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05/13/2012: "Centre to include all three NSCN groups for talks to bring final settlement Naga Journal"

Centre to include all three NSCN groups for talks to bring final settlement Naga Journal

Naga Leaders while signing the Naga Concordant: File Photo
Government of India in a move to bring about “final settlement” to the protracted Naga political issue, said it was ready to engage all three Naga underground groups— NSCN (I-M), NSCN (K) and GPRN/NSCN for peace talks. Confirming this, joint secretary (North East) Ministry of Home Affairs, Shambu Singh told vision communications that “eventually all three factions of the NSCN would be invited for peace talks before any final settlement is reached.”
Keeping this in view the government of India, in principle has also agreed to hold dialogues with the GPRN/NSCN faction which was keen to find out a settlement within the boundary of Nagaland. Peace process has already been initiated and an official announcement for starting formal peace talks is expected soon, the report said.
GPRN/NSCN general secretary Kitovi N Zhimomi in this regard met home ministry officials in Delhi last week to put forward GPRN/NSCN’s demand. The report further stated that Kitovi met the joint secretary (North East), MHA Shambu Singh and explained to him GPRN/NSCN’s possible charter of demands.
The ground work has begun to finalize the charter of demands, the report added.
NSCN (K)-Government of India cease-fire which expired on April 28 was extended after much deliberation and apprehension on May 3. However, government of India, keeping in mind the NSCN (K)-Myanmar government peace truce, extended the cease-fire agreement with a rider that the NSCN (K) would not extend any help to anti-Indian insurgent outfits (Myanmar based).
Centre is also understood to have pressed the outfit for withdrawal of support to Assam and Manipur-based insurgent groups in Myanmar. India has always maintained that NSCN (K) has several “army camps” in north Myanmar where the NE rebels are given shelter. However, keeping aside all these, government of India is likely to invite the NSCN (K) also at a later stage for a “complete exercise” before any kind of settlement is inked. With regard to NSCN (I-M)-Centre peace talks going on for the past 14 years, the talks apparently mellowed down due to the contentious issue of incorporating all Naga inhabited areas of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, as demanded by NSCN (I-M). Centre has reportedly made known to the NSCN (I-M) that there would be no fresh redrawing of the existing boundary of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. On other issues, however, both sides have reached a meeting point.
Earlier, highly placed official sources said that the progress of talks with the NSCN (I-M) slowed down yet again because of the failure of the government to formulate a clear cut policy on what it can offer, and no immediate solution is in sight. Sources said that Centre had assured the states concerned– Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur that there was no question of formation of a “supra-state” as reported.
The controversial “supra-state”, as claimed in section of the media created much hype however, talking to Nagaland Post a senior MHA official unequivocally refuted saying there was nothing called “supra-state” and wondered how the so called term (supra-state) cropped up. ~NP
Naga Hoho -Tribe Hohos for Early Indo-Naga Political Settlement Within 2012 Northeast Herald
While seriously deliberating over the fifteen years long Indo-Naga ceasefire vis-à-vis political dialogue between the NSCN (IM) and Government of India, a Naga Hoho consultative meeting with Tribe Hohos has felt it as necessity for early Indo-Naga political settlement within 2012. In this regard, the consultative meeting unanimously decided to send a Naga Hoho delegation to New Delhi and “appraise the Indian leaders in all competent platforms for early political settlement”. Over and above, the Naga Hoho has decided to appeal to all Naga political groups to join in the ongoing political dialogue based on the principles of one people one nation.
A press note from the Naga Hoho informed that the consultative meeting with the Tribe Hohos was held at Hotel Vivor, Kohima on 8th May, 2012 and several consensus decisions were taken after threadbare discussion in matters pertaining to the common interest of Naga people as a whole.
According to the press note issued by Keviletuo Kiewhuo, President and P. Chuba Ozukum, General Secretary of the Naga Hoho the house further took into cognizance with all seriousness in regards to violation of cease fire ground rules by Assam Rifles and their unwarranted activities in all Naga areas. “Notwithstanding, the violation of cease fire ground rules by various Naga political groups too cannot be denied which has become imperative to be corrected”, it stated. The press note stated that the integrity of Jt. Secretary of Home Affairs (NE) Mr. Shambu Singh have been highly questioned during the deliberation and opined that any IAS cadres belonging to North East sates should not be the in charge of NE in the Home Ministry for better co-ordination without any biasness.
On 33% women Reservation and Nagaland Municipal Act, the house examined various loopholes and lapses which are enshrined/ indicated under various sections of Nagaland Municipal Act with special reference to 33% women Reservation. In this backdrop, the house resolved to reaffirm the 4th Federal Assembly of the Naga Hoho Resolution No.4 and further appeal to the Naga public to exhibit non-cooperation with the existing Municipal Act.
It was also informed that the land/ border dispute within “the imaginary boundary” of Nagaland and Manipur was also discussed with special reference to Dzuko valley and the recent stand-off between Matikru and Jessami villagers. In this regard, the house collectively resolved to press upon the Pouchury Public Forum (PPF) and Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL) to settle the dispute amicably in consultation with the concerned villagers. The Naga Hoho further appealed to the Manipur Government to desist from taking undue advantage over such issues/ tussles.
As regards demand for Frontier Nagaland, the press note pointed out that the demand of ENPO for creation of Frontier Nagaland was deliberated once again based on the reactions and opinion from different quarters. The house further endorsed the earlier stand of the 4th Federal Assembly that; the Naga Hoho shall always strive and uphold the aspiration of the Naga people for integration of Naga homelands and opined that further fragmentation of our land will lead to political ramification and hence, the Naga Hoho shall work tirelessly towards achieving its goal- “unity & fraternity”.
On Alternative arrangement, the press note stated that while appreciating the movement of United Naga Council for carving out Naga areas in the south from the “bondage of Meiti Government in the valley, the need for the Nagas in the south to frame out workable modalities and concept for alternative arrangement was deliberated among the tribe Representatives”. In this regard it was resolved that the Naga Hoho reaffirms its earlier stand and endorses the demand of UNC. Nevertheless, Naga Hoho shall make an appeal to the UNC to dwell on the concept and modalities for alternative arrangement in consultation with appropriate authorities and the people.
Divisions within Nagas are a major block: Peace activist Niketu Iralu Times of India
GUWAHATI: Peace activist Niketu Iralu said though the Nagas have strong aspirations for integration of Nagas-inhabited areas in northeast, the Naga groups remain divided amongst themselves. Iralu, a member of Nagaland Baptist Church Council's peace committee said the weakening of the negotiating strength among them was primarily due to divisions among the Nagas.
As a peace activist, Iralu in the past had made several attempts to pave the way for a peaceful settlement by bringing together different factions of Naga armed groups for dialogue with the Centre. "I feel uneasy when I think of the present talks with New Delhi. I don't know what kind of settlement is going to come from the present dialogue," Iralu said. He said that though it is natural that Nagas in different states are aspiring to live as "one-family", the divisions within the community has become a major stumbling block. He held that the Naga organizations committed a mistake by not discussing the issue of integration with the people residing in different states first.
"Instead of conducting people-to-people dialogue with the respective states, the Naga organizations depended on the Centre to come and help them on the issue of integrating Naga-inhabited areas. Today the integration issue is all messed up because the Naga organizations did not take the respective states into confidence," Iralu said.
The integration of Naga-inhabited areas in the northeast is one of the most sensitive issues. Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam have strongly opposed the idea of parting with their Naga-inhabited areas for a greater Nagalim proposed by NSCN (IM). "The Naga organizations should have first initiated talks with the people of other states. Instead, they approached New Delhi for a solution, but this has only weakened the negotiating strength," he added.
U Saw Sa, a Naga from Myanmar and also a member of the Naga National League for Democracy said that the Nagas of his country has nothing to do with their counterparts in India. Saw Sa was also present at the interaction meeting organized by the Burma Centre, Delhi (BCD) and North Eastern Social Research Council (NESRC).
Study links biodiversity and language loss
By Mark Kinver Environment reporter, BBC News
The study identified that high biodiversity areas also had high linguistic diversity
The decline of linguistic and cultural diversity is linked to the loss of biodiversity, a study has suggested. The authors said that 70% of the world's languages were found within the planet's biodiversity hotspots. Data showed that as these important environmental areas were degraded over time, cultures and languages in the area were also being lost.
The results of the study have been published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS). "Biologists estimate annual loss of species at 1,000 times or more greater than historic rates, and linguists predict that 50-90% of the world's languages will disappear by the end of the century," the researchers wrote.
Lead author Larry Gorenflo from Penn State University, in the US, said previous studies had identified a geographical connection between the two, but did not offer the level of detail required.
Dr Gorenflo told BBC News that the limitation to the data was that either the languages were listed by country or there was a dot on the map to indicate the location.
"But what you did not know was if the area extended two kilometres or 200 kilometres, so you really did not get a sense of the extent of the language," he explained.
"We used improved language data to really get a more solid sense of how languages and biodiversity co-occurred and an understanding of how geographically extensive the language was."
He said the study achieved this by also looking at smaller areas with high biodiversity, such as national parks or other protected habitats.
"When we did that, not only did we get a sense of co-occurrence at a regional scale, but we also got a sense that co-occurrence was found at a much finer scale," he said.
"We are not quite sure yet why this happens, but in a lot of cases it may well be that biodiversity evolved as part-and-parcel of cultural diversity, and vice versa."
In their paper, the researchers pointed out that, out of the 6,900 or more languages spoken on Earth, more than 4,800 occurred in regions containing high biodiversity.
Dr Gorenflo described these locations as "very important landscapes" which were "getting fewer and fewer" but added that the study's data could help provide long-term security.
"It provides a wonderful opportunity to integrate conservation efforts - you can have people who can get funding for biological conservation, and they can collaborate with people who can get funding for linguistic or cultural conservation," he suggested.
"In the past, it was hard to get biologists to look at people. "That has really changed dramatically in the past few years. One thing that a lot of biologists and ecologists are now seeing is that people are part of these ecosystems."
Taj Express to feature North East India in its shows IBN LIve PTI
Singapore: 'Taj Express', a Bollywood musical extravaganza, will add traditional and folk dance as well as music from the north eastern Indian states in future shows, its organizers said. "We will add north eastern states' traditional and folk dances and music in future shows," said Vaibhavi Merchant, director of choreography of 'Taj Express' which would hold its international premier in Singapore on June 6.

Vaibhai said that it is important to highlight the cultures of Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim.

It would start with two shows a day June 6-10 at Singapore's Esplanade Theate
NPF political conference held Hueiyen News Service / Newmai News Network
Imphal, Graced by NPF Central president Dr.Shurhozelie Liezietsu, a one day political conference cum felicitation programme of the 4 elected NPF candidates was held yesterday at Mini stadium, Senapati.

Attended by prominent NPF leaders Manipur and Nagaland, Dr Liezietsu thanked the party workers and leaders for successfully electing the candidates and opening NPF account in Manipur Legislative Assembly.

He pointed out that, in spite of the hindrances and problems meted out to the NPF by Ibobi Singh led State Government, the NPF had its way.

NPF (central) general secretary K.G Kenye, working president of the party (central) Huska Yepthomi, Z Lohe who is Advisor to Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio, Manipur state unit president G Gaingam, NPF general secretary Kho John and many other NPF leaders including Solomon Veino, PA Thekha, Dr M Horam, M.S Jerome spoke during the one-day political conference.
Northeast students want CBI to probe deaths of Loitam, Sangma By IANS,
Shillong : More than 200 students from Manipur, Nagaland and Tripura studying here Sunday held a protest against the death of two northeastern students in Gurgaon and Bangalore last month, saying they fell victim to racial bias.
They alleged that the police were not properly investigating into the deaths of Richard Loitam and Dana Sangma due to racial discrimination. They said the cases should be converted into that of homicide and investigated by the Central Bureau of Investigation. They also sought action against those responsible for the incidents.
Manipuri student Loitam, 19, was found dead with injury marks on his body in his hostel room at Acharya NRV School of Architecture near Bangalore April 18.
Sangma, 21, a student from Meghalaya, committed suicide at her Amity University hostel room April 23 after being allegedly insulted by an exam invigilator.
The sit-in protest was staged at Don Bosco Square and organised by Shillong Manipuri Students' Union and Naga Students' Union of Shillong.
ESTABLISHING A COMMON FRAMEWORK
The Role of the United Nationalities Federal Council in the Peace Process and The Need for an All-inclusive Ethnic Consultation
While the Burmese Government continues to seek peace with the various ethnic resistance movements individually at the local levels, the United Nationalities Federal Council – Union of Burma (UNFC) is working in the political process to ensure that any state-level talks are held through a common framework. However, there remain a number of concerns to be addressed by member organisations in recognizing a common policy that will benefit all relevant ethnic actors.
[The strategy we adopt] may be right or wrong. What is important is that we are just one voice. If the strategy is wrong we can adjust it later.
Col. Hkun Okker, UNFC Joint General Secretary 2, March 2012
The origins of the UNFC began in November 2010 shortly after the election. Three ceasefire groups, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) together with three non-ceasefire groups, the Karen National Union (KNU), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and the Chin National Front (CNF), formally announced the creation of an organising committee, the Committee for the Emergence of a Federal Union (CEFU). The Committee’s purpose was to consolidate a united front at a time when the ceasefire groups faced perceived imminent attacks by the Burma Army. At a conference held from the 12-16 February 2011, CEFU declared its dissolution and the formation of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). The UNFC, which was at that time comprised of 12 ethnic organisations[1], stated that:
The goal of the UNFC is to establish the future Federal Union (of Burma) and the Federal Union Army is formed for giving protection to the people of the country.[2]
Shortly after, wide-scale conflict occurred throughout areas controlled by the SSPP and a number of their bases were lost to the Burma Army. Then, in June, the KIO ceasefire broke down, resulting in the current conflict in Kachin State. The formation of the UNFC had occurred at a time of increasing uncertainty in relation to how the new Burmese Government would settle the ceasefire group issue. Consequently, the creation of a broad-based alliance consisting of both ceasefire and non-ceasefire groups was a reasonable move.
The political leadership of the alliance originally fell on the KNU with KNLA Commander-in-Chief General Mutu announced as Chairman and KIA commander, Lt. Gen. Gauri Zau Seng as Vice Chairman No.1. The KNPP’s Khun Abel Tweed took the position of Vice Chairman No.2 and the NMSP’s Nai Hongsa, General Secretary. The creation of the UNFC occurred while a number of other ethnic alliances still remained. The National Democratic Front, formed in 1976, still contained members of armed ethnic groups, the NCUB was still active, as was a five-party military alliance, the existence of the latter was the reason given by the SSA-South for not joining the UNFC.
Despite the fact that Gen. Mutu was ostensibly Chairman, the UNFC’s policies were mainly driven by the KIO and the NMSP. The Central Executive Committee was reformed in May and it was announced that Lt. Gen. N’Ban La of the KIA would take over as Chairman and Gen. Mutu would be Commander of the Federal Union Army (FUA). Leadership changes were made once more at a meeting in November 2011, Gen. Mutu was replaced by Maj. Gen. Bee Htoo of the KNPP as Commander-in-Chief and Brig Gen Gun Maw of the KIO was appointed as Deputy#1. It was announced that the Federal Union Army had been formed at a meeting held on the 16-17 December 2011. According to its Circular #1 / 2011, the Federal Union Army’s aims and objectives are:
 To defend the Union
 To achieve peace
 To restore democratic rights and fundamental rights of the people
 To struggle for Equality and Right of self Determination
 To oppose human rights violations and war crimes committed by some elements of the Burma Army
 To serve as a rally point for Burma Army members who wish to stand by the people
 To become a part of the armed forces of the future federal union[3]

The circular also designates the following as allies: the Arakan Liberation Army (ALA), the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) and the Shan State Army (SSA) ‘South’. All the ethnic groups mentioned have already made peace agreements with the Burmese Government and the future role of the ABSDF, in light of Aung San Suu Kyi’s release and the re-registration of the NLD, remains somewhat vague.
The UNFC’s Role in 2012
The last meeting of the UNFC was held in March 2012 after several of its members had already made initial peace agreements with the Government. In an attempt to consolidate a unified ethnic stance, the meeting was able to identify a number of key issues to be presented at the next round of peace talks at the Union level. While the UNFC agreed that members were allowed to hold separate discussions at the state level it was important that all members prepare a single united stance for any future dialogue in anticipation of a new Panglong-style initiative. In its manifesto the UNFC sets forwards two main points that need to be considered prior to Union level talks:
(a) The Union government is to carry out the cessation of military offensives by its troops in areas of the UNFC member organizations immediately, to announce officially such cessation of the offensives and, at the same time, announce officially a ceasefire covering all the areas where armed conflict is happening. At the same time, the UNFC is to issue such an announcement;
(b) After the Union government has announced a ceasefire officially, the two sides are to consult and speedily undertake for resolving the political problems peacefully through political dialogue. If political dialogue cannot be held or [there is a] failure to hold political dialogue [it] shall be taken as abrogation of the ceasefire;[4]
For the UNFC, there is a clear distinction between the priorities put forward by the Government through the 2008 Constitution and what UNFC members envisioned as representing the Panglong spirit. The Constitution makes clear its priority of development over the political rights of ethnic states. This, in itself, negates what ethnic organisations see as their own priorities and this is the reason that the KIO is not prepared to stop fighting until this issue is addressed. The KIO, which has had a ceasefire agreement with the Government since 1994, claims that political dialogue must be held first, prior to the cessation of hostilities.
In addition, one of the main demands that the KIO is making is that such a negotiation take place outside of a parliamentary framework. The KIO position is that a new ethnic conference or dialogue should be convened along Panglong lines [5]. President Thein Sein in a speech before Parliament has already stated that:
We have no trick on the path in the direction of peace . . . we conduct peace talks on spirit of the Panglong agreement.[6]
However, it is unlikely that such an agreement can be created outside the parliamentary process; consequently, one of the main demands of the KIO may already be unachievable. It must be noted that the KIO, and its leadership of the UNFC, is extremely important in deciding UNFC policy and it has been suggested that without the KIO’s involvement, the UNFC, and ethnic unity as a whole, may collapse.[7]
There still remain a number of differences within the UNFC’s member organisations in regard to an integrated strategy. At least one group is not prepared to accept a non-secession agreement with the Government while another is seeking its own independent arrangements. As one leading UNFC leader noted, however, there is a need within the UNFC membership to recognise the differences in what would be the core member group, and that of smaller groups with less political leverage. That said, however, UNFC leaders are optimistic about being able to persuade other groups to adopt the same strategy but admit it will not be easy. As Col. Hkun Okker, UNFC Joint General Secretary 2 notes:
[The strategy we adopt] may be right or wrong. What is important is that we are just one voice. If the strategy is wrong we can adjust it later.[8]
Although a number of differing views still remain, the UNFC is confident that it will be able to play an important role at the Union level. A number of contacts have already been made between the UNFC as an umbrella organisation and Government peace negotiator Aung Min. However, for the Government to fully recognise the UNFC as wholly representing the aspirations of all the ethnic organisations, all members must adopt a single strategy, even if it means a loss of their own independent goals.
A number of ethnic alliances have come and gone primarily due to the lack of consensus between member organisations. The National Democratic Front, while still active, has become insignificant over the years primarily due to internal differences and the creation of other alliances, not due to a concerted effort by the Burmese Government to divide it. Organisational differences must be addressed before the UNFC will be seen by the Government as fully representing ethnic peoples. Therefore, the failure of UNFC member organisations to compromise could see the UNFCs role diminished and perhaps, more importantly, the future of ethnic solidarity and equality damaged.
The Need for an All-inclusive Ethnic Consultation

As noted earlier, the UNFC has an important role to play in formulating strategy at the State level with ethnic armed groups. Nonetheless, a much more broad-ranging strategy needs to evolve for any future Panglong- style conference to be successful, and this needs to take into account a wide ranging number of ethnic actors already in Burmese politics.
Since the 1990 elections, a number of ethnic parties have appeared on the Burmese political stage and have continued to play an important role. These Groups, the United Nationalities League for Democracy (UNLD), the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), and, most recently, the Nationalities Brotherhood Forum needs to be included in any future ethnic conference. These groups have had much more experience working within a Burmese political framework and can contribute a great deal to any future ethnic agreement.
The UNLD is perhaps one of the most important ethnic political alliances formed. Created in 1988 to contest the 1990 elections the UNLD’s stated aim was to:
. . . adopt a policy aimed at the establishment of a genuine federal union based on democratic rights for all citizens, political equality for all nationalities and the rights of self-determination for all member states of the Union.
The UNLD contested the 1990 general election under the slogan of "democracy and equality" and won 35% of the popular vote and 16% of parliamentary seats (67 seats) in the national parliament of the Union of Burma. The election results established the UNLD as the second largest political party in Burma.[9] After the election, the UNLD adopted some policies to be applied during the transition of power from an authoritarian military junta to what it believed would be a democratically elected government. Among these were tripartite dialogue, national reconciliation, and a national convention. [10]
Similarly the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), also formed after the 1990 election, sought to establish itself as a major representative of ethnic aspirations. Formed by eight ethnic political parties the UNA consisted of Arakan League for Democracy (ALD); Chin National League for Democracy (CNLD); Kachin State National Congress for Democracy (KNCD); Karen National Congress for Democracy (KNC); Kayah State all Nationalities League for Democracy (KNLD); Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF),the Zomi National Congress (ZNC) and, perhaps more importantly, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) which primarily steered the group. The UNA had taken a negative stance in relation to the Burmese Government’s National Convention stating that:
…we, the United Nationalities Alliance-UNA, regard those attempts of resuming the adjourned National Convention, which was composed with government's hand-picks neglecting democratic principles and United Nations's General Assembly resolution, as an insulting act of the will of Myanmar people and civilized international community.
While both the UNLD and the UNA have gradually seen their significance wane, they still continue to have a part to play in ethnic politics. Years of experience working within the Burmese political system should not be casually dismissed by more recent political actors and for any substantive ethnic dialogue to take place their views must also be included.
While the UNLD and the UNA may be able to add experience to any future ethnic consultation perhaps the most essential role is that of the Nationalities Brotherhood Forum. The Brotherhood was formed after the 2010 election by five of the winning parties: the Phalon-Sawaw, the Chin National Party (CNP), the All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMDP), the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP). In total, the five members of the group were able to secure 127 seats over all three levels of parliament. In contrast to those ethnic groups who have functioned outside of Burma’s political system, the Brotherhood is prepared to try and change the system from within, even though it acknowledges that, ‘The November 7, 2010 elections were neither free nor fair.’ That said, however the Brotherhood also notes:
But we saw that the recent by-elections on 1st April 2012 were relatively much freer and fairer. We now hope that the next elections in 2015 will be fully free and fair.[11]
It is important to note the tone that the Brotherhood uses. Considering its members’ current positions in Parliament, its last statement, which praises the success of the NLD in the recent by-election, quite strongly states that:
We consider any system of government that dismisses the rights of minorities to be a bully and a system that lacks basic democratic norms. Members of the Nationalities Brotherhood Forum will steadfastly and collectively oppose such a system. . . Loyalty to, and love for one’s own ethnic identity, homeland, language, literature and culture are innate qualities inherent in all ethnic nationalities. We therefore oppose any attempts to subjugate the ethnic nationalities by trying to dismantle and undermine their spirit and unity.[12]
The main difference between the Brotherhood and the UNFC is its working experience. The UNFC is primarily composed of parties who have relied on military defiance to achieve their goals. And, in an approach that is not that dissimilar from the Burmese Government, ethnic armies have taken a major role in formulating political doctrine even if they have not controlled it absolutely. The Brotherhood, while recognising the fact that the situation is far from perfect, understands that for changes to be made, they must be done so from within the political system – an idea that is further supported by the NLD.
The UNFC, primarily due to the Kachin Independence Organisation’s control of it and also the inclusion of a number of hardliners from other ethnic groups, is opposed to working within the current political system. The UNFC requires that the constitution be amended and a Panglong-style conference be convened outside of the current political framework. This in itself puts the UNFC in opposition to ethnic political parties working inside the country and also to Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD, a point that the UNFC is fully aware of noting that, ‘. . . We may be taking a parallel position to that of The Lady.’ [13] The fact that the NLD’s support may even be greater than that of local ethnic parties should cause the UNFC to perhaps rethink its position. There is little to suggest that in the next election ethnic political parties, especially any supported by the UNFC, would be able to gain more support than the NLD. Consequently, for the UNFC to be able to secure a role for itself in the future of the country, and best represent ethnic aspirations, it needs to be able to work with those parties who already have a strong political position within the country.
The recent announcement by the Burmese Government that its peace negotiating teams will be combined into one and led by U Aung Min is a positive sign in relation to solving the Kachin conflict. While the Kachin requests are still opposite to what other ethnic groups have already agreed to, the fact that U Aung Min will now be responsible for negotiations with the KIO could see a possible resolution to the war at least. Should this happen the UNFC will see its position further weakened.
The UNFC, if it wishes to remain relevant, needs to openly embrace other ethnic political actors in a reformed strategy and incorporate their ideas. While previous ethnic alliances, especially those created by armed ethnic groups outside of the country, have distanced themselves from above ground ethnic actors, the current environment should be taken into account. The current government’s strategy so far has been to engage armed groups primarily on the basis of solving armed conflict, rather than finding a political solution to the ethnic issue. While this has largely been effective at the State level, for Union level negotiations to be successful all parties must recognise that only an all-inclusive political dialogue can solve what is essentially a political problem.
All parties must be involved in such a dialogue including the NDF and the Ethnic Nationalities Council. The latter, especially, has been involved in formulating political strategy and stressing the need for political dialogue and a negotiated settlement. The UNFC, like all ethnic political groups, needs to constantly adapt to this frequently changing political landscape, failure to do so may result in its own obsolescence.
Notes

[1] Chin National Front, Kachin Independence Organisation, Kachin National Organisation, Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Lahu Democratic Union, National Unity Party of Arakan, New Mon State Party, Palaung State Liberation Front, Pa-O National Liberation Organisation, Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army, Wa National Organisation. There are currently 11 members due to the fact that the KNO was absorbed into the KIO.
[2] ‘Statement of Expanded Meeting of the Political Leading Board and Central Executive Committee of UNFC’, 14 May 2011
[3] ‘UNFC: Federal Army formed, better late than never’, SHAN, 23 December 2011
[4] The Draft Manifesto of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)
[5] Personal Interview with Dr La Ja, , 22 March 2012
[6] ‘Ethnic Peace is my priority’, Saw Yan Naing, The Irrawaddy, 1 March 2012
[7] Personal Interview Dr Khin Maung, 21 March 2012
[8] Personal Interview with Col. Hkun Okker, UNFC Joint-General Secretary 2, 22 March 2012
[9] There were 21 ethnic parties included in the UNLD: Arakan League for Democracy(ALD), Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF), Ta-ang (Palaung) National League for Democracy, Karen State National Organization, Chin National League for Democracy(CNLD), Kayah State All Nationalities League for Democracy, Democratic League for National Races of Shan State, Zomi National Congress, Farmer,Gadu ,Ganan and Shan National Unity Democratic Headquarters, Kachin National Congress(KNC), Mro or Khami national solidarity Organization, Democratic Organization for Kayan National Unity(DOKNU), Kachin State National Democratic Party, Inn-Tha National Organization, Rakhine National Humanitarian Development Organization (Marama Gyi), Union Pa Oh National Organization, Karen National Congress for Democracy, Mara people's party, Lisu National Solidarity, Wa National Development Party, Lahu National Development Party(LNDP)
[10] See ‘The Role of UNLD in the Struggle for Democracy and Federalism in Burma’ in the ‘The New Panglong Initiative: Rebuilding the Union of Burma’ edited by Chao Tzang Yawnghwe and Lian H. Sakhong, UNLD Press, 2004
[11] ‘The 9th Position Statement of Nationalities Brotherhood Forum’, NBF, Yangon, 7 April 2012
[12] Ibid.
[13] ‘Ethnic Alliance ready to meet Government Negotiator’, SHAN, 20 April 2012