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05/05/2012: "Nagaland CM favours two separate solutions to Naga political conflict Islamic News IRNA"



Nagaland CM favours two separate solutions to Naga political conflict Islamic News IRNA

New Delhi, May 4, -- Nagaland Chief Minister, Neiphiu Rio, has advocated for two separate solutions to Naga political problem, one with New Delhi while other with Myanmar, since the Nagas were divided between the two countries by the erstwhile colonial rulers. Since the Nagas are one people wherever they live and they have been placed under the two countries, the Naga people living in both side of the international border needed the political settlements with respective government of India and Myanmar for a lasting peace, Rio said while speaking at the celebration of Moatsu, the traditional festival of Ao Nagas, in Ungma village near Mokokchung on Thursday, pti reported on Friday.
Rio asserted that the negotiated settlement to the protracted Naga conflict should be arrived at the earliest to preserve the Naga identity, culture and tradition, and asked the people to be more reasonable and strive for a lasting settlement to usher in peace in the Naga areas.
In this connection, he mentioned about his recent meeting with the prime minister who urged him to convey to the Nagas that they should be reasonable while making their demand for a political resolution of the vexed problem.
Rio said that the prime minister told him that the Nagas should understand that what was not possible in past 60 years that would not be possible in next 100 years too.
Advocating for the political settlement and lasting peace in whole of Naga areas even across the international border, Rio said the Naga people should support the reported move of National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Khaplang NSCN(K) to have a cease-fire pact with Myanmar government so that peace could also prevail in other side of the boundary.
Few Nagas’ welcomed Prince Andrew – NNC morungexpress
Dimapur, May 2 (MExN): The NNC today issued a note claiming that “only few citizens of Kohima pedestrians and some non-locals” had “glimpsed” Prince Andrew during the royal’s visit to Nagaland on May 1.
“The NNC had seen only few citizen of Kohima pedestrians and some non-locals that had a glimpsed of Prince Andrew of England on 1st May and the general mass of people especially the Nagas did not participated in welcoming him,” the publicity wing of the NNC asserted in the note today. The group “thanks each and every Nagas in particular and the citizens of Kohima city for support and cooperation as appealed.”
The NNC also “thanks” the Naga International Support Centre of Amsterdam for support of “NNC’s truthful statement” and says that the council needs more support of “international bodies.”
The note said that the British government should seriously view the Naga political issue “which the British Government ignored as stated clearly by the Naga National Council during Prince Andrew of England visit and this serious problem should be addressed immediately.”
Otherwise, the note said, “the very political problem will be raised and prevail always in the eye of the world and in front of the British Government in particular.”
Rio for Naga solution with Myanmar, Delhi
Kohima: Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio has advocated for two separate solutions to Naga political problem, one with New Delhi while other with Myanmar, since the Nagas were divided between the two countries by the erstwhile colonial rulers.
“Since the Nagas are one people wherever they live and they have been placed under the two countries, the Naga people living in both side of the international border needed the political settlements with respective government of India and Myanmar for a lasting peace,” Rio said.

Chief Minister of Nagaland, Neiphiu Rio. Image courtesy PIB
The chief minister was speaking at the celebration of Moatsu, the traditional festival of Ao Nagas, in Ungma village near Mokokchung on Thursday.
Rio asserted that the negotiated settlement to the protracted Naga conflict should be arrived at the earliest to preserve the Naga identity, culture and tradition.
He asked the people to be more reasonable and strive for a lasting settlement to usher in peace in the Naga areas. The prime minister has conveyed similar thoughts to Rio in a recent meeting.
Rio said that the prime minister told him that the Nagas should understand that what was not possible in past 60 years that would not be possible in next 100 years too.
Advocating for the political settlement and lasting peace in whole of Naga areas even across the international border, Rio said the Naga people should support the reported move of NSCN(K) to have a cease-fire pact with Myanmar government.

PRESS STATEMENT
Dated Tahamzam, 2nd May, 2012

On the reported introduction of a private member’s bill in the Lok Sabha by Dr. Thokchom Meinya for protection and preservation of the territorial integrity of Manipur for all time to come, the United Naga Council is constrained to respond to the move for perpetuation of the hegemony of the dominant community over the tribals in the state of Manipur.

Dr Meinya is the Member of Parliament representing the inner Manipur parliamentary constituency which consist of only the Imphal valley, the original Kangleipak or Manipur that has an area of only of 2238 sq. kms. He does not represent the tribals or the Nagas in Manipur who have a separate Outer Manipur Parliamentary constituency with an area coverage of 20,089 Kms accounting for 90% of the total area of what is now known as Manipur. Therefore the bill that he has introduced is done with the mandate of only the Meiteis (Manipuris), his constituents.

The tribals and Nagas have been persistently struggling for political empowerment to pursue their aspirations as peoples, which has been registered in history even before the merger of Manipur. Their story must be told and it is different from what Dr Meinya’s bill narrates.

The Nagas in the present state of Manipur were independent of the Manipur Maharaja. A dual system of administration for the Hills and the Valley was introduced after the British annexed the Meitei kingdom of Manipur in 1891. Although the Britisher’s had no idea of the geographical and political situation, they understood that the Manipuris will not give the hills a decent administration and felt the obligation to separately administer the hill tribes. Thus the Imphal Valley was administered by the Meitei Maharaja with the assistance of the Darbar and the hills were looked after by the political agent on behalf of the British Crown and justice was dispensed based on the tradition and customary laws of the hill people. No Naga or tribal was ever a member of the Darbar. This system continued even after 1949 when the Meitei kingdom was merged with the Indian Union along with the hill areas, without the knowledge and consent of the Nagas and other tribal people. Articles 371C provides for protection of the interest and welfare of the tribals in the Manipur.
The long history of Manipur and Meitei kingdom which Dr Meinya talks about was never shared by the tribals. When the Burmese occupied Manipur for seven years (1819–1825) the Manipuris took shelter among the tribals in the hills. While good neigbourliness had always been maintained by the Tribals towards the Manipuris, the two had always felt the difference in culture and ways of life. Because of the hegemonic conduct of the dominant community in their dealings with the tribals, the sharp social divide in the State has reached to an irreconcilable degree.
Dr. Thokchom Meinya, we recall, in a TV interview (CNN-IBN) on 21 May, 2010, had stated that Manipur is a Hindu state and that Manipur is known by Imphal only. Contrary to his claim, 99% of the population in the Hills districts are Christians. With regard to his equation of Manipur with the Imphal valley, the tribals in Manipur gladly accepts the same. We thank him for providing a classic example, he, being none other than an Hon’ble Member of Parliament, of how the dominant community of Imphal valley, whom he represents cannot think or see beyond Imphal valley. Manipuris are Meiteis and Imphal is Manipur. This affirmation, which has not been retracted till date, is a standing confirmation of the severance of ties by the Meitei dominated communal Government of Manipur (GoM) from the tribals who are the owner of the hills.
No amount of attempts to permanently protect the territorial integrity of Manipur, the political entity which is a historical blunder and misnomer will work, because that is against the will and aspiration of the tribals and the Nagas. The tribals and the Nagas live in their own lands which does not belong to the Meitei Maharaja. The hills were surreptitiously co-opt into Manipur for marginalisation. The protection of the territorial integrity of Manipur is in the interest of the Manipuris but it is definitely not in the interest of the tribals and Nagas in the State, for it means perpetual suppression in every aspect and denial of their rights to their identity, land, culture, traditional practices – a future without dignity and honour.
The Indian Constitution provide space for accommodating the aspirations of peoples, minorities and tribals in the country. Territorial integrity of Manipur is unconstitutional. The introduction of the above bill bears testimony of the social divide in Manipur which arises out of the imposition of the interest of the dominant community upon the tribals and Nagas in Manipur.

Keeping the Tribals and Nagas under the Meiteis is not the birthright of the Meiteis, whom Dr Meinya represents in the Parliament. Tribals and Nagas, it is reiterated, will not and cannot tolerate Dr Meinya’s agenda for perpetual subjugation of the tribals and shall continue to resist it with all possible means.

Publicity Wing
United Naga Council

Nagaland Cabinet plea on civic polls opposed
Correspondent Assam Tribune
DIMAPUR, May 2 – The Joint Action Committee on Women Reservation (JACWR) has expressed strong resentment over the decision of the Nagaland Cabinet to appeal to the principal bench of the Gauhati High Court seeking more time to hold the municipal elections in the State.
The excuse that more time is needed for preparations of the polls is not tenable, said a statement issued by the committee today, while pointing out that the State Election Commission, in its application before the Court, had stated that all arrangements were ready for conduct of the municipal polls within the month of April itself. Further, it said that the Commission had also submitted its list of schedule for conduct of the polls during the month of April.
Saying that the court, for the second time, passed the judgement in favour of implementation of women’s reservation and early holding of civic polls within a month, the JACWR said the poll will be conducted by the State Election Commission and not by the Cabinet.
The Committee, moreover, noted that Part A of the Constitution of India is an integral part of the Constitution itself. The Constitutional provisions do not stand on the same footing as an Act of Parliament and the State Assembly cannot exempt the State from the purview of a Constitutional provision, it said, adding that the law for 33 per cent reservation for women was adopted by the State Legislative Assembly.
It further sought to point out that the court in its judgement order had made it very clear that the opposition from various bodies with regard to 33 per cent reservation for women have been elaborately dealt with in the earlier judgement of Oct 21, 2011, and subsequently rejected the prayer for further extension of time of six months or till the time the Select Committee of House submits its report.
LINE OF CONTROL The Telegraph
Whose land is it anyway? The ‘native’ people in India’s Northeast have always had the fear of their land being swamped by ‘outsiders’. At different times over the past decades, the question had been raised by the people of Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland. It is not unusual, therefore, that some civil society groups in Manipur want the flow of outsiders to the state to stop. It would be wrong to dismiss their concern as yet another case of xenophobia. It is more important to try and understand why such feelings persist and sometimes explode into violent forms of agitation. Statistics on population growth and other demographic changes do not often tell the whole story. No state in the region could have remained immune to certain changes that have come with democratic politics and a gradually liberalized economy. But the native people were often unsure about their own benefits from the so-called modernizing process. In Manipur, as in other states in the region, the numbers of outsiders had steadily grown. What hurts the native population more is, however, a sense of being dispossessed. No law bars outsiders from buying property in Imphal. The local people cannot but feel somewhat insecure if they are the big losers.
However, neither Manipur nor any other state in the area can banish outsiders from its land. It cannot do them any good to go back to their old, insular ways. Besides, the political and economic structures that control their lives now make it impossible for them to return to those days. The question that the Manipuri society has to ponder is how to open itself to outsiders and still retain its social and cultural identities. Introducing the inner line permit for visitors travelling to Manipur may not be the best — or even a realistic — option. There are historical reasons as to why the restricted area permit or the inner line permit was introduced for travellers to some of the northeastern states. The conditions which once necessitated such restrictions no longer exist. There are several Central and state laws which prohibit the sale of land and other property owned by tribal people to those from other communities. The government in Imphal needs to take the implementation of these laws more seriously. However, social groups too must watch their steps carefully. Spreading an irrational fear of outsiders is no way to tackle what is essentially an identity issue.
ATAN a victim of apathy: Naga Council Urges early resolution of issue
DIMAPUR Coming down strongly on the apathy of the State’s ruling class as well as the bureaucracy and judiciary, the Naga Council Dimapur has once again appealed the State government to resolve the grievances of the ‘aggrieved’ teachers at the earliest.
In a communiqué issued today, the Naga Council also stated that the main culprits responsible for the mess in the first place, irrespective of their ‘status’, should be exposed and convicted and the contentious issue put to rest once and for all. Noting that the issue had been allowed to drag on for years due to cover-ups by politicians and department concerned at the cost of future generations, it said it was reprehensible and unfair that while the buyers of stolen goods were punished, the thief/thieves were allowed to go scot-free making a mockery of the system.
Empathising with the ATAN members who it said are frustrated at the denial of their right to live by none other than the state government, the release maintained that no society can accept such injustices ‘when the powers-be, such as politicians and bureaucrats patronize such a corrupt system’.
To put a final end to the controversy, the NC said all the teachers with genuine certificates should be reinstated at the earliest while requesting the State Vigilance Department (SVC) to expedite the clearance without fear or favour. However, it added that anyone detected with fake certificate should be barred from further employment for life. It stressed that the government should not engage in flip-flop over the issue anymore as precious months have passed by since the last Cabinet approval of 21st March, 2011 and many of the aggrieved teachers are in danger of being over-aged.
The Naga Council went on to strongly state that the issue of corruption and the havoc it is creating in our society do not appear to have penetrated the consciousness of our ruling class so far. Presuming that not even a single person has ever been convicted of graft in Nagaland, it further stated that ‘Indian constitution did not provide for our bureaucratic and judicial class to play second fiddle to politicians, rather, they were constituted to act as checks and balances and safeguard the constitution’. Furthermore, stating that in the long history of our State, the civil servants/magistrates have been found wanting, unwilling to stand up against gross injustices and corruption in the system, it said ATAN is a victim of such apathy.
The Naga Council has also requested the government to constitute an inquiry commission made up of government nominees and civil society so that truth is unearthed and responsibility fixed.
In addition to the ATAN issue, the Council has also said that the decision to hold or not to hold elections to the Municipal Bodies should be taken by the government without further delay in the interest of common man. The ‘see-saw battle’ between ‘reservationists and non-reservationists’ should not result in the suffering of the public due to the non-functioning of the municipal bodies, it said.
In this regard, it pointed out that most of the colonies are already suffering from poor garbage disposal. “The indecision of the government is already aggravating the situation,” the release said.
Six AASAA leaders hurt in Naga attack Times of India | TNN |
JORHAT: Six members of the All Adivasi Students Association of Assam (Aasaa) sustained serious injuries when a group of Naga miscreants attacked the students at Namtola area in Sivasagar district on Thursday. The injured are now undergoing treatment at Charaideu Civil Hospital and all of them are out of danger.

The incident occurred at Namtola area near the Assam-Nagaland border when a group of students from the Adivasi students' body blocked the Namtola-Nagaland road in protest against the attack on Assamese people in Nagaland. A group of Nagas arrived at the spot and started attacking the agitators. They pelted stones on the students, leaving six of them critically injured.

"We blocked the road for 24 hours in protest against the attack on our people visiting Nagaland. We demanded that the atrocities on our villagers along the Assam-Nagaland border be stopped and peace be restores among people of both the states. But, a group of miscreants attacked us during our protest and injured six picketers," an Aasaa leader said.
Northeast was never a part of India INTERVIEW/S.S. Khaplang, Chairman, NSCN(K) The Week

The godfather: Khaplang with NSCN(K) cadres in eastern Nagaland. Photo by Rajeev Bhattacharyya
SS. Khaplang, or Baba, as he is popularly known, is behind the confederation of ultras in northeastern India. He calls himself president of the Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland (GPRN), and he sheltered in eastern Nagaland several rebel outfits during Indian and Bhutanese military operations against them. Excerpts from an interview:
Looking back, how do you see the movement that you have headed for so many decades?
Nagas in eastern Nagaland have come a long way since the beginning of the revolt in the early 1960s. The Naga National Council did not make much of an impact in our areas. A decisive phase was when the National Socialist Council of Nagaland was founded in 1980. But, unfortunately, it split after a few years, for reasons that were beyond our control.
But our movement never suffered reverses, since we had overwhelming support. The scenario has changed greatly. The time has come to join hands with like-minded organisations to achieve independence and sovereignty.
Your role in bringing together northeastern rebel organisations?
Eastern Nagaland and the northeast are natural allies. Our relationship with northeastern revolutionary organisations goes back several years. Groups like the United Liberation Front of Asom, United National Liberation Front and People's Liberation Army [both from Manipur] have worked in close collaboration with us. We all had a role, in different capacities, in forging the united front.
What difference will the united front make in your campaign for independence and sovereignty?
The northeast was never a part of India. Likewise, eastern Nagaland has always remained independent. If we work together, it would be easier to achieve independence, sovereignty and recognition in international fora. A united front would benefit us, in terms of sharing information and operational coordination.
How safe are the camps in eastern Nagaland?
Our policy is simple—if you don't attack us, we won't attack you. Myanmar had proposed a ceasefire, but we have rejected the proposal. Signing the agreement would mean accepting other demands, gradually. There is an informal understanding with Myanmar and there has not been any offensive against us in the past few years. This agreement has helped all organisations work in cooperation and chalk out a common agenda.
But India has been pressuring Myanmar to initiate action against rebel camps.
We are quite aware of that and we will be extra careful. On several occasions, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the Indian Army ventured into Myanmar and launched campaigns against us. All these have stopped now, but we will be prepared for all eventualities. Our issue is genuine, and it will be difficult to crush the movement.
The NSCN (K) also has a ceasefire agreement with India. You seem to have struck a fine balance, unlike other revolutionary groups in the region.
Yes, we told the Indian government that we will remain friendly if you do not launch operations against us. The ceasefire agreement was signed in 2001.
About the split in NSCN (K) and the ongoing peace process between NSCN (IM) and India.
Commander-in-chief Kholie Konyak and general secretary N. Kitovi Zimomi snapped ties with us because they are not committed to our objectives. They are unlikely to achieve anything for the Nagas as they do not have any agenda. They played into the hands of the Indian intelligence agencies.
The same holds true for the NSCN (IM), by and large. In fact, NSCN (IM) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah has already indicated the possibility of an accord with India, which would never grant independence to the Nagas. This is unacceptable to us. The [best] opportunity to integrate Naga-inhabited areas was in the early 1960s. This opportunity was not grabbed. Future projections of the movement?
Our movement is getting stronger. We will achieve independence and sovereignty, if all organisations fight together. This will be some kind of a confederation comprising eastern Nagaland and the northeast, similar to the [federation in the] US.
Richard Loitam: An alien in his own country? IBN
On the afternoon of July 15, 2004, 12 women disrobed themselves and stood naked in front of the Indian paramilitary headquarters in Imphal. Together they held a single length of white cloth that had "Indian Army Rape Us" emblazoned on it in red paint. No corner of India had witnessed such a display of anger, ever. The Manipuri women were protesting the gangrape and murder of a 32-year old woman, by paramilitary forces. It was only after this protest by the 'Imas' or mothers of Manipur and the publication of photographs of their protest in some newspapers that the rest of the mainstream media woke up. Reporters were sent to Imphal. Stories were carried and awards won. Unfortunately, the principal demand of the protest, the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, fell on deaf ears. Manipur, again, dropped off the national mainstream news cycle. Ironically, in December 2008, the same group of 12 women travelled from Manipur and staged a sit-in protest in Delhi. The media did not find the protests newsworthy.
It is not without reason that Indians from the North East corner of the country often feel neglected and ignored. The apathy displayed towards the region by the so-called mainstream Indians is perverse, if not criminal. Currently, the death of 19-year old Richard Loitam and 21-year old Dana Sangma has hit the national headlines. There are protests, debates and efforts to bridge divides. Even then a large number of educated Indians display surprising ignorance. Some believe that the entire debate of ignorance of the North East is a myth. Some, still, do not think twice before cracking a joke on the region. In metropolitan India, the dominant image of the region still remains that of a wild frontier.
At Delhi, few months ago, an award winning Indian film critic was looking back with much love at a few days she spent in Nagaland. Or was it Manipur? She couldn't exactly remember. But she was certain it was the North East. That was what mattered most. She seemed happy to have done her bit of exotic tourism. "But oh the roads and the time we spent to travel to "what was the name of the capital city" from Dimapur?, she asked me. "I could have reached Paris in that time", she underlined. Global citizens have their way of drawing comparisons. I couldn't fathom the Paris-Kohima trade off even if it was in half-jest. But our cine pandit's bharat darshan kahaani let my mind go back to what an Ivy League-educated American economist had once asked me, "Tell me frankly, are there any cannibals in North East?" I thought there wasn't much difference between these two entitled and illuminated global beings. Be it an elite Indian or an elite Westerner, for most, the idea of Manipur and that of the entire North East even in 2012, still remains that of an area of darkness. It's an idea that comes with a healthy dose of colonial hangover. Gazeteer's records hidden away at archives in London, the fountain head of civilisation, have ravingly racist descriptions of North East India. In the 19th Century, according to Lord Dalhousie, it was an area full of "pertinacious savages". An idea not too far removed from what is thought about the region now. In 2008, an Indian television anchor reporting from Nagaland famously said that "the further I travel inside Nagaland, the further I move away from civilisation". The foundations of the British Empire still appear unshaken in such statements.
The biggest instrument of such a civilisation, democracy and in turn elections, has established itself comfortably in North Eastern Indian states. When it comes to governance in a place like Manipur, for most observers and policymakers what remains of interest is the number of people who cast their votes in elections. In this democracy overdose, many also tend to ignore that Manipur was the first corner in South Asia that elected a government on adult franchise in 1948. That assembly was dismissed, the King of Manipur was put under house arrest in Shillong. A treaty of accession was signed in 1949 under direction of the then Home Minister of India Sardar Vallabbhai Patel of the Indian National Congress. Late Mr. Patel probably would be a happy man to find Manipur's speedy rise in India's electoral politics in the last sixty years. A newfound status of a C Category State (from being an Independent Kingdom that was making the transformation to democracy) in 1949 to 60 MLAs and at least 30 militant outfits in active resistance in 2012 the journey has been stupendous according to some, disastrous according to most. Not to forget the inescapable darkness of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act across the state.
When it comes to building bridges with the rest of India, one extreme suggestion is to overlook problems and talk about success stories. Ignore the insurgency chatter, ignore the problems and put the winners, the successful on the hoardings of Incredible India. I met the incredible-then thrice world boxing champion MC Marykom at her home in Imphal in 2007. I clearly remember how she said that for many Manipuris sport remains the passport to a better life, or a job in the police or two meals a day in a training camp. Marykom's story is one of incredible success against all odds. Yet, for her recognition has been incremental. Not a continuous one as is the case in cricket or tennis. It is almost to hide the embarrassments of racial hatred against people from North East India, an embrace of a Marykom seems imperative.
That embrace, however, fails to erase certain facts. The Ministry of Development of North East Region has released Rs 138 billion in the last ten years. However, the funds have either been misdirected or not used at all. According to the Human Development and Infrastructure Index mentioned in the Twelfth (2005-10) Finance Commission Report, the seven North Eastern states rank the lowest in infrastructure development. Basic facilities like electricity, water, roads are absent in most of North East. There are local militias calling the shots in various places and in many places the ideology of resistance has been replaced by the convenience of money-sharing arrangements between local militias and bureaucracy. The Justice Manisana Commission report (2008) on the misappropriation of funds in North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council mentions how funds meant for development work were channeled to militants and some departmental officers in Assam received their due share. In 2012, an Austrian Company moved out of oil exploration work in Assam, after they were asked to pay Rs 70 lakh by a faction of the United Liberation Front of Assam. There are at least 30 active militant groups in the region. The government is negotiating with at least 15. Every year, like a ritual, signing of ceasefire agreements and surrender ceremonies keep alive the lies and deception of peace building in North East India. Behind all changes in the region, this remains a constant.
What also remains constant despite all efforts is the attitude of the Indian bureaucracy towards the region. In 2007, an Indian Police Service official wrote a booklet for students from North East who come to study in Delhi. In "Security tips for North Eastern students" racial profiling was the underlining theme. It had instructions for women from the North East to avoid wearing revealing clothes and dress according to the sensitivity of the local population. "Avoid lonely roads/bylanes when dressed scantily", it counselled, clearly implying that women from the North East display too much skin. It also objected to North Eastern food habits, especially the cooking of akhuni and bamboo shoots, saying "smelly dishes should be prepared without creating ruckus in the neighbourhood". Ironically, the booklet was written by an IPS officer from the North East who considered these exhortations to be in the interest of 'emotional and patriotic integration".
Suddenly, when it comes to North East civil liberties seem to have been defenestrated. And in a free India integration seems to be taking place at gunpoint. This integration was probably never there and with the deaths of Richard and Dana seems to have gone horribly wrong. Take a look at the the profiling of North East India that takes place comes out in various ways. Jonathan Glancey of The Guardian mentions a report of the Indian media in his travelogue, Nagaland: A Journey to India's Forgotten Frontier (which too is guilty of making the area appear exotic), where someone suggests that the thriving monkey population of Delhi should be sent to Nagaland because, "the locals will have no problem dealing with monkeys; they will eat them". This year in February during a dog menace in Punjab, the MLAs decided to write to the Nagaland government. Then MLA Makhan Singh, a member of the Vidhan Sabha Committee wrote that "besides looking for a provision in law to kill stray dogs we are working out the possibility of sending the canines to Nagaland, where dogs are commonly sold for meat".
After the death of Richard Loitam and Dana Sangma and a campaign for justice for them, Indian Parliament discussed North East last week. Arun Jaitley and P Chidambaram spoke with much passion. They spoke of helpline numbers for the students. They spoke about sensitizing the rest of India about the region. I am told most of Manipur could not catch them on TV. The region just gets one hour of electricity in a 24-hour day.
A volcano awakes By Rajeev Bhattacharyya/eastern Nagaland
It is an unusual sight: Paresh Asom (Baruah) playing football. Leader of the anti-talk faction of the United Liberation Front of Asom (Ulfa), Paresh was widely reported to be based in China. Yet, here he was, guarding the goalposts on a football field carved out of 
the jungle in eastern Nagaland, Myanmar. Paresh's team comprised cadres from Ulfa, the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang). The opposing team was made up of Manipuri ultras. The Manipuris won, 4-2.
The match was the culmination of a yearlong effort to bring 14 anti-India insurgent outfits together. In March 2011, leaders of the northeast-based outfits met in eastern Nagaland and forged an alliance that has representation across the region, barring Mizoram. They agreed to push together for independence of the northeast and eastern Nagaland. Another meeting was scheduled in December, to finalise a name and organisational structure. For reasons unknown, this meeting was cancelled at the last moment.
Paresh, who is Ulfa's chief of staff, said, “All details about cooperation have been finalised and only a little bit of work remains to be completed. We hope to accomplish everything within this year and take it forward.” The united front is the brainchild of S.S. Khaplang, president of the so-called Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) and chairman of the NSCN(K) (see interview).
In the mid-1980s, Ulfa had forged a loose agreement with the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and People's Liberation Army (PLA), both based in Manipur. Today, five more Manipuri outfits are in the alliance—three factions of People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), the Noyon faction of the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) and the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL). Other members are the NDFB, two outfits each from Tripura and Meghalaya and a new outfit from Arunachal Pradesh, whose details are not yet known. Surprisingly, the Tripura and Meghalaya outfits were perceived as defunct for the past few years.
Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi had hinted that the alliance was sponsored by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence. He also said the attempts for unity were because of the declining firepower and dwindling cadre strength of the ultras.
After spending nearly four months in the rebel camps in eastern Nagaland, I feel Gogoi's statement is quite far from reality. Ulfa, for instance, had at least 500 cadres stationed at different camps in the region. PREPAK factions and KYKL have also been recruiting and training cadres in large numbers. Only the NDFB's strength appears depleted, especially after its jailed chairman Ranjan Daimary appeared willing to talk peace. Sources in the camp said plans were on to set up more camps and recruit newer groups.
My journey to the rebel camps in eastern Nagaland began with a 400km trek. Past dizzying precipices, the slippery path snaked through the mountains endlessly. It had rained the previous night, making the trail even more dangerous. The first day on the trail saw me tumbling 30ft down the bushy hillside; I have a deep scar below my right eye, to remind me of a miraculous escape. All recruits take this arduous path to the camps.
Day began at 4 a.m., and breakfast was mostly rice and boiled vegetables. The trek would begin at daybreak. Sometimes we passed remote mountain villages. The Ulfa scouts set the destinations for each day, depending on the safety of the area we were passing through. Some days we marched only about 12km, but there were days when we had been walking continuously for over 14 hours.
In unsafe areas, we covered a minimum distance every day and then holed up in places beyond the reach of army patrols. Every evening saw me and my colleague Pradip Gogoi holding each other up and stumbling down the trail, dead tired. There were days when we wanted to just go back home.
After four days of forced marches, I was down with excruciating pain in both knees. This slowed down the group. The doctor in the Ulfa team injected me with painkillers regularly for a week, but there was no respite. I stumbled at a snail's pace, with massage breaks every hour. The pain vanished after three weeks or so, as my body got acclimatised to the grind. We were deeply relieved when we arrived at a valley with a big stream, from where we travelled by boat for a few days.
Sniping and ambushes by enemies were a constant concern. Our group comprised eight people, including the four heavily-armed Ulfa cadres. Two scouted ahead and two made up the tail. And, two senior officers stuck close to us. In between, we lay low for a week in a village, as the Army had razed some camps belonging to a Manipuri militant outfit. The trek resumed once we got the all-clear over radio.
In professionalism, Ulfa cadres were as good as any formal military escort. We once came across a raging mountain stream with no ford. The only way across was by a bamboo raft, and there were no oars or poles. So, a rope was lashed to the raft and tossed to the opposite bank, where villagers waited to haul us across.
The first group crossed safely, and the raft came back for me and a few others. After we boarded, the villagers hauled away, and, in midstream, the rope snapped. The current inexorably swept the raft downstream. I was preparing to dive into the water, but my concern was about the camera and recorder, which were not in waterproof containers. Suddenly, one of the Ulfa commanders tossed his sidearm to a colleague and dived in. He caught hold of the frayed rope, swam to the bank and lashed the rope to a boulder, saving us all. Eventually, eventfully, we reached the camp.
The current camp is located in a scenic area controlled by Khaplang. And, the camps are the only human presence in this area, increasing secrecy and reducing the possibility of informers. The different outfits have separate camps, strung out about 20km apart.
A day in the camp starts at around 3 a.m. A wake-up whistle shatters the jungle's silence, and the likes of Mridul Das roll out of their makeshift beds in the huts. Hailing from Assam's Dibrugarh district, the youngster found it tough to adjust to the jungle routine. Das joined Ulfa immediately after his matriculation. His parents wanted him to try for a government job. But he and 19 others took the plunge and trekked for 30 days to reach the camp.
“Our life has undergone a sea change,” Das said. “It is an entirely new environment here. But we expected this and so we are getting accustomed to it.” He is one of the 200 new cadres recruited by Ulfa. The five women in his batch came from Upper Assam.
By 4 a.m. the parade ground is packed with cadres dressed in jungle fatigues and carrying assault rifles. The rifles are a medley—M16s, Kalashnikovs, and Heckler and Kochs. The cadres formed neat marching ranks and started their hourlong exercises. Breakfast was served at 6 a.m., followed by a couple of hours of leisure. Then there were classes and target practice, depending on the syllabus.
The three-month course is divided into political lessons, physical exercises and training in handling arms and explosives. In rare cases, the course is shortened, or is broken into different modules to be held at different locations. This usually happens when they are forced to break camp following military attacks.
After classes, cadres are assigned camp duties like cooking and gathering firewood. The last meal of the day is served between 2 p.m. and 3 p.m. In the evenings, cadres huddle around a campfire and listen to news broadcasts on All India Radio's Dibrugarh and Guwahati stations. At around 8 p.m., the lights are doused. Barracks are separate for men and women.
While the training is the same, female cadres are usually not given hazardous assignments. They are also exempted from tasks involving long treks through unfriendly terrain. One of the women in Das's batch, Purabi Hazarika loves cooking, and she often volunteers to help her male colleagues on kitchen duty. Camp food is easy to cook, she says. It is mostly rice, boiled vegetables, pork and dried fish. Additionally, whatever is seasonal or available makes its way into the menu.
During my days in the camp, it was clear that the campsite was chosen well. Eastern Nagaland is contiguous to Nagaland and Manipur and is only a few days' walk from Upper Assam. The region is well connected by rivers and jungle pathways, making the delivery of weapons and supplies easy.
When I was in the Ulfa camp, a huge consignment of European 9mm pistols and HK33 assault rifles was delivered. Though Heckler and Koch do not make the HK33 anymore, variants of the rifle were produced under licence in some south Asian countries. Once the consignment was unpacked, young cadres test-fired the guns before putting them into storage.
Sources said that orders were being placed for the Chinese Type 81 rifles and the American M16; both fall in the price range of 02 lakh to 03 lakh. Concessional rates apply if orders are placed in bulk, and the united front benefits from slashed rates. Medicines, food and goods not available in Myanmar are smuggled in from China and Thailand. The rebels, wisely, source food from multiple sources. Even if one route is cut, the supplies will not dry up. Malaria is the biggest medical hazard in the jungle. Called “moklong” in local parlance, it has claimed quite a few lives over the years.
Seasoned northeast watchers say that this time the rebel outfits might successfully unite. Earlier, when some outfits decided on a tie-up, there was little brainstorming about projecting a common agenda. The first pact was among the undivided NSCN, Ulfa and the UNLF in 1986. The NSCN split into the Khaplang and 
Isak-Muivah factions. So, in 1990, when the Indo-Burma Revolutionary Front was formed, the NSCN(IM) stayed away. The IBRF even trained a combined batch, but troubles in eastern Nagaland caused the union to fail.
The third attempt was at the behest of the NSCN(IM) in the mid-1990s when the Self Defence United Front of South East Himalayan Region was formed with the NDFB and the NLFT joining in. Christianity was a major factor that brought these groups together. The front collapsed when the NSCN(IM) signed a ceasefire agreement with India in 1997.
So, this is the fourth time, and the alliance seems to be on firmer ground. Though the NSCN(K) is playing host, the actual unification started when the seven Manipuri groups allied to form the Coordination Committee in eastern Nagaland in 2010.
A senior PREPAK commander said the decision to expand and include other outfits was made after wide-ranging consultations with the NSCN(K) and Ulfa. “There is a need to create a strong foundation for the movement to go on till the goals are achieved,” he said. “Otherwise, it would lose steam, although the cause is genuine and based on legitimate rights.”
The base in eastern Nagaland also allows the ultras to train in peace. Severe military action from India, Bangladesh and Bhutan made these countries unviable for the outfits to camp in. Hence, Myanmar was the best bet.
And, the sheer vastness of the region makes it difficult for the Myanmarese army to launch an offensive operation. The army's strength is only about 2 lakh and it has the unenviable task of battling insurgency in the north and checking dissent all over the country. Nay Pyi Taw would never open another hostile front, as that would be a drain on its resources. And, what is the need anyway? The rebels would be the first line of defence against India.
Not surprisingly, there has been no positive response on India's proposal of a joint-operation against these bases. The only time Indian and Myanmarese armies came together was for Operation Golden Bird in 1995. The operation intercepted arms in Mizoram, which were brought in by Ulfa and the PLA from Bangladesh's Chittagong Hill Tracts.
And, if the Indian establishment's claims of Beijing supporting the rebels in the northeast are true, there is no way Nay Pyi Taw will help New Delhi. In fact, Myanmar is as obliged to China as India was to the Soviet Union. Nay Pyi Taw has been trying to balance Chinese and Indian interests, but it will always go with Beijing if a choice had to be made.
And, being an expanding economy, China will always ensure it gets the lion's share of the resources in Myanmar, especially oil and gas. And, to that effect, Beijing will not allow New Delhi to have a greater presence or say in Myanmarese affairs, let alone agreeing to operations by the Indian Army.
India has several ongoing schemes in Myanmar including roads, and the crucial Kolodyne Multi-Modal Transport Project, and has made a case for more projects. In all likelihood, Myanmar will continue to 
welcome Indian funds for infrastructure projects, but it is unlikely to concede anything that would upset the Dragon.
Just as this story was going to print, the Union home ministry announced the renewal of the ceasefire agreement with the NSCN(K). But, it also reminded the NSCN(K) not to support Manipuri outfits and the Ulfa faction led by Paresh. Perhaps, New Delhi is waking up to the rumblings in the hills.
My return trek was with a bigger group, for better security. The camera and recorder were sent with couriers through one route, and we took a different route. Routes were changed to avoid detection and to prevent information falling into the hands of intelligence agencies. However, our pace was amazingly fast. Distances we covered in two days while we were inbound, were covered in half the time. Soon after we crossed the border, we were told that a vehicle would be waiting for us near an Assam Rifles outpost. It was exactly three months and 20 days after we had set off to report the great gang-up.
Bhattacharyya is executive editor of the Seven Sisters' Post.
MEMORANDUM May 8, 2012
To Dr. Manmohan Singh
Hon’ble Prime Minister of India
Respected Prime Minister,
We heartily welcome your proposed landmark visit to Burma from 10-12 May 2012 which is taking place at a time when the country is going through political reforms and not long after the country witnessed the thumping victory of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy in the April 1 Parliamentary by-elections. You are also aware that these political developments are welcomed by other international communities as is evident from the series of visits made by prominent dignitaries from governments around the world including US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, British Prime Minister David Cameron and UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
This much-awaited political reform taking place in Burma will increase engagement with other countries where India can also play a significant role by engaging with pro-democracy opposition groups including Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy as well as other ethnic political parties.
As this landmark visit will strengthen bilateral ties between the two neighboring countries, it is crucial for India to develop a fresh thinking in this new political scenario in Burma. Alongside its national interest, India must be sincerely committed to strengthen democracy and facilitate in the process of national reconciliation in that country.
We the Civil Society Groups and citizens of India would like to draw your kind attention before your upcoming landmark visit to Burma on the following crucial issues that urgently need your kind intervention and action.
1. The issue of ethnic nationalities remains a serious concern and must be made a priority while engaging with President Thein Sein’s government in order to secure a durable political settlement. India should also press for an end to atrocities targeting ethnic areas particularly in Kachin state.
2. Another concern is the ongoing developmental projects implemented by the two countries for which a standard Environmental Impact Assessment as well as appropriate assessment needs to be undertaken to find out its negative consequences on the people living in the affected or proposed areas.

Some of the notable examples are the construction of Tamanthi Hydroelectric Power Project (THPP) on the Chindwin River in northwest Burma’s Sagaing Division. The dam will flood an area which is the size of Delhi, displacing over 45,000 people and blocking water flows to millions downstream. Over 2,400 villagers were forcibly relocated in 2007 from the dam site.
Another concern is the Kaladan Multi-Modal Project, developed by India to improve connectivity between the two countries, which will cause human rights abuses and environmental damage as Environmental and Social Impact Assessments are not yet conducted and local people were not informed about this project. Hence, these development projects will cause severe economic consequences.
We strongly urge the Honorable Prime Minister to suspend these proposed developmental projects unless the local people participate in the decision-making process about the use of their local resources and related infrastructure development without fearing persecution.
We are confident that the visit of our Honorable Prime Minister to Burma will bring encouraging results and strengthen ties not only in trade and security but also enhance co-operation at the people-to-people level.

Endorsed by:
1. Burma Centre Delhi
2. Grassroot Development Network
3. Madhu Kishwar, MANUSHI



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