Fight for Naga sovereignty continues Demand for ‘Frontier Nagaland’ fails to get enough attention, believe community leaders By Avalok Langer Delhi Tehelka
Fight for Naga sovereignty continues Demand for ‘Frontier Nagaland’ fails to get enough attention, believe community leaders By Avalok Langer Delhi Tehelka
The Telangana issue has made it to the mainstream media, but the demand to bifurcate Nagaland and Manipur has somehow to not found its 15 minutes of fame. Earlier this month, the Eastern Nagaland Peoples’ Organisation (ENPO) vocalised its demand through the media for a separate state -- Frontier Nagaland. The ENPO, representing six tribes (Chang, Konyak, Phom, Sangtam, Khiamniungan and Yimchunger ) of eastern Nagaland, has submitted a memorandum to the prime minister demanding the creation of a new state comprising of the Tuensang, Mon, Longleng and Kiphire districts in Nagaland and the Naga-dominated districts of Arunachal, Tirap and Changlang. New nomenclature for an old sentiment, the demand for a “Frontier Nagaland” is based on economics and history. “Our demand for the creation of Frontier Nagaland is something like going back to the earlier arrangement when the entire area was under the erstwhile Tuensang Frontier Division of NEFA (North East Frontier Agency),” said ENPO General Secretary Toshi Wungpung. He also alleged that for decades, gross injustice has been done to the people of these four districts by successive governments, both in the state and at the Centre. “Of the 11 districts in Nagaland, these four backward districts have almost half of the state’s total population. But despite that, they continue to remain extremely underdeveloped.”
He added that not more than 5 per cent of the population has government jobs and as there are no other job avenues, the economic situation is progressively deteriorating. “The issue of underdevelopment and neglect to the eastern part of Nagaland has been an issue doing the rounds for some time. The demand of job reservation for these underdeveloped areas had been gaining momentum so this demand of creation of a separate statehood is something very obvious in the present geopolitical scenario,” explained John Sema, a teacher of political science at Nagaland University.
While the demand for “Frontier Nagaland” gains popular support in Nagaland’s eastern districts, south of the border, communal tension in Manipur reached breaking point in mid-2010. On July 1, 2010, the Naga Peoples’ Convention (NPC) – the highest Naga decision-making body in Manipur – demanded an alternative arrangement. The Nagas residing in the hill districts of Manipur decided to sever all political ties with the “communal” government of Manipur and also declared the Autonomous District Council’s elections null and void. They approached the central government to work out an arrangement outside the Manipur state structure to fill the vacuum created in governance and administration.
The NPC letter to the Prime Minister states: “This drastic decision was necessitated by the unmistakable fact that it had become impossible for the Nagas to protect their right to life, land, time-honoured institutions, customary practices and values under the administration of the dominant and communal government of Manipur.”
According to the NPC, for years the hill districts of Manipur have been ignored by subsequent “Meitei-dominated” state governments. They are not only denied infrastructure development, education and medical facilities and employment opportunities, but also adequate representation. “The tribal areas in Manipur consist of 90 per cent of the land and 41 per cent of the state’s total population,” the letter states. “(However) the tribals have only 20 representatives in the House (state legislature) of 60. Each tribal MLA represents a population of 49,154 and about 1004.5 sq km on an average. On the other hand, Manipur valley (Meitei-dominated) consists of 10 per cent of land and 59 per cent of the state’s total population, but the valley has 40 MLAs who represents just 35,139 population and 55.9 sq km on an average.”
G Vashum, a member of the Alternate Arrangement Committee, said: “The third round of tripartite talks” between the Manipur government, the Centre and the Nagas has been called for. “But if they (the Centre) fail to deliver on their promises and the patience of the Naga people runs out, we could be faced with large-scale communal violence. We don’t want violence and that is why we are pushing to achieve a peaceful solution before the breaking point is reached.”
However, as a member of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation suggests, the solution to the Indo-Naga dispute lies in semantics. “The Indian concept of sovereignty is modern and it greatly differs from Naga sovereignty. In India, sovereignty lies with the state, but we are still a traditional society and Naga sovereignty lies with the people. If India decides to think out of the box and truly embrace her federal structure, Indian sovereignty and Naga sovereignty can coexist,” said Vashum. “These demands for statehood don’t contradict the idea of Naga sovereignty. But they are manifestations of the need to create a federal structure and allow the Nagas to rule themselves. Nagas and federalism are inseparable.”
A possible middle-path solution could be reached by taking the ideas of direct participation and multilayered accountability, the core essence of the traditional Naga village republics system and combining it with modern notions of universal rights and freedoms to create a new model.
With Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Swu, the general secretary and chairman of NSCN (IM), respectively, in Delhi for talks with the Centre, it is important that both groups move beyond historical hurdles and look for a workable solution. If Naga sovereignty lies in the creation of village republics, maybe it is time to allow sovereignties to coexist and end the nation’s oldest “insurgency.” A truly democratic, inclusive federal structure, which shares power equally with men, women, the youth and non-Nagas, could offer a middle-path solution, combining the Naga system with the Indian Constitution.
Integration of Naga areas must: NSCN-IM Correspondent Assam Tribune
DIMAPUR, Feb 1 – Ahead of the crucial talks set to resume in Delhi, the NSCN-IM has sounded that it will settle for nothing less than integration of all Naga areas.
In his message on the occasion of the 32nd Raising Day of the NSCN/GPRN today, its chairman Issac Chishi Swu stated that integration of all Naga areas is ‘our birthright’ and to fight for the integration of Nagalim at any cost is the duty of every Naga.
Questioning why the suffering Naga people continue to watch helplessly when ‘other people are attempting to disintegrate Nagalim into pieces’, he said, “There is no balcony in Nagalim from where we can watch the drama of life. We are all actors. Every Naga is expected to participate in our struggle for the integration of Nagalim”.
Swu’s call for integration also gains significance in the backdrop of the demand of the Eastern Nagas under the banner of ENPO for a separate State to be carved from four districts of Nagaland.
The NSCN-IM chairman, in his message, called upon all Nagas to be prepared for any eventuality.
On the ongoing dialogue with the Government of India, Swu said political negotiation is always for arriving at an honourable agreement and stated that any proposal which is acceptable to only one party is not for solution. “It should always be acceptable and honourable to both the parties. We are seriously seeking to arrive at an honourable political settlement,” he maintained.
He further stated his commitment to reconciliation among the Nagas. “For those who really love Nagalim, working for reconciliation is not an impossible task. If we are guided by the love for Nagalim, for Christ, we will certainly find a meeting point for reconciliation,” he said.
Naga Peace Negotiations and the NSCN (IM)’s Significant Shift in Posture Written by: IDSA By Namrata Goswami
The NSCN (IM) leadership’s acceptance of Indian passports reflects a significant shift from its earlier political posture of an independent sovereign Naga homeland.
It has not been easy to negotiate peace with the Naga ethnic movement for an independent homeland which has been ongoing since 1918. Over the years, the movement has witnessed divisions in the Naga public sphere with regard to the use of violent means for political ends. In early 1947 itself, the Naga National Council (NNC), one of the oldest Naga separatist groups, experienced a striking difference of opinion within its core leadership, with moderates like T. Sakhrie and Aliba Impti advocating peaceful means to gain greater political representation for Nagas within Assam (Nagaland became a separate state within the Indian Union only in 1963). Sakhrie and Impti were instrumental for the signing of the Nine Point Agreement on June 29, 1947 with then Governor of Assam Sir Akbar Hydari. On the other hand, A. Z. Phizo, one of the most charismatic leaders of the NNC, was against any peaceful settlement with the Union Government and instead advocated the use of force. In the years that followed, armed factionalism has been a recurring factor in the Naga ethnic movement, with remnants of the NNC forming the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980. A few years later, in 1988, the NSCN itself split into two factions: the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Chisi Swu [NSCN (IM)] and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland led by S S Khaplang [NSCN (K)]. Again, in 2007, the NSCN (IM) witnessed a split when about 100 of its members broke away to form the National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Unification [NSCN-(U)]. With multiple armed factions inhabiting a common territory, internecine violence has been the obvious consequence.
Simultaneously, the Naga ethnic movement has also witnessed phases of peace with the setting up of the Naga Peace Mission in 1964, the Shillong Accord of 1975, and the ceasefire agreement of 1997 and 2001 between the Union government and the two NSCN factions. While Naga civil society actors have played an active role from the 1950s to the 1990s in bringing about reconciliation in Naga society plagued by violence between security forces and the armed groups on one hand and between the armed groups themselves on the other, their efforts took on an urgency like never before since early 2000 to foster peace. Civil society actors like the Joint Forum for Gaonburahs and Doibashis (JFGBDB), Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) along with the Naga Hoho (Apex Tribal Council) have been insistently calling upon all sections of society to come together and work for peace in Nagaland. From 2005 onwards, the reconciliation processes, mostly facilitated by the Naga Hoho and the FNR, has seen a great many people participating in it – 10,000 people since 2007. In March 2009, a ‘Naga Convention for Reconciliation and Peace’ held in Kohima sent across ‘a message of peace and an end to bloodshed and violence’. The convention was attended by thousands of people from various Naga tribes, the armed groups, the church and the civil society. According to Vivi, General Secretary of the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), ‘the convention is a positive attitude, everyone expressing the desire for reconciliation … and this is where we can build our hope.’ What is refreshing to observe is that no single actor claims ownership of this process. Rather, it is viewed as a collective effort by all stakeholders to the conflict. The biggest achievement of these civil society actors has been their ability to bring about a degree of reconciliation between the armed groups.
The latest development in the Naga peace process has to be understood keeping this particular role of Naga civil society in mind. In a significant symbolic departure from the earlier position of no compromise on the demand for a ‘Sovereign Naga homeland’, Isak Chisi Swu accepted an Indian passport for the very first time for his latest visit to New Delhi on January 23, 2011. Earlier, Swu would travel with a Thai or Bangladeshi or a Filipino passport. This perhaps amounts to a realization within the armed group that a resolution can be worked out within the Indian Constitution. Such a resolution has the support of Naga civil society as well. Even more significant is Thuingaleng Muivah’s acceptance as well to travel on an Indian passport, given that he has always been the most rigid amongst the NSCN (IM) leadership on the demand for an independent Naga homeland.
Another significant shift in the NSCN (IM)’s posture is its stance towards its arch rival, the NSCN (K). In his January 23, 2011 speech in New Delhi, Swu stated that the rival faction leader, S. S. Khaplang, will also be invited to take part in the peace negotiations within the framework of the FNR. Earlier, the NSCN (IM) leadership would balk at any suggestion of inclusion of the NSCN (K) or NNC leadership in the peace negotiations. Credit for this shift should also be given to the FNR, who worked tirelessly to get the armed factions together on the same platform.
Be that as it may, in this positive atmosphere, four important issues will have to be integrated into the final package for a realistic resolution of the Naga ethnic conflict.
First, the negotiation process must not be hijacked by a powerful actor (for instance, the state) which could utilize it to buy time to push its own agenda. Instead, there must be joint ownership of the process to address problems and issues in a genuine manner. The perspectives of the different stakeholders must be duly represented, discussed and reflected in the final agreement.
Second, the unique history and tradition of the Nagas should be visibly acknowledged and respected by the Union Government and local state institutions in Naga inhabited areas [this being one of the core demands of the NSCN (IM)].
Third, while it will perhaps not be prudent to further demarcate the Northeast territorially given the angst of states like Manipur and Assam, the NSCN (IM)’s demand for a unified Nagalim (Greater Nagaland) can be met by an overarching institutional framework with headquarters in Dimapur or Kohima, and which should be made solely responsible for economic development and political representation of Naga areas.
Finally, a 2 to 3 year framework for disarmament and rehabilitation of the armed groups must be worked out by the Union government in consultation with Naga civil society and the armed groups themselves.
It must be recognized that the time has finally arrived for the resolution of the Naga ethnic conflict, given the atmosphere of receptivity, empathy and willingness by all stakeholders to bring it to a dignified closure. The decades-old conflict has stunted growth in Naga areas and instilled fear in an entire generation of Nagas for their physical safety. This lack of basic security has been further helped by a lacklustre state structure. This opportune moment must therefore be urgently seized to build a solid foundation for peace in Naga inhabited areas.
Originally published by Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (www.idsa.in) at http://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/NagaPeaceNegotiationsandtheNSCNIMsSignificantShiftinPosture_ngoswami_020211
The Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) is a non-partisan, autonomous body dedicated to objective research and policy relevant studies on all aspects of defence and security. Its mission is to promote national and international security through the generation and dissemination of knowledge on defence and security-related issues. IDSA has been consistently ranked over the last few years as one of the top think tanks in Asia.
SDO murder: Trial begins in Delhi Times of India
IMPHAL: The trial of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (IM) leader Hopeson Ningsen, accused in the killing of Manipur Civil Service ( MCS) officer Thingam Kishan Singh and his two subordinate officials two years ago, has begun in New Delhi.
SDO of Kashom Khullen in Ukhrul district, Kishan, his driver Aribam Rajen Sharma and Mandal Yumnam Token Singh, all Imphal residents, were found dead at a village in Senapati district on February 17, 2009.
In June of the same year, the NSCN (IM) handed over Hopeson Ningsen to the Naga Hoho, the highest Naga civil organization of the region. Later, the CBI took him in custody for investigation. He is currently in Tihar Jail. Before the court of a Special Judge in Patiala House the trail began on Monday, sources said, adding that owing to security reasons, the trial venue has been fixed at the national capital.
During the proceedings, the defence counsel contended that Ningshen had only ordered the arrest of the late Kishan with the intention to collect misappropriated fund. Stating that the NSCN (IM) has not been declared as a terrorist organization under Unlawful Activity (Prevention) Act, 1967, Ningshen's detention is unlawful, he argued.
Considering the lack of common intention, Ningshen could not be accused of being the mastermind of the murder-conspiracy, the lawyer told the court. The senior public prosecutor argued that NSCN (IM) does not have any right to collect "misappropriated fund", nor arrest any government servant.
He further asserted that the charge of "misappropriation of fund" against late Kishan had been conclusively proved false by the statements given by witnesses. The next hearing of the case will be on February 21.On the other hand the Joint Action Committee (JAC) formed by irate locals against the murder has demanded the authorities concerned to arrest the remaining three accused without further delay.
As Muivah holds talks, outfit says pact must realise Naga ‘historical realities’ Samudra Gupta Kashyap Indian Express
Even as top National Socialist Council of Nagalim (IM) leaders — chairman Issak Chisi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah — arrived in New Delhi on January 21 from Bangkok, and have been holding informal parleys with the government, the outfit on Sunday said that resolving the Naga issue without due recognition to Naga political and historical realities would only lead to a failure. “Solution reached at the expense of the Naga political and historical realities will lead both the parties (the government and the NSCN) back to square one,” a press release e-mailed to The Indian Express by the “ministry of information and publicity” of the “Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim” said.
The organisation accused the Central government of pursuing a “carrot and stick policy” and said that while Muivah and Swu were being accorded a warm welcome by New Delhi, several other leaders were “deliberately” branded as criminals. The reference was to the arrest of Koningam, a deputy minister, and “Major General” Ningkhan Shimray, a top functionary of the NSCN’s armed wing, who were arrested on their way to Delhi.
India coy over 'Chinese spy' By Derek Henry Flood Asia Times
The Indian government has deported a woman it claims was spying for the People's Republic of China (PRC) in India's insurgency-wracked northeastern state of Nagaland.
Wang Qing, 38 or 39, had reportedly met with Thuingaleng Muivah, the general secretary of one of the factions of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-I-M), who returned from self-imposed exile over a year ago for slow-moving peace talks in Delhi.
Qing had apparently attempted to pass herself off as a traveling representative of a Chinese timber concern, a Naga student, or a Hong Kong television journalist, depending on whom she encountered. On inspection of her laptop by Indian authorities, it was discovered she had photos of herself with Muivah, Prachanda, head of Nepal's Maoists, and members of the Kachin Independence Army, a ethnic separatist movement in Myanmar that Delhi believes has acted as a channel for Chinese arms to Naga rebel armies in decades past. [1]
Muivah, a septuagenarian with decades-old links to China, advocates for the creation of an independent Naga state known as "Greater Nagaland" or "Nagalim" that would encompass present-day Nagaland, Naga-inhabited parts of the neighboring Indian states of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, and perhaps ethnic-Naga areas in neighboring Myanmar.
Muivah's ideology is a somewhat confounding mix of Maoist people's war thought and "Nagalim for Christ", a localized version of evangelical Protestantism, a legacy of the Naga's contacts with the PRC's intelligence during the period of Mao Zedong's reign as well as Nagaland's geographic proximity to China and the successful history of colonial-era Christian missionaries in the area.
Muivah has been housed in an Indian government guesthouse in Delhi while waiting for peace negotiations to materialize and refusing to meet with Indian media outlets in the interim.
On January 4, Qing turned up to meet Muivah posing as journalist and the two had a closed-door meeting. Twelve days later, Qing traveled incognito to Nagaland from Delhi by train where she reportedly visited Camp Hebron, a Naga rebel training center. [2]
Qing was detained in the city of Dimapur, Nagaland's commercial capital, and transported back to Delhi for questioning. The fact that Qing was "quietly" deported back to China rather than put on trial in India indicates that the Indians wanted to avoid a public incident that would derail near-term future negotiations with a rebel movement that has been fighting the Indian state for over three decades.
Qing's contacts with Muivah and the possibility of China reviving links with northeastern insurgents may be linked to shifting geopolitical facts on the ground in the region. Many militant leaders from the region have traditionally been sheltered by the Bangladeshi state but with the restoration of democracy there and the return of Prime Minister Sheikha Hasina Wajed to power in January of 2009, Dhaka has sought to restore congenial relations with Delhi and has extradited several Indian militant leaders as a show of good faith.
In turn, still active militant leaders may be looking again toward their previous sponsors in Beijing to provide them weapons, logistical aid and shelter. Chinese intelligence, in a matter of pragmatic maneuvering, sends agents to meet with rebels to assess the ground realities and needs of its anti-Indian clients and likely forwards them discarded arms stock as the People's Liberation Army continues to modernize in a bid to raise China's military stature in the Asian realm. [3]
It may also benefit Beijing to have clientele on its payroll who can provide up-to-date intelligence on the movements and capabilities of the Indian army with whom it claims to contest the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, which Beijing considers part of what was historically "south" Tibet and therefore part of modern China. [4]
Following the death of Mao in 1976, much of China's overt exporting of Third World Maoist revolution largely died with him, including to economic and ethnic Maoist adherents in South Asia. It was quelled under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, who sought a thawing of Sino-Indian relations.
But for India, some doubts stemming from the tumultuous era still exist when Mao's China executed a humiliating invasion inside the McMahon Line deep into Arunachal Pradesh (then known as the North-East Frontier Agency) in the fall of 1962 and tensions remained at high pitch until Mao passed from the scene 14 years later.
Long since the days of the Cold War and the Sino-Soviet split, Delhi has alleged that the PLA has made repeated incursions into Indian territory, though such accusations tend to be made in a subdued fashion to avoid rankling larger key bilateral issues. The peculiar case of Wang Qing appears to fit this tradition.
She was questioned for a day and half and on January 21, then simply sent on her way back to Guangdong, China (though she claimed to be a resident of Beijing) even as her past travel history to India and highly suspect photos on her laptop evoked more questions than Qing had answers as she was detained at Indira Gandhi International Airport.
From the local police superintendent in Nagaland where Qing was caught to the high officialdom in Delhi who deported her, no one seems to be keen on publicly stirring up direct accusations of Chinese meddling in India's most remote, unstable corner. The Indian Army is modernizing itself and Delhi is bolstering Arunachal Pradesh's traditionally rudimentary infrastructure along with raising a force of local paramilitaries capable of high altitude exercises and operations.
While not addressing the Arunachal border issue vis-a-vis China nor the negotiations with the NSCN-IM specifically, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, while addressing a conference of chief ministers on Tuesday highlighted progress in the northeast overall as an achievement for India's internal security, stating: "What is essential, however, is a genuine desire for peace and a willingness to abjure the path of violence.
It is the commitment of our government, that if these two conditions are satisfied we will respond in full measure in considering the demands of various groups. There has been fruitful engagement with several groups in 2010 and we wish to deepen this process of engagement this year."
What remains in question for Indian security analysts is whether China, with its ever-deepening bilateral trade ties with India, would still seek to destabilize some of India's most vulnerable, underdeveloped territory in pursuit of Beijing's national interest or whether Northeastern insurgents are simply being supplied by black market arms networks emanating in China and transiting Southeast Asia and Bangladesh en route to insurgent clients which Chinese intelligence may be well aware of but indifferent at halting.
Beijing does not hesitate to express immense and immediate dissatisfaction with high profile visits to Arunachal by Manmohan or the Dalai Lama and although Sino-Indian relations have been improving rapidly in the last decade, China's views on northeastern issues, and Indian perception of them, remains an entirely sensitive issue.
While Delhi has gradually softened its support of the decades-long embattled Aung San Suu Kyi in Yangon in lieu of regional realpolitik and gradual engagement with Than Shwe's junta in accordance with its "Look East" policy and facing stiff competition from China inside Myanmar, the Indian establishment has yet to abandon the Dalai Lama who it continues to host as an "honored guest" and provide Beijing with a raison d'etre to provide succor to the NSCN-IM, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), and a gaggle of the other militant irredentists.
In light of ongoing cross-border tensions with Pakistan and unending strife in Kashmir, and the post-1962 Sino-Indian feud over Arunachal described herein, perhaps India needed to have one less hostile neighbor on along its troubled frontiers and began dealing openly with Naypyidaw's generals to counter China's mounting strategic depth inside Myanmar.
Indian engagement in Myanmar, in which the Ministry of Defense leads the charge, may hope to reap benefits on the never-ending Naga question that has plagued India since partition. India hosted an official visit of (since retired) Lieutenant General Thar Aye, head of the junta's Bureau of Special Operations along the Indo-Myanmar border situated in the vast Sagaing Region in Myanmar's northwest bordering Nagaland where Delhi believes NSCN-K chief S S Khaplang is based.
India's suspicions of any hammer and anvil style counterinsurgency operations being conducted with Than Shwe's Tatmadaw forces may be a flight of fancy. The bogey man of anti-Indian insurgents based in Sagain may incentivize the junta's need for many of them to be just out of reach while continuing to gain armaments and concessions from India as its kinetic military operations most often deal with rebel armies like the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army along the Myanmar-Thai border rather than low priority campaigns along Myanmar's borders with India and Bangladesh.
Though a formal ceasefire has been in place in Nagaland since mid-1997, no formal peace or political agreement has materialized in the nearly 14 years since but not for lack of talks in the interim that essentially went nowhere. One of the most vexing issues for Delhi is that which divides the Naga rebel leadership into two distinct, warring camps.
In 1988, the NSCN was split into a faction helmed by Muivah and Isak, long considered the dominant faction in the Naga rebellion, and the NSCN-K led by the Myanmar-based S S Khaplang two wings of the NSCN continue to clash violently evidenced by recent skirmishes in districts of southeastern Arunachal bordering Nagaland.
In what may be very problematic for the central government's negotiations aimed at creating lasting stability in far-flung Nagaland, while the leadership and emissaries representing both factions have intimated at reconciliation with one another and Delhi, guerrillas units on the ground from the NSCN-I-M and the NSCN-K do not seem to have gotten the message.
And while both leaders of the NSCN-I-M have come in from the cold, S S Khaplang and the leadership of the NSCN-K are still in the Myanmar bush. No one is clear, politically speaking, just what a finalized Naga peace would look like.
Aside from outright independence from the Indian union, the idea of the unification of contiguous ethnic-Naga territories across borders of neighboring states is an equally distant prospect and Delhi entertaining even mild talk in this vain may merely be a way on buying time to extend the ceasefire's status quo without addressing the NSCN-I-M's core grievances. [5]
The other great difficulty is that while dealing directly with Muivah and Isak, Delhi does not have Khaplang present in the capital and it can therefore be claimed that the Nagas are not being represented by unitary voice. The Manmohan government is keen to have both of the main Naga rebel factions on board as well as the tiny NSCN-Unification faction and the Naga National Council (NNC) led by the daughter of Angami Zapu Phizo, Nagaland's post-World War II separatist leader, which spawned the various NSCNs, in order to create some form of lasting agreement.
The return of the NSCN-I-M's chairman Isak Chisi Swu from self-imposed exile in Thailand at the request of the Indian government has been hailed as a significant step forward by Manmohan in a long stalled process impeding the development and integration of South Asia and Southeast Asia.
Delhi is desperate not to have this process disrupted by Chinese intrigue which is seeks to play down. Clearly, the rebel factions maybe saying one thing in Delhi and another in Nagaland. On January 31, chairman Isak Chisi Swu had a deputy read a statement at an annual NSCN ceremony in Nagaland that told his followers, "The integration of Nagaland is our birthright" and added that "Every Naga is expected to participate in our struggle for the integration of Nagalim." [6]
One can be sure that Beijing is watching these quixotic developments with great interest and it is doubtful that Ms Wang Qing was merely a curious tourist with an avid interest in regional insurgencies with which China once had a close relationship.
SI Jamir blames Rio for heightening ENPO issue Posted by kanglaonline By Oken Jeet Sandham
KOHIMA, Feb 1 (NEPS): NPCC President SI Jamir said their Congress party has understood the demand of a “Frontier Nagaland” by ENPO as “sensitive” and taken it very seriously right from the beginning. “But the problem is the DAN Chief Minister was flip-flopping in handling this sensitive issue right from the beginning, thereby heightening the issue,” the NPCC President told NEPS here at Congress Bhavan on Tuesday.
The NPCC chief said the problem arose as Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio had shown his “helplessness” to ENPO leaders when they (ENPO leaders) met him over the issue. “Why has he not tried to understand their difficulties and grievances,” asked Jamir.
Reacting to the insensitivity of Chief Minister to the sensitive issue, the NPCC President pointed out that his (Chief Minister) “main task is to find out their grievances and not push the matter further.” “But he didn’t do that,” regretted the NPCC chief.
On the Government’s statement that a meeting of Joint Legislative Forum with office bearers of ENPO would be called to address the issue, Jamir said from the beginning, they (DAN Government) took the matter lightly.
On NPF President Dr Shurhozelie’s comment that the matter (Frontier State demand) was between the Center and the ENPO, thereby he had no comment, the NPCC President said, “Of course, technically he (Dr Shurhozelie) may say so.” “But the issue is the concern of the entire people of Nagaland,” he pointed out adding, “For the Congress, they are always prepared to listen to the grievances of the people of this region and solve it amicably.”
On law and order front, the NPCC chief disclosed that the “kidnappings and extortions” were still rampant in the state and these were “law and order subject.” Surprisingly, this DAN Government was trying to shift all these as well as the administrative failures to “political problem,” “This is wrong,” he stated.
Stating that they were not satisfied with Imkong L Imchen as Home, Jamir said their earlier demand of his removal from the Home Ministership “still stands.”
A brief statement on NNC Formation of February 2, 1946 B. Pashen Morung
The Naga National Council (NNC) timely came into existence with its historic birth on 2nd February, 1946. The Naga National Council was democratically formed by the Naga representatives with Eno T. Aliba Imti Ao as the President. The formation of NNC was based on clear identity ground of God’s creation of the Naga race, history, tradition and culture.
Thus with fair and far-sightedness of NNC leadership and together with the will, the leaders of the day formally brought the Naga families of all the Nagas together into one big family as a Nation. Henceforth, the NNC and Nagas as a whole are duty bound to uphold the uniqueness of the Nagas as a free people and sovereign nation as in ancient times.
The Nagas have our ancient territory known as Nagaland that comprises of all Naga Regions. And originally and historically Nagaland is the Homeland of the Nagas from olden time. And we have been in Nagaland as free Naga people and a sovereign nation. In other words, Nagaland is never part of foreign people’s country. Our forefathers clearly owned Nagaland. They were the master of it and we continuously own it till date. NNC precisely declared Nagaland independence on 14th August, 1947 a day ahead of India obtained its independence from their nation master, British Empire. And that NNC sent the historic declaration message of Nagaland independence to British India Government, India and United Nations. Briefly speaking, NNC is firmly grounded on the undisputable foundation of Naga historical right.
It comes to light that the devoted village elders, selfless volunteers of both young and old and national leaders of Nagaland worked all day long for public good and Nagaland’s future. The deeds and achievements of the past showed that the NNC leaders led by A.Z. Phizo made extensive touring in important Regions as well as other areas too, to let the people understand the right of the Nagas and sovereign Nagaland. With necessary preparation NNC solemnly conducted historic Naga voluntary plebiscite to steadfastly uphold Nagaland independence where 99% voted in honour of Nagaland stand. Truly, the former NNC leaders did well and boldly shouldered together national duties and responsibilities for a bright and happier Nagaland.
Eventually, The Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) was set up in 1956 and constitutionally guided under the Yehzabo of Nagaland in the teeth of aggressive acts launched by aggressor India. By the grace of God there is a halt of war but the aggression is yet to come to an honourable end.
On this historic 65th Anniversary of NNC Formation Day, 2nd February, 2011, I call upon the sons and daughters of Nagaland to rise up and shoulder the responsibilities of the Naga Nation in defense of our birth right as bestowed by the Almighty God.
Urra Uvie; Nagaland
B. Pashen Vice President, NNC Nagaland
Demand for another state
OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, Feb. 4: The Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation has decided to intensify its demand for the separate “frontier Nagaland state” in a meeting at Amguri in Assam yesterday.
Twenty legislators from four backward districts attended the meeting.
The officials of the organisation are tight-lipped about the meeting at Amguri but sources said the meeting discussed about the memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister for a separate state for the districts namely, Longleng, Kiphire, Mon and Tuensang. Sources in the organisation said the state would also include Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal Pradesh.
The organisation consists of six Naga tribes — Chang, Konyak, Khiamningun, Sangtam, Yimchungru and Phom. These tribes claim that they have been discriminated against by the state government and other advanced Naga tribes. But according to the state government and the other Naga tribes, those tribes enjoy 25 per cent job reservation in government,relaxation in educational qualifications.
The general secretary of the organisation, Toshi Yimchungru, refused to comment on the meeting.
The adviser to the organisation, Tongthan Khiamningun, said a statement would be issued from the organisation’s office soon.
Former Lok Sabha member Wangyuh Konyak, who attended the meeting, said the organisation distributed the copies of memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister to all the 20 legislators. He said the demand for the new state was a people’s movement and that they would never backtrack from their stand.
Former Congress leader Chingwang Konyak had also spelt out his support for the organisation’s demand stating that the people of the four districts have been discriminated on all fronts.
The state government has also constituted a committee to look into the grievances of the six tribes.
Several mainstream Naga organisations have also requested the organisation not to go ahead with its demand, as this would further fragment Naga society.
More than 13 yrs…and still waiting morungexpress
DIMAPUR, JANUARY 31 (MExN): Using the occasion of the 32nd NSCN Raising Day celebration held at Camp Hebron on January 31, Steering Committee Convener Gen Rtd VS Atem has send out a message to the Government of India slamming the latter for what he termed as the “tricks and intrigues” played on the Nagas despite more than 13 years of engaging between the Nagas and the government of India at the negotiation table.
Top NSCN/GPRN leader questions GoI on ‘tricks & intrigues’
While pointing out that Nagas have been patient enough in engaging with the government of India at the negotiation table to find honorable and mutually acceptable solution to the long drawn-out political conflict between India and Nagalim for more than 13 years, yet the top NSCN/GPRN leader openly voiced out that “sincerity and honesty and respect for its own commitment seem to be unavailable in the lexicon of Indian politics and diplomacy”.
“Tricks and intrigues raise their ugly heads here and there and now and then which tend to drive the Nagas away farther and farther instead of winning their confidence and bring them closer”, he stated while reminding that on its part the collective leadership had done whatever it could. “No stone have been left unturned in the interest of peace and security of both Indians and Nagas who are to live as neighbors till God and time permit”.
Atem then signaled to the Government of India that the “NSCN will not go for a solution or for peace so long as their land and people are kept divided and sub-divided through arbitrary boundaries”. Further he stated that the “NSCN also will not compromise on its inalienable right of distinct identity through its Unique History”.
The Steering Committee Convener even went to the extent of saying that “we have every right to move heaven and earth even the hell” and that “we will even take the devil to cross the bridge” “to protect our land and the right to exist in the community of nations”. “Therefore, every member of the NSCN shall now tighten our belt and prepare for the worst”, Atem stated. “Only let us stand firm and be true to God and to our people”.
Atem also spoke about how thirty years ago, on this day, the 31st January 1980, the Naga people “under the dynamic and visionary leadership of Messrs. Isak, SS. Khaplang and Th. Muivah in their collective wisdom fired with the spirit of live or die for the sovereign right of Nagalim gave birth to this fearsome National Socialist Council of Nagalim”.
Is Nagaland Government bifurcating Mon district? kanglaonline Oken Jeet Sandham
When the “Frontier Nagaland State” demand by Eastern Naga Public Organization (ENPO) is steadily coming to the fore and some people from other tribes started putting their thoughts in it, there is another move doing the round. It is said the State (Nagaland) government is toying with the idea of bifurcating the existing Mon district into two.
The framework of the new district will be done by craving out the three constituencies—Tobu, Tehok and Moka—from the Mon district. Representatives from these constituencies—Naiba Konyak (Tobu), CL John (Tehok) and Pangteang (Moka)—are all from the ruling NPF. There appears to be no problem to bifurcation of the existing Mon district into two as the district is primarily inhabited by the Konyak tribe. The only problem is there is tussle over choosing new district headquarters.
Tobu MLA, Naiba Konyak, is said to have demanded that the new district headquarters to be at Tabu, whereas the other two legislators from Tehok and Moka wanted to have it at Aboi. If the matter is left to these three Konyak legislators, then it may likely to go to Aboi.
It is however learnt that if the Tobu legislator refuses to budge from his demand, he may be left out from the new district arrange plan and may go with Phomching constituency which is represented by Congress MLA K Konngam Konyak.
The idea of bifurcation of the existing Mon district into two assumes significance in view of the current issue of the ENPO demanding a separate “Frontier Nagaland State” by carving out four districts—Mon, Tuensang, Kiphere and Longlen—from the present state of Nagaland. Out of these four districts, Mon has the highest MLAs on tribe wise with 9 MLAs.
It is also reported that the Konyak Union, an apex body of the Konyak tribe, has given no object to the bifurcation of their existing Mon district into two.
The basic idea of creating new districts is largely done on the basis of economic uplift and sometimes for administrative convenience. On this line, the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) government in its first tenure had successfully created Kiphere and Longlen districts and this development had later forced the then leaders of Tuensang and Mon Public Organization (TMPO) to change their organization’s nomenclature to Eastern Naga Public Organization (ENPO), so also other subordinate organizations including students’ body etc. As such the minds of various tribes inhabiting in this region could not be strayed. In a way, they outsmarted the government.
But the creation of the new districts did not go well as we could see, at the end, that under the banner of the ENPO, a new separate state demand under the name and style of “Frontier Nagaland” floated. It is a blow to the DAN Government.So, one simply believes that even bifurcating the existing Mon district or creating more districts—may be with the policy of economic uplift of the areas—will not change much on the ground. Unless one studies the nature of issues prevailing on the ground, it will be difficult to start addressing the issue confronting and it will be back to square one.
Nagaland fails to capitalize on natural resources Y. Merina Chishi Morung
Picturesque landscape of Meluri. (Morung Photo)
Dimapur| February 6 : Nagaland has failed to realize its economic potentials. Lack of adequate development and required infrastructure has been a big impediment in the growth of the state. Despite substantial amount of resources being invested in building roads, public utility and amenities, no long term plan of reliable infrastructure vital for the growth of state’s economy has been achieved.
In the south east of Phek district, Meluri subdivision is a hot belt for mineral resources. Crystalline limestone, iron chromium, nickel, cobalt, copper, chromite, magnetite, asbestos, talc and marble are some of the mineral deposits found in the region. The state’s lone cement plant has been set up in Waziho due to rich limestone deposit. Despite abundance of natural mineral wealth, the region remains one of the most underdeveloped. Many of the natural resources are still waiting to be explored.
The biggest hindrance in the development of this region is poor road connectivity. This has led to poor quality of livelihood of people living there. Ironically, the government’s own transport facility refuses to ply into interior places due to the road conditions. People living near the Myanmar border face maximum problem of mobility. It takes a day and a half for them to reach the district headquarters in Phek town.
Inadequate government infrastructure has also affected the quality of life of people. Delivery of core public services such as healthcare, education, power and water supply to all people of the region remains a challenge. Public sector accountability is almost nil and people have not been empowered enough to demand better services.
Keeping in mind the government’s Look East Policy, the region has maximum potentials for growth. With trade gradually becoming an important factor for growth of the economy, the region can become a centre of business activity with the right kind of development approach. But even the lone international trade centre at Avankhu has no proper road connectivity.
Meluri is also blessed with beautiful landscape and can be converted into a tourism hotspot. But the government has also failed to capitalize on it. The mystic Shilloi Lake located in Ponkhuri village is still waiting to be recognised.
“Is there Peace in Nagaland? Inavi Jimomi Morung
Leaders of state party in power are in the habit of claiming off and on that there is Peace in Nagaland or that it at least has been better than Congress ruled state, but if peace be tranquility, serenity, mental calm without civil disorder then Peace in Nagaland now is in its lowest ebb. Extortion and Kidnapping in Nagaland especially in Dimapur as far as one can see has become the most rampant in these 3 (three) months, with various groups and individual taking advantage of the vulnerable environment provided. Voicing concern over kidnapping and extortion, the Dimapur and Kohima Chamber of Commerce and Industries in the Month of November has rightly stated that the state Government has not been ‘vigilant enough’ and that this ‘epidemic’ might spread across Nagaland if the state Government do not take effective measures at the earliest. The state Government is either too arrogant to pay heed to the voice of the people or not competent enough to handle the law and order in Nagaland for they were even told by arrested NDFB cadres on 22nd Oct.2010 at Dimapur that ‘several militants were using Dimapur as their hot bed to carry out extortions and rackets not only in Nagaland but also in the other parts of North East Indian states’. The number of extortion and kidnap appear to have increased despite being forewarned. The few that appeared in the Newspaper during the past 3 (three) months are: -
(1) Not long after the abduction and Murder of Pransenjit Dhar and Sanjay Das, on Nov. 9th 2010 some extortionist extorted more than Rs 64,500 in cash and Rs. 69,970 valuable worth form jewelry shops. One businessman was injured in the head with a pistol by extortionist.
(2) On 13th Nov. 2010, another person was apprehended by Dimapur Police while collecting tax from shopkeepers at City Tower area Dimapur.
(3) On 14th Nov. 2010, unidentified armed miscreants abducted Asst. conservator of Forest in-charge officer of Peren Range and four others, they looted cash and other items.
(4) On 25th Nov. 2010, Hariram Gupta a well known businessman was kidnapped by some unknown (known) miscreants.
(5) On 13th Nov. 2010, 24 AR personnel had also arrested 2 (two) person and recovered arms and ammunition and huge amount of cash.
(6) On 17th and 20th Nov. 2010, a total of 4 (four) person was apprehended by the Assam Rifles, they were found possessing a lot of cash and tax collection receipt.
(7) On 26th Nov. 2010, a Government Vehicle driver was kidnapped by person known for forgery and extortion at Kohima.
(8) On 26th Nov. 2010, 2 (two) armed goons arrived in a Bolero, barged into a shop and fled away with a cash box and some documents at GS Road Dimapur.
(9) On 2nd Dec. 2010, Bipin Das a garage owner was kidnapped for ransom. He was released after a lot of hues and cry by the public.
(10) On 8th Dec. 2010, 2 (two) Jorhat based businessmen was kidnapped from a hotel in Dimapur.
(11) On 13th Dec. 2010, another extortionist was held by the NAP (IR) at Durga Mandir in Dimapur.
(12) On 13th Dec. 2010, SNE Tuensang Depositors were fleeced of Rs. 1.12 lacs according to media correspondent report.
(13) On 28th Dec. 2010, Kohima Police recovered a stolen Mahindra Max Jeep and arrested 5 (five) person in this connection.
(14) The year 2011 opened with nothing less than the murder of one Auto Driver on the 4th January 2011. The Auto Drivers Association cautioned that it would resort to its own course if the authorities failed the deliver justice at the earliest.
(15) 15 year old girl was raped on 3rd Jan. 2011, 1 (one) minor girl was raped on 7th Jan and 21 year old physically challenged girl was gang raped on 9th Jan. 2011. (Rape committed at other times not recorded).
(16) On the 8th Jan. 2011 unidentified person kidnapped one M.D. Raphikul Hussian Chaudary.
(17) On 13th Jan. 2011 4 (four) armed Highway extortionist were apprehended by Kohima Police in between Kohima and Chakhabama. The Police recovered money totaling Rs. 62,440 with one pistol and six live rounds.
(18) On 17th Jan. 2011 4 (four) armed miscreants were arrested by personnel’s from North Police Station Kohima in connection with kidnap and forgery.
(19) On 19th Jan. 2011 1 (one) physically challenged vegetable wholesaler Jiyalal Prasad was kidnapped near DhobiNala Dimapur. The vegetable retailers and wholesaler refused to do business in protect.
(20) On the 27th Jan. 2011 I saw an Alto Car being stolen, it was recovered that very night (Need not mention all for stealing of vehicle is nothing new, it is a daily affair here).
(21) On 31st Jan. 2011 some unknown miscreants abducted Sudeep Das proprietor of Royal Graphics Dimapur for ransom.
(22) On 22nd Jan. 2011 2 (two) businessmen named Norul Haque and Ajmed, residents of D.C. Court Junction Dimapur were abducted from Hongkong Market by 3 (three) person posing as undergrounds.
This list does not include unreported cases, under threat payments, so called unforced collection that cause the rise of price nor all the cases taken up the Police or else the list would go on and on. No wonder the all Manipur Transport and Motor Works Union on the 27th Jan. 2011 decided not to ply NH 39 (now 29) that is to Manipur via Dimapur, Kohima and instead shall ply NH-53 in view of better security and safety. And off course being true to its state of being, 36 (thirty six) stolen vehicles were released in January 2011 either on Zimma or disposed off by the court and all the accused obtained bail. This crime wave in Dimapur and its surroundings by far exceeds the crime committed in Nagaland at other times. The Crime rate of Dimapur if recorded thoroughly will be many times higher than the Crime rate of big cities in other places having ten times more population than Dimapur. It is high time for the people living in Nagaland especially those in power and those people capable of influence or to educate to ponder over this deplorable state so that a right step can be taken to bring about change for better.
It indeed is good to hear that the offensive steps and stringent penalty is restrained to some extent for ‘Reconciliation and Unity among the Nagas’ but it is not nourishing enough to learn that it has emboldened one to commit crime randomly. ‘Egui – Close policy’ may have made some come closer and become friendly but this should not have made one to become self-complacent in their view or over bearing in their acts unless undue advantage or privilege is given to only certain individual, groups or tribes. Juxtaposing this disordered state, the failure to implement the right policy to keep the youths occupied & productive and to check unwanted activity beforehand, now makes the police personnel’s bear the extra burden of chasing criminals day and night.
Whatever the state be, it is the duty of the Government to sustain the outcome of their policy, and a bounden duty of the opposition in any democratic set up to keep a check on the ruling party to ensure good governance wherein the safety, security and welfare of its citizens are adequately covered. So when Dr. Hoshi the Chairperson of NPCC Media Cell, the state unit of BJP and RJD charged the Home Minister for expressing his inability to check unwanted activity, they were doing their duty. After calling names and using brash languages by some, the blame was shifted to the judiciary to which the Dimapur Bar Association in no uncertain terms replied that ‘only after police investigation is completed the accused person is forwarded to judicial custody and the court proceedings are carried out, basing on the report of the police which is under Home Minister’s jurisdiction. The Association also asserted that, ‘such unfounded, malicious and vindictive allegation coming from highly placed officials only showed their ignorance’. They further stated, ‘such allegation was not only intolerable but also a liability to the state because the state has vested them with highest responsibility’. Is it not fair to ask thus- How has violence level come down?, where is ‘Peace’ in Nagaland?, Isn’t it because of slack law and order?, Is the policy tainted? or Is it true that all enquiry team that is set up in Nagaland can be easily bribed?
Inavi Jimomi
Gen. Secretary, NPCC
Jhum cultivation must stay with us!!! Z K Pahrii Pou Morung
These days, Jhum cultivation also known as ‘slash and burn method of cultivation’, ‘shifting cultivation’ etc has been under continuous scanner for its productivity and ecological viability. This form of cultivation is followed widely in almost all the North Eastern States including the hill areas of Manipur. There are those who consider jhum cultivation as unproductive and ecologically disastrous so that people (understood as tribal people of the hill areas) who practice it remained poor and undeveloped. Some weeks ago, Nagaland Deputy Speaker termed jhum cultivations as ‘evil practice’- because its practice is leading to degradation of soil and plants. It is labour-intensive and not productive. It destroys ecosystem. He urges the ‘progressive farmers’ (favourite phrase of modern capitalists) to shift to cash crop cultivation. He wanted to eradicate jhum cultivation and replace with a new scientific approach. Saints and apostles of capitalism would be happy with this kind statement including Union Minister for Agriculture, Sharad Pawar who in his maiden visit to Guwahati said that agriculture department will marketise herbal plants, orchids and other natural resources found in North East India to enhance economy. Few days back, Sangai Express Daily (Imphal) published an article “Pineapple cultivation for livelihood security” where the writer argued that Pineapple cultivation is the best alternative to jhum cultivation and hence the former should replace the latter. This, according to the writer, will ensure livelihood security of the susceptible tribal people and preserve forest wealth. The writer also says that it will generate income to meet daily expenses and improve the standard of living. I am apprehensive whether eradication of the age-old practice of jhum cultivation that has been the subsistence economy for tribal people for years is wise. However, in this mad rush world, everything is measured in terms of money value. Probably jhum cultivation is viewed as ‘evil’ because it supports ‘life’ but does not make much ‘money’.
It is believed that our fore-parents have been practicing jhum cultivation for centuries. It is this practice that moulds and shapes our civilization since then. Unfortunately those who still sweat and follow this practice are considered ‘uncivilized, backward and savaged’ people - stabbing the proud age-old practice of our fore-parents right from the back. However, we were all cradled and brought up through the tradition of jhuming agriculture. It was part and parcel of tribal society from time immemorial. It was and is tribal’s culture (in fact the word ‘culture’ comes from agriculture). Hence this practice is not only the source of our livelihood but also the source of their culture. If we are to eradicate jhum cultivation many of these cultures would go away with it. It would be like throwing away the baby along with the bathwater.
Jhum field provides platform for tribal people to work together. Cash cropping needs only experts to take care of. In jhuming field, people worship gods/spirits - with many rites and rituals performed- for seed sowing, ploughing, and for harvesting. Can our people carry this ‘deep spirituality’ of jhum cultivation to cash cropping? In subsistence economy, people worship gods/spirit. In cash economy people worship money and the capitalist. In jhum field they sing song together while working. In jhum cultivation, people share the produce with another (which can never happen with cash crop). Our people have a great sense of respect for nature. They have a well-guarded time-table for jhum cultivation giving enough time for nature to regenerate. The problem of food insecurity of today is not because of people doing jhum cultivation as many would have it nor because of population explosion but because of so-called ‘modern people’ who consume without limit (consumeristic culture). Should our farmers produce more to feed the already over-fed rich people who live in towns and metropolitan cities? Food insecurity is not necessarily existed because people still practice traditional form of agriculture. The world with its population of little over 6 billion has enough food for 12 billion people today. Food scarcity is mainly due to wrong policy of government - where a condition for an unequal share of wealth and income is created-leading the majority to suffer of hunger and starvation. Gandhi once commented that ‘the world has enough for everybody’s needs but not for everybody’s greed.’
Many people (so called modern-educated people) wanted to eradicate jhum cultivation and replace it with a new scientific approach in order to gain high yield. This would enable farmers to come out of poverty. To do this, farmers have to get inputs (seeds, chemicals, fertilizers, production tools etc) from the companies. But Genetically Modified (GM) hybrid Seeds, which Monsanto and other big seed companies are actively propagating, could be disastrous in the long run. Under neo-liberalisation which gives free hand to market forces, farmers are losing seed sovereignty and are forced to totally depend on the Companies for seeds. Indian farmers are still fighting boldly against BT (bio-technology) cotton and BT Brinjal. As part of enhancing economic growth, Green Revolution was introduced in Punjab. Under this revolution, fertilizers, chemicals, pesticides, machines were intensively used to get high yield. Tractors replaced over traditional use of buffalo and ox for tilling the field. Power (electricity) was used to pump water from the underground well as most of the cash crops (crops produce for sale) requires huge amount of water. Machines replaced human labour. Those who owned land became very rich but the majority small and marginal peasants lost out in the race. More food was produced but more people goes hungry. A great division was created. Majority of the population became very poor and they felt neglected and cheated both by the State and Centre government. This has led to arm revolution (Khalistan Movement) - a war between the few rich and the poor masses created by economic policy of the government. Today most of the fertile agricultural lands along the coastal area of India are under threat due to intensive cultivation of shrimp. The intensive agro-business of flowers also consumes lots of agricultural lands. Flowers for exports are cultivated on a large scale. This brings in handsome income through international markets but destroys local food security. The signs of the times tell us that it is high time to seriously study the various traditional methods of agriculture practiced by our fore-parents for centuries and revive them. Traditional type of agriculture maintains biodiversity and ecological balance and ensured food security for everyone. In jhum field, varieties of crops are grown in a year. Whereas, in cash cropping, only one type of crop is grown. Which is better?
In the mainland India, those states that produce more grains are also the states with highest number of farmer’s suicide. Cash crops (scientific methods of cultivation) do not really alleviate mass poverty. It needs technical knowledge to handle. The climate has to be very suitable. The time of sowing, transplanting and harvesting must be done at the right time. It needs good storage, transport and market. Otherwise it would go waste. Cash crops need lots of fertilizers, pesticides and chemicals to get maximum yield. This gives huge burden to eco-system. It is labour intensive. Most of the cash crops have to be sold to certain company. Farmers have no right to ask for higher price. It is completely under the mercy of Companies. Where is the freedom of farmers with cash crops? Loans and incentives are given to farmers to cultivate cash crops. When crops failed (for various reasons), farmers are heavily indebted leading to suicide. Well, we must not hurry to make everybody Ambanis, Bill Gates, Mittals, etc. at an instant, for who knows that may force our people to commit suicide as is happening in mainland India.
Of late, Jatropha bio-fuel plantation – a supposedly green gold cash crop has been introduced in NEI to enhance the supposedly stagnant economy. This proved to be a total failure as there is no processing factory or market to sell. Both the Government and Company who encourages farmers to cultivate Jatropha are refusing to compensate the growers. Rubber tree plantation is coming with great promise of enhancing the economy of the rural poor people. This can have big impact on the food security of the local people. In Thailand, the government forcibly took the land of the rural people for rubber tree plantation. This destroys the livelihoods of the rural people. It has displaced thousands of local people forcing the womenfolk to involve in sex work in the metropolitan cities (esp. in the capital Bangkok) to support themselves and their family. Crimes and other unwanted social problems will crop up if local food security is destroyed. Cash crops should not be introduced at random phase. It needs a sufficient amount time to be tested looking into the viability of local condition, environmental viability, market viability and farmer friendly. Cultivation of pineapple, lemon, orange, passion fruits, ginger, turmeric and other cash crops should not be cultivated at the expense of subsistence food crops especially staple paddy rice. Cash crop should be kept only to supplement subsistence food crops. What would happen if we are successful in replacing the traditional system of agriculture with cash crop? Then everyone will have money at times but no locally produced food will be available. We have to import all food items from outside our state. This means loss of food sovereignty.
In the traditional system of economy no one goes hungry or die of starvation. During the 68 days economic blockade imposed by Naga civil organizations in Manipur, the most affected groups are not the villagers but town dwellers. No serious effect was felt in the villages as there was enough food available. What will happen if we eradicate traditional system of agriculture in the villages? How will they survive in that situation if they were cultivating only cash crops? Why many town dwellers and educated people look down on villagers - through whose labour they survive? Go and see the villagers living in faraway interior places. They lacked nothing as far as food is concerned although they suffer of modern education and medical facilities. This is because of corruption in the government administration. If there is no corruption in the state’s administration and that all welfares schemes reach the villagers, they will not suffer for anything. If Public Distribution System (PDS) works well and reach the targeted masses, the living condition of the rural masses would be enhanced.
Condemning jhum cultivation reflects the superior mentality of the rich people and educated class of our society. The government needs to give special attention to farmer’s security for they are the backbone of our economy. Corruption of all forms in government offices needs to be dealt with iron hand, so that local people’s food security is enhanced and maintained.
It is high time for government to do intensive research on jhum cultivation and not speak on hearsay. Jhum cultivation is not just an economic activity. It has social dimension where communitarian spirit is maintained. It has religious dimension where the relationship with gods/spirits is established. It has political dimension where land boundaries are demarcated. To eradicate jhum cultivation altogether is not possible. However, we can talk of ‘upgradation’ or ‘modernization’ of jhum cultivation. Research has to be build on strong relationship between social actors and pooling of age-old local technical knowledge with new knowledge from science and technology. We can encourage the villagers to plant more trees in and around the jhum field (such as alder trees). A good lesson can be also learnt from Khonoma Villagers (Nagaland) whose villagers have been successfully practicing jhum cultivation for centuries without seriously affecting ecological health.
For any type of cultivation soil erosion and ecological degradation will be there but is lesser in jhum cultivation. Daman Singh, the Daughter of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, in her book, “The Last Frontier: People and Forests in Mizoram” stated “that a jhum system in which the land is cultivated for a single year, causes less soil and water loss than modern systems of agriculture and horticulture. The relatively low extent and intensity of cultivation together with rapid regeneration, does not result in any climatic change due to deforestation in the jhums. The use of burnt vegetation makes far more economic and financial sense than the application of chemical fertilizer. The act of burning has many benefits other than building up soil fertility, and is an operation normally carried out with reasonable care”. I wished those who have negative attitude towards jhum cultivation read her Book in detail although sadly Prime Minister refuses to read his own daughter’s book till today, goading the adivasis and tribal people to untold misery with his neo-liberal policies.
First ‘Ladies Army’ Commander dies morungexpress
DIMAPUR, FEBRUARY 3 (MExN): Isak Chishi Swu, president ‘Yaruiwo’ of the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim has mourned the death of Lt. Col (Retd) Kaphungwon Hrangbung, Kilonser [minister] describing her as a woman of bravery, efficiency and honesty.
“As a ladies army commander, she served the Naga army faithfully,” Swu today said in a message and recalled Kaphungwon joining the movement in 1981and how she led the ladies army as commander from 1999 till her retirement in 2003. He said the commander served the Nagas in “different battlefields with bravery”.
Condolences have also come in from Rh Raising, Kilo Kilonser (Home Minister), Lt. Gen. Rtd. VS Atem (VC), Convenor, Steering Committee and the Khurmi region. “Traditionalists say customs forbids womenfolk to go to war. Revolutionaries say it is not gender but the spirit that matters,” Raising said adding she was one of the revolutionaries to be adored.
She had ‘live-live or die-die’ spirit: Atem
He said unlike Kaphungwon, some Naga national workers begin with nationalism but ended with betrayal, surrender and treason.
Lt. Gen Atem recalled how her father, though widowed very early, gave his service to the Naga nation under the leadership of R Suisa. He said Kaphungwon’s growth under the wings of her father during the most difficult days of 1960s and 1970s led her to enroll in the movement and became among the first women in 1981 from her tribe.
Atem said the late army commander faced great hardships while in ‘Eastern Nagalim’ including being bed ridden with malaria, dysentery and experiencing torture, harassments, malnutrition at the hands of “her own Naga brothers”. Atem said her “live-live or die-die” spirit even won the hearts of many Indian soldiers who captured and manhandled her.
Meanwhile, the Khurmi Region of the NSCN/GPRN joining those who condoled her husband and her family members, described her as ‘patriotic leader’. Lt. Col (Retd) Kaphungwon Hrangbung was Kilonser without portfolio while she died and earlier held positions including Dy Kilonser in the Ministry of Keya, Tatar in 2004, Cabinet Kilonser and as chairperson of the NSWON. Sources said her body is being kept at Tahamzam (formerly Senapati) district in a village called Taphou Pudunamei and the burial is to take place tomorrow.
Frans on 02.09.11 @ 06:11 AM CST [link]
