is close to our hearts, but we are going by what the Myanmar government has prioritised in terms of road infrastructure there. For instance, we have improved the 160 km Friendship Road (from Tamu on Manipur border to Kalemyo in Burma) that we helped build in 2001 besides focusing on the Sittwe Port project,” DoNER minister Pawan Singh Ghatowar told HT from New Delhi.

Sittwe is located on an estuarial island created at the confluence of the Kaladan, Mayu, and Lay Mro rivers emptying into the Bay of Bengal.

Estimated at Rs 550 crore in 2008, the project is part of the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Facility envisaging connectivity between Indian ports on the eastern seaboard at Sittwe in Myanmar and then through river transport and road to Mizoram. The Kaladan river is navigable up to a point near the Mizoram-Myanmar border.

“Kaladan-Sittwe is crucial for Mizoram and Northeast India’s economic uplift, and we hope the political tidings in Myanmar will fast-track the project besides facilitating more people-to-people interactions and better border trade,” Mizoram chief minister Lal Thanhawla said from state capital Aizawl.

China has already rebuilt its 600-kilometer segment into a six-lane expressway and has been assisting Myanmar with construction of its 1,000-kilometer segment of the road.

Beijing has been a strong advocate of rebuilding the link all the way to Ledo. New Delhi had in 2001 inked proposals with Yangon for building 230 km of the road from Ledo to Tanai in Myanmar.

India began to rebuild its 61-kilometer segment of the road in April 2007, but then scrapped the project in August 2009, presumably out of security and drug trafficking concerns.

In addition to potentially increasing India’s sway in Myanmar and elsewhere in Southeast Asia, a functioning Stilwell Road would create an attractive new channel for goods to flow between India and China and would significantly raise Kunming’s regional profile.

Goods hauled between the two countries via the renovated road would take two days to make the trip. Currently, the only transport options are costly air freight or sea routes that pass south of Singapore through the US-patrolled Malacca Strait. The road’s reopening would cut the trip between China and India by 5,000 kms.

Frans on 04.07.12 @ 12:13 AM CST [link]


Tuesday, April 3rd

This Week The Northeast: As naga talks stutter on, peace back on the ground Indian Express As naga talks stutter on, peace back on the ground



This Week The Northeast: As naga talks stutter on, peace back on the ground Indian Express
As naga talks stutter on, peace back on the ground

While talks between the NSCN and the Centre continue without any solution in sight, insurgency is gradually fading away in Nagaland. This was proved this week when several youth organisations led by the Angami Youth Organisation asked the authorities to evict all militant factions from civilian areas and restrict them to their respective designated camps. Killing a Naga by a Naga was not nationalism, said a resolution adopted by a convention orgainsed by the AYO, which added that collection of “tax” by militant groups should be immediately stopped and criminals booked under the law.
Land for the taking
Assam’s worries about encroachment of government land have become deeper than ever. While encroachment upon national parks, wildlife sanctuaries and reserved forests have been on for years, latest government reports said over 80,000 hectares land has been under illegal occupation of neighbouring states too. Over 59,000 hectares land has been encroached by Nagaland, followed by 15,000 hectares by Arunachal Pradesh and the rest by the three other states, Assam’s Minister for Border Affairs Siddique Ahmed said. The encroached land is in 14 districts: Tinsukia, Sibsagar, Jorhat, Golaghat, Kamrup Metro, Kamrup Rural, Goalpara, Sonitpur, Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Karbi Anglong, Cachar, Hailakandi and Karimganj.
Language exchange
Relations between India and Myanmar are improving and appear set to continue so. And Aung Sung Syu Kii’s historic victory is not the only reason. Last week, a group of Myanmarese police personnel were in Champhai in Mizoram to learn English. As part of an agreement between the two countries, a group of 28 Myanmarese cops are undergoing English training at the District Institute of Educational Training, which would help them manage trans-border crimes better, a Mizoram official said in Aizawl. Mizoram officials, in turn, were picking up Myanmarese, the official added.
Call for Bangla flight
A week after Bangladesh felicitated the people of Tripura for their role in the liberation of that country in 1971-72, the Northeastern state has asked New Delhi to expedite the process of introducing air links between Agartala and Dhaka. Tripura chief minister Manik Sarkar, who was among the 129 Indian leaders specially honoured by Bangladesh, said the Civil Aviation Ministry had already identified Agartala as a “critical” airport, and introducing flights between Agartala and Dhaka would immensely benefit people on both sides. A trans-border road link has already helped Tripura move various commodities to the landlocked state in the past few years
“Hardly any deployment in Mon”: Yona (Asiantribune.com): By Oken Jeet Sandham
Congress leader from Mon District N Yona Konyak said the issue concerning the areas of the ENPO that culminated to the demand of a separate “Frontier Nagaland State” was very much genuine. “We should admit that there is chronic negligence by the Governments to this region over the years,” he disclosed.
The fact is in the recently concluded State assembly sessions, the members on the floor cutting across party affiliations agreed that the region needed to be taken care of and invested so that people in this region could come up at par with the rest of their counterparts. This itself was an admission of the prolong negligence to the people of the ENPO region, the NPCC general secretary told NEPS here today.
Asked his opinion on the ENPO issue, Konyak, who was a Congress candidate in the 42 Wakching A/C in last assembly elections, described that it was not an individual issue. It was a people’s movement and this would be there to stay till the right medicine to cure the syndrome was found, he stated.
“But I am happy that the recently concluded Nagaland Assembly had deliberated on the burning issue,” he said. “But I am afraid whether concerns expressed by the legislators would really be translated into reality.”
Konyak also expressed his regrets that in spite of having two cabinet ministers and other four legislators as parliamentary secretary, chairman, adviser, etc. from his district, developments were yet to come up in the district. “Of course, except for a few pockets, there were hardly any developments worth mentioning in the district of Mon,” he alleged.
The Congress leader also revealed how pathetic the conditions of the roads in his constituency, water supply, electricity, administrations, educations, etc. He said the condition of the road from Naginimora to Wakching remained as it is without any maintenance. He said the only maintenance came was from the Coal Contractors Union. He said this road was so important that it was a lifeline of Mon and Tuensang districts.
There was no water supply in Wakching HQs and the only village that availed water supply was Tanhai village. This was also from the World Vision. And least electrification had reached Wakching, Chingphoi and Chingdang through another Central scheme. Otherwise, nothing was there from the State Government, he further alleged.
Interestingly, for the water supply in Wakching, it was already in the work program and more than Rs 50 lakh was already released against it but never implemented, Konyak stated.
He also disclosed that road from Naginimora to Tiru was also maintained through NREGA fund. Here also interestingly, Rs 25 lakh was sanctioned for maintenance, but it was never utilized, he said.
Asked why people did not react, the Congress leader said the citizens in the area got fed up to react now as most of these ruling legislators and Ministers failed to live up to their expectations.
He also said the DAN Government kept on creating more and more administrative blocks, upgrading EAC to SDO, SDO to ADC, but no officers were appointed to man all these offices. “So what is the point if you go on creating offices, upgrading existing offices to higher status while no manpower is there to see these offices,” he said. “It is absolutely meaningless and the people in the backward areas will remain as it is if not worsening.”
- Asian Tribune -
KOHIMA ATTACK OF 1956 : AZ . JAMI.
(Press Release) 3rd April 2012

While offering heartfelt condolences of the sad demise of Late. Brig. Khashepu Kath, I, AZ Jami would like to supplement with some corrections of the writing of Mr.Joel Nillo, carried in the local paper of 3rd April 2012 under the caption “Naga patriot laid to rest” about the Naga Hills District Capital Kohima attack or rather siege in his word in the summer of 1956. Whatever people may say or claim, the District Capital Kohima attack, as Mr.Joel Nillo had rightly projected was the major event in the Naga National movement which drew the attention of the Indian people as well as the foreign well-wishers.

I was then a sergeant (Havildar) in the then Naga Home Guards and participated in that fighting and when the attack or siege ended, I was promoted to 2nd Lieut. That’s why I remember some of the events of the siege. Yes, Lt. Brig. Khashepu Kath was also a Commandar of one of the groups. From the Lothas, Late. Brig. Etsonyimo Tsopoe, a former veteran of Indian army, took command of one of the groups. And Late. Brig. Tsemomo Ovung, a young, brave and intelligent Indian Army soldier become one of the sub-ordinate Officers under Etsonyimo in the rank of Captain.

During the time, Late Gen. Thongti Chang was the Chief of the Naga Home Guards and Late Gen.Yanpamo Lotha was the Adjutant General of Naga Home Guards in the rank of Lieut.General. Both of them stayed together at Rukroma (Now Rosuma) and directed and supervised the Kohima siege. But while the Naga fighters were on the verge of victory, a dispute arose between Naga Home Guards and the Naga Safe Guards, and the Naga safe Guards who were assigned to block Dimapur – Kohima road withdrew enmasse. Then the enemy, the Indian army came in Battalions and Brigades from Dimapur and re-captured the Kohima town. The Indian Soldiers marched in hundreds on foot from Dimapur to Kohima and the vehicle carrying loads of supplies moved in hundreds behind the soldiers. Then the Rosuma Village was heavily bombarded by Indian Army and kept in ruins at the time.

The divisions among people face defeats. The present Naga situation is just like that. Therefore, let us unite again and put up a united effort for the common cause.




A.Z.Jami
Senior Kilonser, NSCN

Frans on 04.03.12 @ 11:38 PM CST [link]


Sunday, April 1st

For the ‘Other’ Nagas - Rugotsono Iralu



For the ‘Other’ Nagas - Rugotsono Iralu
I thought I wanted to talk about ‘Tribalism’ in this column but when I looked at it closely I found the topic very narrow and it felt somewhat like I was only looking from a drain-pipe view while the bigger picture lay all strewn in front of me.
So for those ignorant and short-sighted among us, I’d like to see what I can do about that.
What are an ethnic-Indigenous people? When I break up these two words, ‘Ethnic’ means of or relating to large groups of people classed according to common racial, national, tribal, religious, linguistic or cultural origin or background. The word ‘Indigenous’ means as originating or occurring naturally in a country or region. But ‘Indigenous’ or Indigenous people have also been referred to nations and peoples who have been colonized, marginalized, dispossessed of culture and even having a spiritual dislocation.
Of course, all nations and people of the world can be classified as ‘Indigenous’ or ethnics of that land. However the Nagas have a peculiar history, where you will find Nagas outside the state of Nagaland, even on the other side of the border too. Although the Nagas did not have a written script, they belong to the Sino-Mongoloid race and are believed to have migrated in waves from South-east Asia in the B.C era. Their entry points into the present lands were through the Burmese and Himalayan corridors. Their language is of Tibeto-Burmese origin. Yet, the exploitations of Colonization and foreign nations are such that the fate of nations are decided and divided up by foreign rule in fine examples like Africa and even Asia. Under the treaty of Yandaboo in 1826, the British Imperialists divided the Naga homeland by drawing an international boundary across it and splitting it between India and Burma; all this without the consent of the Nagas. Let me try to enlighten you a little about the people on the other side of the border. They are randomly called the ‘Burmese-Nagas’ or sometimes, Eastern Nagas as well. Although through our oral history we say that Kachins and Karens of the Burmese people are our blood brothers, they are altogether a different people and nation, like the Meiteis who were also considered brothers descended from a common Mongolian ancestor of the Nagas. There are considered to be 22 Naga tribes in Burma. They are:
1. Anal.
2. Cheru.
3. Chirr.
4. Dikhiri.
5. Heimi.
6. Kengu.
7. Khiumnungan.
8. Konyak.
9. Lamkang.
10. Lainung.
11. Makury.
12. Namshik.
13. Pakang.
14. Pangmi.
15. Para.
16. Phellungri.
17. Phom.
18. Rangpan.
19. Saplo.
20. Shangpuri.
21. Tangkhul.
22. Yimchunger.
The Nagas on the other side of the border are perhaps the most suppressed and unheard voices among us. They have very little education or health facilities, a lot of them dying from curable diseases like Malaria, Typhoid, diarrhoea etc. At their health centres, they lack doctors while some do not even have nurses, and medical supplies are either very little or not even there. They still consider themselves Nagas and do not take the British colonial line-drawing of random boundaries as a valid one to date; while on the other side of the border, comfortably numb and indifferent are the 16 tribes within the state of Nagaland.
The people who consider themselves ‘Nagas’ on our side of the Indian border are those in regions of Assam from Haflong, Diphu and regions from Tezu, Changlang and Tirap in Arunachal Pradesh. Also included are regions as far as Tamenlong, Chandel, Khampat in Manipur. If all the regions and people are put together Nagaland is roughly five times the size of Israel, a rough estimation of 120,000 sq kilometres lying between the longitude of 92.5° E and 97.5° E and latitudes 23.5° N and 28.5° N. All together ethnic-indigenous Naga people are believed to be 52 tribes with a rough estimation of 4 million population.
Whatever the ‘divide and rule’ policy the British schemed upon us or India’s device for ‘better governance,’ this is the reality we have right now. The state of Nagaland is 16,527 sq. kilometres with a population of 19.81 lakh as per census 2011. We call ourselves tribals, distinguishing ourselves between different tribes and regions, speaking different languages with distinct culture, habits etc. etc. And in between all this we like to dwell on the issue of ‘Tribalism’. Between the Eastern and Western Nagaland, between the Southern and Northern Nagaland. About which tribes are more advanced and which aren’t. Of neglecting one or the other, raising ourselves above the other person, tribe, tongue. While the actual majority of our ethnic-indigenous people lie beyond the borders of our Nagaland state? Perhaps, it is not too petty to see things the way we do. Eastern part of Nagaland wants to demand for a separate state because they have been neglected by their appointed leaders and us who have been privileged so far. While we, on the other hand, like to be defensive and quarrel among ourselves competing on a devious platform of money, greed, acquisition and all-round corruption to meet to those needs which have become a necessity now, has it?
If one tribe can say they can survive by themselves and decide they are their own rulers, government or people I would really like to see them step forward and make that claim. If one insignificant tribe of indigenous people in this state can honestly say they could do better without the help of other tribes and their existence, I would gladly like to see its outcome. It is our fate to be diverse and different but if accepting those diversities are not how we’d like to look at our uniqueness, wouldn’t it just be better if we divide and try to stand on our own tribe-tribe wise, village-village wise, clan-clan wise and individual-individual wise?
If suspicion and animosity coupled with sometimes very ignorant ideas about other tribes is innate in us, then how I wonder, are we ever going to look out into the world from our threshold? Perhaps it would be easier to grant us the label, ‘Forgotten’ and ‘Insignificant’ races of the 21st century.
The Changing Discourse of NSCN (IM)

Namrata Goswami
March 30, 2012
On March 21, 2012, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah—NSCN (IM)—celebrated its 33rd “Republic Day” in Camp Hebron, the armed group’s headquarters in Nagaland. Situated at a distance of 35 kms from Dimapur, the main town in Nagaland, Camp Hebron is well connected with a metal road in the midst of a picturesque landscape. During the celebrations, Isak Chisi Swu, the Chairman of the NSCN (IM), gave a speech which is notable for several reasons with regard to the Naga peace process underway since 1997.

Camp Hebron, NSCN (IM) headquarters, photo by Namrata Goswami
First, Swu stated that both the NSCN (IM) and the Union government are determined to work out an acceptable resolution to the Naga conflict. This is perhaps the first time that one of the main leaders of the NSCN (IM) has acknowledged the sincerity of the Union government to resolve the issue. On earlier occasions, both Muivah and Swu had blamed the Union government for engaging in delaying tactics which reflected a lack of sincerity to resolve the conflict in a meaningful manner.
Second, Swu acknowledged that the Naga peace process is being addressed at the highest political level in India, the Prime Ministerial level, thereby indicating the importance given to the aspirations of the Nagas by the Union government.
Finally, and most significantly, Swu hoped that a time will come in the future when the NSCN (IM) will no longer view India as an adversary but rather as a collaborator for peace. He went on to state that “I believe the day is not far off”.
These are significant comments from Swu, signalling a distinctive change of discourse by the armed leader. Since the NSCN (IM) works within the framework of a highly centralised political structure known as the Government of the Peoples’ Republic of Nagaland (GPRN), such views enjoy the support of the “collective leadership” as the NSCN (IM) leaders call themselves. The GPRN has a President, Vice President, Prime Minister, Kilonsers (Ministers) and ministries. Each Naga tribe (32 in all) has to elect a Kilonser to the GPRN. The military wing of the GPRN consists of the People’s Army of Nagaland with the Chairman (Isak Swu) as the Supreme Commander, followed by the Defence Minister and the Chief of Army Staff.
A definite resolution of the Naga conflict has significant benefits for the Government of India given the NSCN (IM)’s capability to cultivate other smaller ethnic armed groups in Northeast India to take up arms against the Indian state. Six benefits would accrue if a resolution of the issue were to be effected.
First, it will bring to an end the longest ethnic conflict in Northeast India and which had turned violent in 1956.
Second, it will indicate an acceptance of the Indian Union by the Nagas, an ethnic group that had viewed India’s plural ethos with a great deal of scepticism.
Third, the Union government can enlist the cooperation of the NSCN (IM) towards decreasing the highly insecure status of Manipur today. Amongst the multiple armed groups operating in Manipur, the NSCN (IM) is one of the most powerful especially in the hills areas of Manipur.
Fourth, it will release the energies of the Nagaland state and the Union government to tackle vital issues in Nagaland like poverty and provision of basic amenities to the common people.
Fifth, it will attract the much needed business investments in Nagaland and enable an opening up to Southeast Asia.
Finally, it will open up the state for tourism, a potential source of revenue which has been thwarted till now due to armed violence.
For the reasons stated above, the recent change of discourse from a prominent leader of the NSCN (IM) needs to be duly recognised by policy makers and academia working on armed ethnic conflicts in India. It offers insights into the NSCN (IM) leadership’s willingness to bring about a final resolution to the conflict. What the final resolution document should look like is not hard to conceive. For one, it should include a commitment by the Union government to respect and preserve the unique history and culture of the Nagas. For another, it should include an assurance that the Nagas living in other states of the Northeast are not discriminated against by the dominant ethnic community in these states. It should also aim at rehabilitating the NSCN (IM) cadres and the inclusion of the armed leaders in the power sharing mechanisms of the state of Nagaland. Finally, it should involve a commitment on the part of the NSCN (IM) to accept the Union of India as a viable framework for enjoying democratic rights and bringing about the empowerment of the people.
Burmese refugees not rushing home yet
By Simon Collins
5:30 AM Saturday Mar 31, 2012
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The Tham Hin camp houses 7000 residents, who share the bare essentials. Photo / Simon Collins
For the first time in 20 years, refugees from Burma are starting to think they may soon have a realistic chance of returning home.
In primitive camps strung along Burma's border with Thailand, and probably also in two camps in Bangladesh, refugees like Tun Win, a committee member of the Tham Hin camp west of Bangkok, are saying: "We want to go home."
"The NGOs [non-government organisations] and the Thai authorities come and visit our camp. They say there will be no forced repatriation but we have to prepare ourselves because the situation is getting better," he said.
And in a dozen Western countries that have accepted 74,000 refugees from Burma for resettlement since 2005, people like Auckland Transport maintenance worker Soe Thein are watching cautiously.
"It's not realistic to go back soon, but I'm planning to think about it and see how the development of the election occurs," Soe Thein said.
"I will decide after that."
Burma, also known as Myanmar, has been under military rule since 1962.
Only one free election has been held since then, in 1990, when the military refused to recognise wins by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in 392 of the 492 seats.
Tomorrow, after spending most of the past 22 years under house arrest, Suu Kyi is finally expected to be allowed to enter Parliament through byelections for 48 seats made vacant by the appointment of ministers.
Over the past few months the regime has also released more than 650 political prisoners, legalised trade unions, relaxed media censorship and reached preliminary ceasefire agreements with most of the ethnic armies that have resisted its rule for decades.
"There are still so many questions," Soe Thein said.
The military still controls the vast majority of seats in Parliament, partly because the National League for Democracy boycotted the last election in 2010 when Suu Kyi and other leaders were still detained.
"Yes, it is a step," he said. "They have opened a small hole, given a small space."
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees describes the plight of refugees from Burma as "one of the most protracted in the world".
Many of what it estimates as 163,700 refugees in Thailand, and 229,000 in Bangladesh, have been in camps for more than 20 years.
Children born in the camps have known no other life.
The Thailand-Burma Border Consortium (TBBC), which feeds 137,000 people in nine border camps, says 73,775 people have been resettled in Western countries since 2005, when Thailand stopped insisting on eventual return to Burma.
New Zealand has accepted 1928 refugees from Burma since 2000, including some who came via Malaysia, making Burma our biggest source of refugees in the past 12 years.
But new refugees have kept flowing into the camps.
Dae Nah, who turns 40 this year, arrived in Tham Hin with her three children and another relative three years ago after her husband was killed by the Burmese military when he was unable to tell them the whereabouts of ethnic Karen rebels.
Like the camp's 7000 other residents, her family sleeps on the floor in a one-room bamboo hut jammed next to hundreds of other huts.
Everyone shares a few outdoor water tanks and lines of toilets, constantly risking disease.
There is no electricity and everyone cooks on open fires. More than 500 huts in the Umpiem camp north of Tham Hin burned down last month in a fire sparked by cooking.
TBBC, funded by Western donors including Catholic aid agency Caritas and, up to 2010, NZ Aid, provides rationed food, cooking fuel and other essentials.
In Tham Hin a pilot scheme trains refugees in skills such as animal husbandry and candle-making. "They will need skills when they go back because they are going to rebuild their new life," Tun Win said.
Other ethnic Karen refugees living outside the camps in Thailand have heard that the military regime may let them go back to land they fled from in their home villages in Burma. A few are starting to go back to have a look.
Burmese President Thein Sein said last August: "Myanmar citizens, living abroad for some reasons, can return home if they have not committed any crime."
But in Auckland, Soe Thein said refugees who had applied for visas from the nearest Burmese embassy in Canberra were being asked lots of questions and few were actually getting visas. Many may never be able to return to their villages because the military has destroyed them to cement its control over the rebel ethnic areas. TBBC says 3700 villages have been destroyed since 1996, displacing more than one million people.
The Karen National Union (KNU) has said that, in ceasefire talks due to resume next week, it will give priority to helping displaced people still inside Burma return to their homes. Refugees outside the country will be a second priority because they are being fed.
But Daniel Zu, a Tham Hin camp founder and now a leader of the Karen community in Australia, has just returned to Sydney from a worldwide conference of Karen leaders near the Thai border and warns against expecting anyone to go home soon.
"Repatriation will not be in the near future. It will take three to five years," he said.
"Even this peace talk is likely to be difficult, with the ceasefire very fragile at this point. There have already been clashes breaking out again in Shan State against their signed agreement, and with the KNU also skirmishes can break out."
Zu's analysis is that the political changes in Burma so far are "more cosmetic than real" because the regime is still in ultimate control. The military rulers have strong economic and political motives to loosen controls somewhat.
Sanctions imposed by the US and the EU, backed by other countries such as New Zealand, have restricted trade and investment and shut Burma out of the international banking system.
"I believe that they would like to get rid of the Western sanctions in particular, so they are making these cosmetic changes to get the sanctions lifted," Zu said.
The regime also has development projects such as hydro-electric dams, natural gas pipelines to China and a US$8 billion ($10 billion) plan for a new port and industrial estate at Dawei in southeast Burma, linked by a planned highway through Karen territory to Thailand, which all depend on settling the long-running ethnic conflicts.
Politically, the regime is seen as keen to re-establish links with the West as a counter-balance to economic dependence on China. It also wants to host the Southeast Asian Games next year and take its turn to chair the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) in 2014. Western leaders have responded enthusiastically.
The US resumed full diplomatic relations after 22 years in January. EU development commissioner Andris Piebalgs unveiled an aid package of almost US$200 million last month and said that if tomorrow's byelections were free and fair "then everyone would expect the easing of sanctions to continue".
Foreign Minister Murray McCully also visited the new military capital of Naypyidaw this month and said he was "pleased to explore how New Zealand can support the continuation of [the reform] process".
Zu believes Western countries will move gradually, rather than removing all sanctions suddenly.
"They are not stupid, I believe. They are using carrots as well as sticks," he said.
"I would say the outlook is 50/50. The Karen community are very cautious, very watchful, alert."
In Auckland, Burmese refugees will raise the flag of the National League for Democracy over a food stall at an International Cultural Festival which runs from 10am to 5pm tomorrow in the Mt Roskill War Memorial Park near the end of Sandringham Rd.
"We will raise the NLD flag because that day is the election day, and we are selling Aung San Suu Kyi badges and T-shirts," said Soe Thein.
Proceeds will go to an educational institute set up by former political prisoners in Burma.
Simon Collins visited Tham Hin camp with his wife, who is Dae Nah's sister.
Carnival-like atmosphere in Myanmar ahead of election By Ian Williams, NBC News correspondent
Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is poised to win a seat in parliament and join a government that's embracing reform, but still dominated by the military. NBC's Ian Williams reports. YANGON, Myanmar – It was like carnival time in Mingalar Taung Nyung Township on Friday. A cavalcade of packed cars, mini-buses and trucks cruised the streets of this rundown Yangon suburb, music blaring, while the euphoric passengers sang, waved and danced. "Aung San Suu Kyi!" they shouted, while bystanders cheered them on.
A group of monks raised their fists and shouted back: "Aung San Suu Kyi!" Myanmar is preparing to go to the polls Sunday in only its third election in 50 years. Suu Kyi, the country’s pro-democracy leader, is running for one of 45 parliamentary seats.
Images of Suu Kyi were everywhere – on t-shirts, posters, flags and red bandanas, together with a fighting peacock, the symbol of her party, the National League for Democracy. Just one year ago, openly displaying these images could have quickly landed you in jail.
‘Will she win?’ I asked one man, who clearly thought it was one of the silliest questions he’d heard in some time. "100 percent certain," he said, his voice hoarse from all the shouting. "100 percent certain."
High stakes
Suu Kyi herself is being far more cautious about Sunday's vote, accusing her opponents of widespread intimidation.

Ian Williams / NBC News
A jeep decked out with special speakers to blare music helped whip up pre-election excitement in a suburb of Yangon, Myanmar on Friday.
"We hope the courage and resolution of the people will overcome the intimidation and irregularities that have been taking place," she said at a press conference early Friday.
She's not been out campaigning since she took ill earlier this week from fatigue and exhaustion. The 66-year-old looked stronger Friday and joked about her health: "I'm feeling a little delicate, so any tough questions and I'll faint straight away," she joked.
By most accounts the enthusiasm on the streets of Mingalar Taung Nyung has been repeated across the country, even though only 45 seats are being contested. That's only a fraction of the 659 seats in what will still be a military-dominated parliament, even if Suu Kyi’s party grabs all the seats it's contesting Sunday. All the same, the stakes have never been higher. A clean election will mark another step towards the lifting of sanctions against Myanmar. And the mere fact Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, have returned to politics is seen in itself as a huge step forward - though only a first step.
Tough job for election observers
Myanmar has invited more than 150 international election observers to monitor the election, although one observer I met Friday said it was like nothing he'd ever seen before.
Young people participate in pre-eletion rallies in Mingalar Taung Nyung Township, a suburb of Yangon, Myanmar on Friday. They are wearing the colors of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party.
There has been no access to Myanmar's election commission or to electoral lists, and it’s not clear whether access will be grated to polling stations or vote counting. That makes their job very difficult. "There could be massive fraud or no fraud – I’m not sure we'll be able to judge the difference," one observer said to me.
Devoid of their usual tools, their judgments will be impressionistic at best, though as one said to me: "The mere fact this is happening at all in Myanmar is a huge step."
Suu Kyi seems to share that view. Her accusations of irregularities are aimed primarily at local opponents, for whom old habits die hard. She's said many times that she does not doubt the sincerity of Myanmar's President Thein Sein, the former general who started the reform process last year with an easing of censorship and the release of political prisoners. Many analysts believe it would rather suit hem to have Suu Kyi in parliament.
A bus decorated in the color's of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party rides through the streets of Mingalar Taung Nyung Township, a suburb of Yangon, Myanmar on Friday.
For her, there is a much bigger dynamic at work than the raw election numbers.
Genie out of the bottle
"It's the rising political awareness of our people that we regard as our greatest triumph," Suu Kyi said Friday.

Hardliners are certainly capable of pushing back such as in 1990 when the election victory by the National League for Democracy was simply overturned by the military.
However, this feels different. It was hard not to get caught up in all the emotion on the street today.
It seems like the start of something more enduring, a process that the military will likely find hard to turn off or turn around, even if they wanted to.
Myanmar polls won’t be free and fair: Suu Kyi (Agencies)
Yangon, Democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi said on Friday that Myanmar’s weekend elections will be neither free nor fair because of widespread irregularities, but vowed to press forward with her candidacy for the sake of the country.

Suu Kyi said opposition candidates had been targeted in stone-throwing incidents and other intimidation that hampered their campaigning in the run-up to Sunday by-elections that are considered a crucial test of Myanmar’s commitment to democratic reforms.

The 66-year-old Nobel peace laureate told a news conference that the irregularities go “beyond what is acceptable for democratic elections”. “I don’t think we can consider it genuinely free and fair if we consider what has been going on for the last couple months,” Suu Kyi said. “We’ve had to face many irregularities.”

She said there were attempts to injure candidates and cited two cases in which stones or other objects were thrown at members of her opposition National League for Democracy, causing one of the party’s security guards to be hospitalised.

There were “many, many cases of intimidation” and vandalism of party campaign posters.
She blamed some of the acts on “people in official positions”.

Despite the irregularities, Suu Kyi said that the party is “determined to go forward because we think that is what our people want”.
The by-election is likely to mark a symbolic turning point by bringing Suu Kyi into Parliament for the first time, an event that would raise hopes for a more representative government after a half century of repressive military rule.

The by-election will fill 45 vacant seats in Myanmar’s 664-seat national Parliament. A victory by Suu Kyi and the opposition would do little to alter the balance of power in Parliament but would give her a voice in government for the first time.
Party says Myanmar's Suu Kyi wins parliament seat Eastern Mirror
YANGON, APR 1 (AP): Supporters of Myanmar's opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi erupted in euphoric cheers Sunday after her party said she won a parliamentary
seat in a landmark election, setting the stage for her to take public office for the first time.
The victory, if confirmed, would mark a major milestone in the Southeast Asian nation, where the military has ruled almost exclusively for a half-century and where a new reform-minded government is seeking legitimacy and a lifting of Western sanctions.
It would also mark the biggest prize of Suu Kyi's political career and a spectacular reversal of fortune for the 66-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate who the former junta had kept imprisoned in her lakeside home for the better part of two decades.
The victory claim was displayed on a digital signboard outside the opposition National League for Democracy's headquarters in Myanmar's main city, Yangon, where supporters gathered by the thousands as the polls closed in the late afternoon. They began wildly shouting upon learning the news, chanting "We won! We won!" while clapping, dancing, waving red party flags and gesturing with thumbs-up and V-for-victory signs.
As more counts came in from the NLD's poll watchers around the country, the crowd grew to as many as 10,000. The party's security guards tried without success to keep the traffic flowing past the people occupying much of the road and all nearby sidewalks.By 9 pm, the NLD was claiming victory in 13 constituencies, including two in the capital, Naypyitaw. It claimed substantial leads in about 10 more. No official tallies had been released.
Results in Naypyitaw had been hard to predict, because many of its residents are civil servants and their families dependent on the government for their livelihoods, and the turnout when Suu Kyi campaigned there was noticeably smaller than elsewhere. But the party appeared to be running up large leads over its rival, the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party.
The digital screen displaying results also flashed a message from Suu Kyi to her followers noting that they were understandably happy but should avoid gloating. She cautioned them to "Please refrain from rude behaviour or actions that would make the other side unhappy."
Results were expected to come in slowly from more rural and remote areas. All results must be confirmed by the official electoral commission, however, which may not make an official declaration for days.
The victory claim came despite allegations by her National League for Democracy party that "rampant irregularities" had taken place on voting day. Party spokesman Nyan Win said that by midday alone the party had filed more than 50 complaints to the Election Commission.
He said most alleged violations concerned waxed ballot papers that made it difficult to mark votes. There were also ballot cards that lacked the Election Commission's seal, which would render them invalid.
Sunday's by-election was called to fill just 45 vacant seats in Myanmar's 664-seat national Parliament and will not change the balance of power in a new government that is nominally civilian but still heavily controlled by retired generals. Suu Kyi and other opposition candidates would have almost no say even if they win all the seats they are contesting.
But her candidacy has resurrected hope among Myanmar's downtrodden masses, who have grown up for generations under strict military rule. If Suu Kyi takes office as expected, it would symbolise a giant leap toward national reconciliation.
"She may not be able to do anything at this stage," said one voter, Go Khehtay, who cast his ballot for Suu Kyi at Wah Thin Kha, one of the dirt-poor villages in the rural constituency south of Yangon that she is vying to represent. "But one day, I believe she'll be able to bring real change."
A new reform was expected Monday when Myanmar's currency will be largely unshackled from government controls that kept the kyat at an artificially high rate for decades. The International Monetary Fund says the change could lift a major constraint on growth in one of Asia's least developed countries.


Frans on 04.01.12 @ 09:49 PM CST [link]




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