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04/29/2012: "NSCN (IM) questions Khaplang-Myanmar govt proposed dialogue Imphal Free Press"

NSCN (IM) questions Khaplang-Myanmar govt proposed dialogue Imphal Free Press

DIMAPUR, April 27(Newmai News Network): The Isak-Muivah group of the NSCN has expressed deep concern on the reported proposed dialogue with the government of Myanmar.
On Friday, the Qhevihe Chsi Swu, convenor of the NSCN-IM`s `steering committee` and T.T Among, the outfit`s home minister in a joint communique made available to Newmai News Network in Dimapur asks, “Under what agenda are they (Khaplang group) to talk about and under what framework?”
`Steering committee` is the NSCN`s highest decision making body.
The NSCN-IM`s breaking of silence came even as the Khaplang group has reportedly signed a truce with the Myabmar government on April 12. Top leaders of the NSCN-Khaplang had left Nagaland for Yangon few days before the signing of the truce, according to a report.
Reacting to this development, the Isak-Muivah group said the Naga people are concerned on the proposed talks between Khaplang and the Burmese military junta as all Nagas are inseparable parts of the whole and `Nagalim` embraces all their ancestral domains. “The question is under what agenda are they to talk about and under what framework. In this connection, it is pertinent to recall that NSCN under the legitimate leadership of Isak and Muivah had declared unilateral ceasefire with the Burmese government years ago,” said Qhevihe Chisu Swu and T.T Among.
People from all quarters query whether Khaplang is mandated by the people, whether he really represents the issue/future of the Nagas, stated the NSCN-IM leaders. “When the administrative units of the Sagaing Division were arbitrarily redrawn by the Burmese government six townships namely, Tamu, Molaik, Phouwnpin, Homalin, Khamti, and Tanai were lost to Sagaing Division and Kachin state. Only the remaining three rocky townships – Layshi, Lahe and Namyung were left to the Nagas to form the so-called Autonomous District Council. Khaplang did not say anything against the move which took place right under his nose. Rather he had given his backing to that kind of colonial policy much to the chagrin of the Naga people. This is undeniable fact and he can never dispose it off as he wishes,” added Swu and Among.
The NSCN-IM leaders then alleged that it was known to one and all that Khaplang and the Burmese army have been working together hand in glove even before declaration of the ceasefire. It is highly questionable if Khaplang has seriously considered the rights and history of the Naga people when entering into a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military junta. “The Nagas are watching closely the new development taking place in the eastern part of Nagalim. Khaplang must keep it in mind that the Naga people will never accept any agreement that betrays their right over their territory. We are also strongly opposed to the kind of ceasefire that escalates factional fighting on the one hand and makes haven for those organizations that are hostile to the Naga people on the other. Khaplang must understand that Nagas are no longer in the days of yore. They are highly political people now,” said the Qhevihe Chsi Swu and T.T Among.
Meanwhile, the ministry of information and publicity (MIP) of the NSCN-IM accused the government of India of the Government of India created actual warlike situations in all the Naga inhabited areas through the “ever notorious Assam Rifles”.
“This incident did not only disturb and harass the NSCN cadres but created serious tensions in the minds of all the Naga people. The impasse however partially, so to say, resolved through the efforts of many NSCN leaders as well as the leaders of Naga social workers including the Naga Women Organizations. This could be done through the unfailing love of Jehovah towards the Nagas. The NSCN highly appreciates the Naga womenfolk near and around the Hebron Camp. Their courage and patriotism will be remembered for all time to come. The NSCN appreciates the efforts of Naga Hoho and its frontal Organizations, the NSF and its frontal organizations, the Naga women Organizations at all level and also those individuals and groups, which cannot be named one by one, for rendering their services to defuse the tensions and resolved the crisis. God will certainly bless all those peacemakers,” the outfit`s MIP added.
On the allegation that the China is funding Maoists in the states of North East India including Nagaland, the NSCN-IM refuted the report and said that the outfit has no idea about other states “but in Nagaland, if there be any activities or presence as alleged it is certainly the creation of Assam Government and India”. The Assam Government brought the refugees from every corner and kept them through force and as well as help in the plains sector of Nagaland bordering Assam in order to make buffer zone between Assam and Nagaland,” the Naga outfit alleged.
“But this objective of the Assam Government turned out to be counter-productive and negative impact on the Government of India. Recently, there was a hue and cry about presence of Maoists Camps and their cadres along the Nagaland Assam Disputed Area Belt, which were destroyed and the cadres expelled by the Nagaland state Government authorities in collaboration with the public of the area.
“Therefore, if there are any moaists or their camps in Nagaland border then this are the creations of the Assam and the Government of India. They should not blame others for their wrong doings,” the NSCN-IM asserted.
Hint to Khaplang in Kitovi ceasefire NISHIT DHOLABHAI


S.S. Khaplang
New Delhi, April 27: India has told Myanmar to ask NSCN (Khaplang) to stop helping other Indian militant groups, while signing a ceasefire with another NSCN faction.
Last week, India communicated to Yangon its disappointment that the ceasefire Yangon signed with the S.S. Khaplang-led group this month does not include a caveat to help India.
“It has been communicated that they should include a clause that will prevent the Khaplang group from helping other Indian militant groups,” a government source told The Telegraph.
The Centre today conveyed a similar message to the NSCN (Khaplang), while not renewing the 11-year-old ceasefire agreement with the outfit.
Joint secretary (Northeast) in the ministry of home affairs, Shambhu Singh, confirmed that the government did not sign the ceasefire today.
The Centre asked for “clarifications” about inter-factional clashes, help in Myanmar to other Indian insurgent groups and the signatory, said Singh.
NSCN (K) supervisor, Lincoln, later said he was “hopeful that differences would be sorted out”.
Singh, too, said he hoped differences would be ironed out and a ceasefire renewed with the Khaplang group.
Sources said the Khaplang representatives were asked how members of a Manipur outfit were held along with Khaplang cadres in Mon town on Thursday.
Though hitches cropped up with the Khaplang outfit, the government opened a new peace front by signing an agreement with the NSCN (Kitovi-Khole) faction that split from Khaplang in June last year.
Supervisor C. Singson and “Lt. Gen” N.B. Neokpao signed on behalf of the NSCN and Singh signed for the government.
Kitovi Zhimomi, the ato kilonser (prime minister) of the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) was present during the signing.
The Centre seems to see the Kitovi group as a countervailing force not only to the NSCN (K) but also to Thuingaleng Muivah-led NSCN (I-M) whose talks with government have progressed over the years.
The group’s ceasefire will be valid up to April 27, 2013.
The government’s recognition of the Kitovi-led faction is apparently prompted by the Khaplang group’s truce with Yangon. Since the split last June, India had acted ambivalent.
However, on April 9 the Myanmar government representative, the Sagaing region minister for security and border affairs Col. Kyi Naing signed a five-point ceasefire agreement with NSCN (K) representative Y. Wangtin Naga, a Konyak Naga from Mon district of Nagaland.
It was the first hint of democratic reforms in Myanmar actually affecting Indian region and policy. It was also a rare event of an Indian rebel signing an agreement with a foreign government. Discovering that the Myanmar minister did not word the agreement to prevent other Indian outfits from operating from Myanmar, India conveyed its difficulty with that agreement.
Naga rebels are not a major problem for Yangon which is more concerned about the Kachin and Karen rebels. But Myanmar has consistently assured New Delhi it will not allow interests inimical to India to operate from its soil. Yet, the agreement states that unarmed NSCN (K) cadres can move freely anywhere in Myanmar.
“Does this means that Indian NSCN (K) cadres will be able to freely move in Myanmar?” asked a senior government official. India is concerned over Indian nationals freely moving into Myanmar without permission from New Delhi. With China a major player in Myanmar, there are concerns over security.
Also, that the Sagaing chief minister U Tha Aye was present at the signing in Khamti, a town about 750km north of Mandalay, showed Yangon’s reconciliation with Naga autonomy in Myanmar.
NSCN (K) has bases in Myanmar’s Sagaing province, with pockets of Naga tribes accepting Khaplang, a Hemi Naga as their leader. It is in several such bases that Ulfa and NDFB from Assam and PLA and UNLF from Manipur are sheltered.
'No designated camps of NSCN-IM in Manipur' TNN Times of India
IMPHAL: In the wake of the recent standoff between NSCN (IM) and Assam Rifles at the outfit's Hebron camp and its subsequent ramifications, home minister Gaikhangam on Thursday said the state government does not recognize any official camp of NSCN (IM) in Manipur. He added that he will ask the Centre, which is holding talks with the outfit, to dismantle any such designated camps of the outfit if it exists in the state.
On the frequent intrusion of Nagaland villagers into Jessami over the protracted land dispute, Gaikhangam said an additional force of one company India Reserve Battalion (IRB) or a state force will be set up at Jessami village in Ukhrul district bordering Nagaland to safeguard its villagers.
On April 18, a group of armed men from Melourie village in Nagaland intruded Jessami village in Manipur and abducted six villagers, including a VDF volunteer. Following intervention of the state authorities, the villagers were freed late at night and the VDF volunteer had to be admitted to a hospital as he was beaten up by the abductors.
In view of the mysterious disappearance of children, the home minister said all police stations have been put on alert to foil any attempt by miscreants to abduct children. Meanwhile, three 15-year-old boys, who went missing from Sirem village in Imphal West on April 7 returned home after spending a few days in an alleged rebel camp. According to the young boys, they wanted to join the outfit but the rebels asked them to go home as they were too young to join the group.
GPRN/NSCN-GoI sign ceasefire pact Eastern Mirror

DIMAPUR, (EMN): The representatives of the Government of India and GPRN/NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) today met in New Delhi and signed a Ceasefire Agreement for a period of one year.
Informing this in a communiqué, the outfit said although the ceasefire was signed a decade earlier and extended each year a day before the expiry, following the impeachment and expulsion of SS Khaplang from GPRN/NSCN, the latest Ceasefire Agreement gives fresh impetus to both the GoI and GPRN/NSCN to be sincere in its implementation as both sides prepare to embark on a more pressing Indo-Naga political issue.
The Ceasefire Agreement was signed by Shambu Singh, Joint Secretary, MHA Government of India, C Singson, Supervisor, CSFB, NSCN and Lt Gen MB Neokpao Konyak, Naga Army Chief, it was informed.

GPRN/NSCN condemns
The GPRN/NSCN has alleged and condemned the assault of one of its members by some NSCN-IM cadres stationed at Chumukedima. In a release, the outfit alleged that on April 26 morning, a GPRN/NSCN official Toluho Sumi, an Under Secretary, on duty was accosted by three NSCN-IM cadres, blindfolded and savagely assaulted even before reaching Hebron Camp. It also alleged that the perpetrators used derogatory words against the tribe to which Toluho belongs.
Stating that the action was a big embarrassment to the spirit of Naga Reconciliation process, it said understanding and brotherhood was replaced by inhuman treatment of the most brutal kind. Demanding immediate disciplinary action against the perpetrators if peaceful atmosphere is to be sustained, the GPRN/NSCN said a repetition of such action against any of its members would not be tolerated. It further asked that the seized motorcycle, mobile handset, cash and challan be returned in its original form.

NSCN (K) asked to clarify

DIMAPUR,(EMN): The ceasefire between Government of India and NSCN (Khaplang) was not extended today on account of the faction having gone ahead and signed a ceasefire with the govt of Myanmar on April 12 last keeping the Government of India in the dark.
According to a Vision Communications report from New Delhi, the Government of India today asked the NSCN (K) Ceasefire Supervisory Board supervisor Lincoln and his colleagues to clarify ‘why they have signed another ceasefire agreement with the Government of Myanmar without taking the Government of India into confidence’.
The NSCN (K) members are believed to have agreed to clarify their stand as soon as possible after talking to their collective leadership. The ceasefire expires on April 28. If the Khaplang faction fails to clarify by Saturday night, the ceasefire will be declared null and void.

Home Minister says Nagaland as most peaceful state Oken Jeet Sandham (NEPS)
Kohima,: Nagaland Home Minister Imkong L Imchen expressed his happiness on the prevailing peaceful environment in the State.

Talking to NEPS here today, the Minister claimed that "Nagaland is the most peaceful State comparing with other states" .

"If you look at the pre-2008 situation and compared it with the 2012 situation in the state, I think, peace is there in the State," he described.

Still not subscribing to the argument of the Opposition Congress that Naga underground factional clashes and killings should be taken as "law and order problem," the straight talking Minister elaborated that all these issues were correlated to the political activities of the Naga political issue.

"If the Congress thinks that those issues are law and order problem, let them deal with it according to their philosophy," he hit back.

They should understand that the Government of India had even "recognized" that the "Naga issue is political." So definitely it had to be dealt politically and definitely it should not be from the perspective of the law and order angle," he pointed out.

Imchen also failed to understand the logic of the Opposition Congress that the Naga underground factional issues should be dealt with a "firm hand" .

Asking the Opposition Congress to explain what they meant by a "firm hand," the Minister wondered whether the so-called a "firm hand" was there in their (Congress) regime.

"We are not going to kill anyone," Imchen said.

"We are also not going to disturb the peace in the state" .

Asked how long the DAN Government would pursue the policy of being a "facilitator" to the ongoing peace talks between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM), Imchen said, "So long it is required, we will remain as a facilitator to the peace talks" .

Elaborating further of their policy of being a facilitator to the ongoing talks, the Minister stated that the peace talks were between the NSCN (IM) and the Government of India and they (DAN Government) were not a party to it.

He, however, made it clear that they had trust in the "wisdom" of the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) leaderships that they would bring good solution to the Nagas.

"So we are even prepared to pave way in the event of arriving at an honorable solution to the issue," he said.
Asked his comment on the reported plan of the NSCN (K) to have a bilateral ceasefire with the Myanmar Government, the Minister said there should be peace "everywhere" .

* The sender of this news can be contacted at nepsonline(at)yahoo(dot)com .
‘India should do more to advance peace, security’ morungexpress

In this photo released by India’s Prime Minister’s Office Photo Division, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, left, meets with India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi Friday, April 27. Ban arrived in New Delhi on Thursday to meet with government officials and business leaders. (AP Photo)

New Delhi, April 27 (PTI): UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on Friday hoped that India would find a way to build and strengthen partnerships of common ground with its neighbours and encouraged it to do “even more” in advancing peace and security.
He also told India that it was imperative for the country to tackle its own human rights challenge through legislation, policy and action to protect citizens regardless of gender, identity or social origin though every country faces such challenges. Addressing a gathering after being conferred Degree for Doctor of Letters (Honoris Causa) by Jamia Millia Islamia, he said, “I believe India will also find the way to build and strengthen partnerships of common ground with your neighbours.
“I knew there are many challenges, but I see a future of steadily warmer ties built on a shared heritage and a common future,” he said.
As the world looks ahead, Mr. Ban said, he would encourage India as a “regional and global force” to do “even more” in advancing peace and security, in sharing its experiences and in deepening south-south cooperation.
Ban lauded the “Indian progress” and “Indian leadership” in eradicating polio and hoped that same would be achieved in eradicating other diseases. He reminded India that it has to do lot more in eradicating maternal mortality rate and reduce the number of children dying due to preventable diseases.
Lauding India’s “rich tradition of outstanding” women leaders, he termed the election of 10 lakh women to village councils as a “remarkable achievement”.

NSCN (IM) refutes intelligence reports on Chinese funding Nagaland Page

Dimapur The NSCN (IM) has refuted the Indian intelligence bureau reports about Chinese funding Maoists in the North East including Nagaland, by making it clear that if there be any activities or presence of Maoists in Nagaland as alleged it is certainly the creation of Assam Government and India.
"The Moaists activities or presence in the other states, we cannot say or comment anything. But in Nagaland, if there be any activities or presence as alleged it is certainly the creation of Assam Government and India. The Assam Government brought the refugees from every corner and kept them through force and as well as help in the plains sector of Nagaland bordering Assam in order to make buffer zone between Assam and Nagaland," the MIP GPRN said in a press release issued today.
"But this objective of the Assam Government turned out to be counter-productive and negative impact on the Government of India. Recently, there was a hue and cry about presence of Maoists Camps and their cadres along the Nagaland Assam Disputed Area Belt, which were destroyed and the cadres expelled by the Nagaland state Government authorities in collaboration with the public of the area," the release said adding if there are any Maoists or their camps in Nagaland border then this are the creations of the Assam and the Government of India. They should not blame others for their wrong doings."

NSCN appreciates
Meanwhile the NSCN (IM) has conveyed appreciation to the Naga Hoho and its frontal organizations, the NSF and its frontal organizations, the Naga Women Organizations at all level and also individuals and groups for rendering their services to defuse the tension that arose out of the April 19 'deliberate intrusion' of the Assam Rifles into NSCN/GPRN CHQs to provoke the NSCN.
"This incident did not only disturb and harass the NSCN cadres but created serious tensions in the minds of all the Naga people. The impasse however partially, so to say, resolved through the efforts of many NSCN leaders as well as the leaders of Naga social workers including the Naga Women Organizations. This could be done through the unfailing "love of Jehovah" towards the Nagas," it said.
The NSCN particularly appreciated the Naga womenfolk near and around the Hebron Camp, saying their courage and patriotism will be remembered for all time to come. (Page News Service)
NSCN refutes funding reports OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, April 27: The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) today rebutted reports of Intelligence Bureau that China was funding Maoists in the Northeast, including in Nagaland.
An NSCN statement said Maoist activities or presence in the other states cannot be ruled out but in Nagaland, if there is any activity or presence as alleged, it is certainly the creation of the Assam government and the Centre.
The outfit said the Assam government brought refugees from every corner and made them settle in the plains of Nagaland, bordering Assam, in order to make buffer zone between Assam and Nagaland. But the objective of the Assam government turned out to be counter-productive, the statement said.
The outfit said there was a hue and cry about the presence of Maoist camps and their cadres along the Nagaland-Assam disputed belt.
“Therefore, if there are any Maoists or their camps on Nagaland border then this is the creation of the Assam and the government of India. They should not blame others for their wrong doings,” the statement added.
Regarding the April 19 incident when the outfit captured five Assam Rifles personnel along with their arms, the NSCN said it had occurred because of deliberate intrusion by the forces into its council headquarters to provoke cadres.
“This was done against the ceasefire ground rules and the spirit and meaning of ceasefire between two conflicting parties. Under this pretext, the government of India created actual warlike situations in all the Naga-inhabited areas through the ever notorious Assam Rifles,” the statement said.
The outfit said the incident not only disturbed and harassed the NSCN cadres, but created serious tension among the Naga people.
The security personnel were released after daylong negotiations between the outfit and the representatives from the Centre led by chairman of the ceasefire monitoring group, Maj. Gen. N. George. There were also reports of security forces restricting movement of NSCN (I-M) cadres in Manipur.
The situation, however, has been partially resolved through the efforts of NSCN leaders as well as the leaders of Naga social workers, including the Naga women organisations.
“The NSCN appreciates the efforts of Naga Hoho and its frontal organisations, the Naga Students’ Federation and its frontal organisations, the Naga women organisations at all levels and also those individuals and groups for rendering their services to defuse the tension and resolve the crisis,” the NSCN said.
Movements for Human Rights in Manipur kanglaonline By Benjamin Gondaimei
India is the world largest democracy; a sovereign socialist republic with a comprehensive charter of rights written into its constitution; a signatory to most international covenants of human rights; a country in the forefront of the international struggle against colonialism, imperialism and racism. Rarely do many of us realised that underneath this impressive veneer and national pride about our 3000 year old civilizational legacy, lies a history of systematic violation of basic democratic, and human rights of large sections of our population.1 It was only with the declaration of the state of Emergency, in June 1975, that the fragile basis of even our constitutional rights was brought home to us. After 1975, many civil and democratic rights groups were formed and since have been functioning all over the country. Every year, publishing investigation reports particularly about violation by the state of its own Laws, registering cases under the provision of public interest law, holding press conferences, and issuing statement, as well as demonstrating against state repression of various kinds of draconian laws have become common fare. So also has the discussion on Indian Constitution ans its laws and justice machinery. This would have us believe that the movement for human rights of which this specialized activity of the civil and democratic rights groups is a part, is alive and kicking. Equally on e can be lead to believe that the activities of the different political parties and related mass organisations, of the hundreds of voluntary, social-action groups working with and for the oppressed and downtrodden as also a far more conscious citizenry would together have contributed to a powerful growing movement for changing the sub-human conditions in which large proportion of our citizens alive.
If anything, reports of gross violations by the state machinery in the form of torture, illegal detention, unprovoked firings, encounter killing, legislation of more repressive laws are now common than ever before. Alongside is the growing feeling of ineffectiveness and powerlessness in various human rights related groups, not only the specialised civil democratic rights groups, but also the different base level or support groups working among different constituencies ad involved with the struggle for a radical transformation of the Indian situation. There is a growing realisation that a weak and insecure state cannot only turn more fascist in its method, but can help generate a mind-set, particularly amongst the slightly better off of its citizens, that all such dissent and protest activity is seen as anti-state, anti-national, inherently destabilizing, and therefore to be put down with a heavy hand. We see not only the structures and the instrumentalities set up by the state to provide justice to its citizens, but also the mass, media and section of the intellengentia, collaborating in a wide ranging process of ruthlessly enforcing the status quo for even further regression from the status quo. The relative inefficiency of the Civil Liberties and Democratic Rights movements in the country can be understood a t many level, the changing context within which the movement attempts to define itself, a shift in the nature of issues that the movement addresses itself to, the integral organisational dynamics of the movement, the strategies employed etc. All of them are post-facto explanations, that the movement is weak because the state is repressive.
The emerging scenario of the politics of human rights in India is becoming increasingly complicated and problem ridden, given the growing brutalisation of the state in its relationship to civil society as well as the increasing availability of the apparatus of the state to dominant interests keen on maintaining and augmenting levels of oppression and terror. On the other hand when it comes to the growth of the human rights movement, most of this tend to hold back, keen on retaining their specialized identities and afraid of being swamped by a generalised platform or body. Many of the human rights activities have themselves contributed to such an image by insisting that a human rights body should confine itself to fighting against atrocities committed by the state, not in dealing with the sources of these atrocities in the structure of the state and of civil society. While individual activists may involve themselves in political activities, including in party politics, it is not the role of the human rights bodies to get so entangle.
There has taken place an unprecedented polarisation of the Indian society following the rapid spread of communalism and the systematic build up in the media of the extremist and terrorist, threat to the country’s integrity and unity. This has polarised the human rights community too. Alongside, there has taken place a striking decline in the independence and objectivity of the judiciary and the press, partly due to the overall polarisation of society but due to more comprehensive conditioning of the middle class mind that anything that appears to weaken the government at the Centre weakens the Indian state, and anything that weakens the state weakens the constitutional fabric of democracy. The paradox is almost tragic: the greater the incident of oppression, the more widespread the span and location of resistance from civil society, which in turn produces the sense that the state is under attack and must be protected. This inturn is reflected in the fact that increasingly the relevance of human rights activist and organisations is reduced to holding protest meetings and rallies, and to registering and fighting court cases which also amount to little more than protesting, as nothing much come out of the writs and petitions anyway. This has made human rights endeavour even more segmented and specialised, reducing to lawyers and orators.
India has a record of flagrant violation of rights at every level. From a situation of lawlessness created by the state through undemocratic legislation, to arbitrary acts of both policy and intervention, successive governments have attempted to maintain policies that deny to a majority of citizens the right to civilized human existence.
Struggles of the Civil Societies in Manipur
Liberal theory considers civil society to be a property of democratic states. The presence of civil society ensures democratic states, because among the values of civil soceity are those of accountability of states, and limits on state power. Civil society affords a rule bound space independent of the state yet protected by the state, where right-bearing individuals pursue their private interests in peaceful association with others. For the Marxist, the liberal conceptualization of civil society as a sphere of rights legitimizes the domination of the capitalist classes. Civil in the Marxist perspective, is the arena for selfish competition, wage-linked exploitation, and class in equality. Marxist theory has consequently seen civil society as the sphere for the buying, selling and reproduction of labour power. The state in this perspective by maintaining the fiction of equal rights and freedom actually guarantees the depredation and moral squalor of civil society. Liberals concentrate on the oppressions of the state, but they do not inquire into the oppressions of civil society, and Marxist concentration upon the oppressions of this sphere has led them to neglect any analysis of the institutions and values of the civil society. The privileging of civil society as the sphere where democratic politics can be constructed has major implications. It involves the recognition that the right to hold states responsible and to ensure political accountability resides not only in institutions and constitutions, laws and regulations, but is a part of the social fabric.2 Firstly the notion of the public sphere of civil society implies that people come together in an arena of common concerns. The public is not only what pertains to the whole society, it is the vital mechanism which brings together individuals and groups located in private discourses, into a discourse based on shared and common concerns. The transfer from the private to the public takes place through the formation and dissemination of public opinion. The second implication is that it is desirable that, the debate and discussion is public in the sense of being accessible to all. Nobody should be barred on the grounds of his/her location in class or other structures. The third implication is that a space should exist outside officially prescribed channels of communication provided by the state where this free and public discussion and debate can take place.
On the other hand, he practices of civil society which are exposed most powerfully are the works of Hegel, Marx and Gramsci, which inhibits the process of democracy. Civil society has provided both the space for democracy and acted as a constraint upon it.
Civil society is not a once and for all phenomenon which can be constructed and left to fend for itself. The freedom of civil society is precarious and has to be guarded against any violations of the autonomy principle. it is perceived that the state had become much more powerful than desired. Indeed the modern state, with its apparatus of power and surveillance, posed a greater threat to human freedom than earlier states which did not possess the same range, modicum and mechanisms of power. Arundhati Roy said “our strategy should be not only to confront empire, but to lay siege to it. To deprive it of oxygen. To shame it. To mock it. With our art, our music, our literature, our stubbornness, our joy, our brilliance, our sheer relentlessness and our ability to tell our own stories. Stories that are different from the ones we’re being brainwashed to believe”.
The values of civil society are those of political participation, state accountability, and publicity of politics. The institutions of civil society are associational and representative forums, a free press and social associations. The inhabitants of this sphere are the rights bearing and juridically define individually.
The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, is more of a nuisance than a solution. “Irom Sharmila Chanu’s protest and campaign to repeal the AFSPA must be heard and consider as a democratic non-violent protest.” The Act which gives extra-ordinary power to the security forces was imposed in some States of North East India with the noble intention of controlling militancy but ended up leasing an undeclared State of emergency for undefined reasons and for an unlimited period, it alleged. “The Act has been misused by the security forces by taking advantage of counter insurgency operation in every nook and corners in the North Eastern States. People had undergone several abuses due to the excesses repeatedly committed by the Security Forces throughout the years. It has repeatedly violated the right to life, liberty and security of person.” The foundation also called for incorporation of the list of ‘dos’ and ‘don’ts’ as laid down and propounded by the Supreme Court of India and immediate review of the Act from the entire North East India. The Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has admitted AFSPA as inhuman in addition to Justice Jeevan Reddy’s recommendation to scrap the military Act, the civil societies demanded the Government of India and the Government of Manipur to repeal AFSPA without any further delay. the Government of India responded with all the urgency when Ana Hazare fasted for just 11 days whereas New Delhi has been paying no attention to Sharmila’s 11 years old fasting, the partial attitude of the Government of India is being decried.
Former union home secretary G.K. Pillai said, Irom Sharmila’s fasting for the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), must ”reach out to people across the country” like anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare to make Irom Sharmila cause known, says AFSPA enables security forces to shoot at sight and arrest anybody without a warrant if an area is declared disturbed. “It is a question of how you reach out to people. AFSPA is applicable only in Jammu and Kashmir and in the northeastern states. Corruption is pricking people everywhere and that’s why Anna Hazare had a high moral ground,” “She (Sharmila) has to reach out to the people across the country. She has to say why she is on fast,” “AFSPA should be repealed and the government should have a humane law,” AFSPA was passed in 1990 to grant special powers and immunity from prosecution to security forces to deal with raging insurgencies in northeastern states and in Jammu and Kashmir. The Act is a target for local human rights groups and international campaigners such as Amnesty International.
Home Minister P Chidambaram made a fresh attempt is being made to build consensus within the Government to amend the controversial Armed Forces Special (Powers) Act (AFSPA). He said “I am trying to revisit AFSPA but as you know one needs to build a consensus within the Government before amendments can be brought before Parliament.” He said in J & K there was a consensus within the Central Government that if the state withdraws the Disturbed Areas Act, AFSPA will automatically go. “In Kashmir, the state government to was asked to review the application of Disturbed Areas Act and if that act is reviewed, then automatically if the DA does not apply to areas in Kashmir, the AFSPA is not applied to that area in Kashmir. In a statement of the Prime Minister (Manmohan Singh) said that we will replace the AFSPA with a more humane act. On the other hand the army has conveyed its apprehensions to the Defence Ministry that replacement of AFSPA or any dilution could hamper its operational capabilities to effectively deal with militancy and insurgency. “On the first route (in JK) there is a consensus at the Centre. Now at the operational level, the JK government would have to, in the Unified Command, agree to review the application of Disturbed Areas Act. “If they are able to lift the DAA from, say five places, then AFSPA would not apply to those five places. So that is something which they have to do and I am in touch with the Chief Minister (Omar Abdullah),” Chidambaram said, adding Omar has to “weigh the pros and cons and then decide when to do it, where to do it. That is for them.”Omar’s government in the state has already constituted a Committee earlier this year to review the DAA. The Committee comprises Director General of Police, Home Secretary and Corps Commander of 15 Corps (for Kashmir) and Corps Commander of 16-Corps (for Jammu).
Congress Party’s scion Rahul Gandhi believes that army is no solution to insurgencies either in Kashmir, North East or Chattisgarh and bated for a political solution to problems. “We need to talk and the political process must begin. “Army is no solution to the problem of insurgency. Army is meant to fight with the enemy and not with our own people.”
It is pathetic that the Indian State has not toed the democratic norms. Rather, on security point of view, the Indian state either simply copied the draconian laws of the colonial or even made new extraordinary and harsher laws in maintaining law and order and tackling insurgency movements in the country. Some of these laws that have been quite abusively used – Punjab Security of State Act, 1953, The Assam Maintenance of Public Order (Autonomous Districts) Act, 1958, The Terrorist and Disruptive (Prevention) Act, 1987, The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO), 2001, repealed etc, etc. It has been experienced oft and again that these extraordinary laws do not solve the problems of people’s dissent and insurgency movements. Instead the common people have been the victims of the atrocious laws. While the Terrorist and Disruptive (Prevention) Act, 1987 has lapsed after wide protests, the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 is still being promulgated in various states, particularly, the North East India. Sharmila has been undergoing fast unto death for complete removal of the Act. Scores of concerned civil society organisations including Sharmila Kanba Lup and the intelligentsia among others have been launching movements against any further promulgation of such Act, the authority has ever been arrogant. Thus, we experienced gross violation of human rights of the common peoples and subjugation has become the political culture. It is an empirical fact, that Manipuris have been protesting against even the British regime, can be clearly known from events, the First and Second Nupilals, Anglo-Manipuri War, Anglo-Kuki War, Irawat’s and Zeliangrong movements. Despite this situation, merger of Manipur to the Indian Dominion had added fuel to the fire, as a setback there came up the secessionist movements.
1 Harsh Sethi and Smithu Kothari, “Introduction”, in Rethinking Human Rights: Challenges for Theory and Action, edited by, Smitu Kothari and Harsh Sethi, (Delhi: Lokayan, 1989),1.
2 Neera Chandoke, State and Civil Society: Explorations in Political Theory, (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1995), 61.
Seminar on India-Myanmar-China begins Our correspondent| EMN
IMPHAL, The first day of the four day national seminar on India-Myanmar-China relations which begins here at the Manipur University observed that India may achieve its objective in Myanmar if it seriously takes up its infrastructure strategies.
“Nothing substantial cannot be happened unless promises made by the India (on Myanmar) happened,” Prof Baladas Ghoshal of Centre for Policy Research New Delhi observed in his key note address of the seminar at the newly built court room of Manipur University at Canchipur, 3 km south of Imphal.Sharing a similar sentiment, Registrar Prof N Lokendra Singh of Manipur University while giving his speech in presence of many academicians, scholars, defence analysts, researchers and Myanmar delegates, agreed that the academicians ignored Myanmar while conducting the studies.Stating that many powerful countries across the globe including United States of America have shown their interest on Myanmar for its rich natural resources, Prof Lokendra further observed, “It will be difficult to study the different ethnic groups in North East India unless there is a study on Myanmar.”Vice Chancellor Prof HNK Sarma of the Manipur University who was the Chief Guest in the day’s formal inaugural session also expressed the need to establish a good bilateral relationship with Myanmar in order to make India’s presence in South East and South Asian region.“India need to revitalize to build relationship with Myanmar”, he added and hoped that the seminar would fruitfully discuss on the emerging picture.The Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) of the state PC Lawmkunga also presented a special talk on the recent by poll in Myanmar 2012 wherein pro-democracy activist and General Secretary of National League for Democracy(NLD) Aung San Suu Kyi’s party won 43 seats out of 45 parliamentary seats.In his presentation, CEO Lawmkunga informed that gathering that unlike elections in India, the recent by poll in Myanmar was so peaceful that no uniform or armed security men were seen in and around the 20 polling stations in Mandalay region and which he visited as international observer in March end this year. He said transparent ballot boxes made of plastic were used to cast votes while women making up 50 percent of the polling personnel as another glaring difference.The seminar which is scheduled to conclude on April 30 with a valedictory function will have academic session on India-Myanmar-Chine relations and implications, Myanmar and her recent development, Regional perspective of India-Myanmar-China relations, NE India in the web of India-Myanmar-China, Insurgency and Balance Power, Border Trade and India-Myanmar-Chine relations, New dimensions of indo-Myanmar border trade, Social and cultural backgrounds etc.

Opposition demands Chidambaram’s ouster Sentinel
NEW DELHI, Opposition Lok Sabha MPs on Friday demanded the resignation of Home Minister P Chidambaram who is alleged to have helped his son get financial benefits in a telecom deal when he was the Finance Minister in 2006.
Members created a ruckus, disrupting Lok Sabha twice till 2 p.m., even though the Home Minister was not present in the House.
As soon as members assembled in the morning, some Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) front benchers rose to protest, demanding Chidambaram’s ouster. “Chidambaram has indulged in massive corruption. He should be dismissed as home minister immediately,” BJP leader Yashwant Sinha was heard shouting in the din.
Janata Dal-United (JD-U) chief Sharad Yadav and his party MPs soon joined the BJP members in anti-Chidambaram protests.
The Opposition MPs cited Janata Party chief Subramanian Swamy’s allegations that Chidambaram had delayed permission for the sale of Aircel to Malaysia-based Maxis in 2006 when he was Finance Minister so that his son, Karthi, was financially benefitted.
Swamy told reporters on Thursday that he had written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh seeking Chidambaram’s resignation and directing the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to include the Minister and his son in the case on the Aircel-Maxis deal already under probe.
Former IT and Communication Minister Dayanidhi Maran is under the scanner for alleged irregularities in the deal. Swamy alleged that Karthi’s firm and Aircel had entered into a “dubious transaction” in March 2006, just before Maxis’s investment of Rs.4,000 crore into the telecom company. He said the then Finance Minister had ensured that the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) clearance on Aircel-Maxis deal be given only after Karthi’s company got a share in Aircel.
The Swamy allegations gave fresh ammunition to Opposition guns, who had in the first two days of the reconvened budget session put the government on the mat for alleged payoffs in the Bofors artillery deal of 1986. IANS
Myanmar’s exiled media heading home Kavi Chongkittavorn Mizzima

(Commentary) – News of Myanmar’s exiled media returning home has excited the community of dissidents and media activists around the world. With the Arab Spring and increasing democratization in various parts of the world, journalists who fled many other countries for an extended period of time are also returning home.

Kavi Chongkittavorn speaks at a Southeast Asian Press Alliance's board of trustees meeting, in this file photo. Photo: IMS
However, they all face different challenges during these transitional periods, depending on how media-friendly the government in power is. Having operated without interference, these media outlets and journalists are fiercely independent and highly professional, with a hard-earned creditability.

It is only in recent years that stories from exiled media began to emerge on how they contributed to the dramatic political changes on their home fronts. Once they were the official targets of attacks. Now they have gained respect even from those who previously tried to oppress them. Returning media exiles share one common important trait: they all have promised to serve as faithful watchdogs in their societies – something they have done from thousands of kilometres away in different time zones. Truth be told, nowhere have the changes been as radical and impressive as in Myanmar.

Myanmar's case is intriguing because the government decided to invite exiled media early on during its reform process to return and contribute to nation-building and media professionalism inside the country. There are many exiled Burmese journalists of varying quality and experience working for a dozen news organizations, including ethnic minority news outlets, or blogging. The New Delhi-based Mizzima News has made a successful transition into Burma with a local printing license.

The Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma is negotiating with the Naypyitaw authorities for a broadcasting license in the future.

Currently, the government is focusing on print media. Burmese News International, an umbrella for small ethnic media groups based in Thailand, hopes to set up offices in minority areas.

Other groups including the Chiang Mai-based Irrawaddy have made similar moves, but are being more cautious. Interestingly, each exiled media organization planning to return to Burma has also worked out a contingency plan by maintaining overseas offices in case of a reversal in the reforms.

Myanmarese journalists are highly trained and professional. For decades, they had to operate overseas, sometimes far away from their own country, gathering and then dispatching news back to the country, to which they had no direct access. They are among the most innovative groups among worldwide exiled media today through the use of satellites and every kind of media technology.

For instance over the past two decades, the DVB developed a sophisticated network of reporters and secretive ways of delivering their news reports on a day-to-day basis. Relying on groups of clandestine journalists, including the well-known underground video journalists, inside the country, they informed the Burmese at home about what was really going on in their backyards.

Recently, DVB also filed a report on the thank-you party given by opposition party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, filmed by one of its journalists. It was the only media outlet that reported on the reception, which was rather controversial as only 19 journalists were invited.

Among journalists, debates continue as to whether it was a faux pas on the part of the National League for Democracy to express appreciation to journalists or media outlets that reported positively on Suu Kyi and the party's activities. Indeed, it is no secret that she has been the subject of positive news reports since her release. Before and during the by-election campaign in March, almost all printed media, barring the government-run media, filled their front pages with her photos and quotes. Indeed, editors and reporters at home are now facing a dilemma on how to cover her stories and activities without putting too positive a spin on it. In this case, DVB shows the unique character of exiled media.

Unlike other closed societies, the Burmese authorities realize the urgency and benefits of rallying exiled media to their side. They have taken concrete steps to attract them, with the goal of integrating the exiled media into the wider society as soon as possible.

In recent months, censorship has been partly eased, pending the new media law, which is due by the end of this year. Within Asean, especially among the members with restrictive media, this trend is quite disturbing because the Burmese media scene is receiving positive international media coverage. For decades, Burma's media freedom ranked among the world's worst in various global media indexes. But this will change with the new evaluation next year.

That helps explain why the exiled journalists visiting Myanmar to hold talks with the authorities were asked to impart their experience and professionalism obtained overseas to their local colleagues. Some were even asked privately to help train officials dealing with spokespeople for various ministries to improve media communication.

Myanmar aside, it is hard to know the exact number of exiled media organizations around the world. It is estimated that there are around 50 outlets covering at least 20 locations including Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Belarus, Yemen, Iran, Zimbabwe, China, Cuba, Bhutan, Tibet, Sudan and Eritrea. Every day, hundreds of journalists-in-exile, some of them political activists, work from their homes or offices to inform their own people and the rest of the world of the "real news," using their own limited resources and outside funding.

All around the world, undemocratic governments, especially dictatorial ones that have made an about-face, understand media operations and their weaknesses and strengths. Their leaders know and can play along with the journalists' ethos and pledge to respect media independence and integrity, but when push comes to shove, the authorities immediately put them down. That helps explain why there is still so much suspicion of the changes taking place in Myanmar and elsewhere.

It remains to be seen how Myanmar's exiled media come to terms with their new turf. Their hard-headed investigative skills and other media talents will certainly be useful in monitoring and checking the authorities' performance to ensure that they genuinely work for democracy and the wellbeing of the people.
Hydro-hubris threatens peace efforts on India-Burma borderlands WW4 Report
Following Burma's democratic opening, with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) to take seats in parliament, India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is set to visit the country—the first visit by an Indian leader in 25 years. But India and Burma have been quietly cooperating on the Tamanthi and Shwezaye power projects on Burma's Chindwin River. The projects have been thrown into question following last year's cancellation of the Myitsone hydro project on Burma's Irrawaddy River, which was similarly backed by China, and would have mostly supplied electricity to the Chinese grid. The cancellation came after an activist struggle by local tribal peoples that would have been impacted by the project. (Indrus, April 23) The Tamanthi project is emerging as an obstacle to winning peace with the Naga, a people whose homeland is bisected by the India-Burma border, and have for decades waged an insurgency for independence from both countries.
India signed a contract with Burma for construction of the Tamanthi project in 2004, under Delhi's new "Look East Policy" that emphasizes links with Southeast Asia. Several Naga villages will be destroyed by the floodplain, and the Netherlands-based Naga International Support Center (NISC) protests that the Naga people were never consulted on the project—contravening the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, to which India and Burma are both signatories. (E-Pao, April 27)
The Kuki, a related people also impacted by the Tamanthi project, held a gathering to protest the construction on March 14, International Day of Action for Rivers. Two days later, eight of the organizers were arrested and taken to Homalin township office, where they were interrogated and some were beaten. They were also forced to sign a pledge that they would not take part in any such events in the future, according to Kuki rights activists.
The ceremony on March 14 at Leivomjang village was attended by about 150 people from 30 villages. The dam will flood an area the size of Delhi, displacing over 45,000 people—mostly Kuki and Naga—and blocking water flows to millions downstream. Over 2,400 villagers were forcibly relocated in 2007 from the dam site. "Sending thugs from Naypyidaw to beat up villagers for praying shows that Burma's government has not changed," said Nga Ngai of the Kuki Women's Human Rights Organization (KWHRO). "Violence is still the norm for investment projects in Burma." (Burma Rivers Network, April 10 via E-Pao)
Naga insurgency divided by border
The Naga national movement has been politically divided by the international border that runs through their territory. In 1980, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSNC) was formed to unite the struggle on either side of the border—India's Nagaland state and Burma's Sagaing region. But in 1988, the NSCN split into two fractions; the NSCN-K led by SS Khaplang in Burma, and the NSCN-IM, led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah in India. The NSCN-K was allowed to use Burma as a staging ground for attacks in India, until signing a ceasefire with new Delhi in 2003. The NSCN-IM, operating from India, is demanding a self-governing zone within Burma, to be called Nagalim. Although it did not accept provisions in the 2008 Burmese constitution creating a smaller "Naga Self-Administered Zone," it has observed a de facto ceasefire for the past two years. The Naga National League for Democracy represents a civil opposition within Burma seeking a peaceful solution. (The Telegraph, Calcutta, April 21; Mizzima, April 19)
When India and Burma began cooperating and agreed to crack down on Naga rebels operating in their respective territories, both factions took up arms against their former patrons—and still more factions emerged. New Delhi this month signed a ceasefire with the Khole-Kitovi faction of the movement, or the NSCN-KK, while Burma signed a ceasefire with its former client the NSCN-K. But efforts by Delhi to win a ceasefire with the NSCN-K have been frustrated, and India protested that it was not consulted in Burma's deal with the NSCN-K. (PTI, April 27; E-Pao, April 26)
NSCN-IM deplores ‘truce’ with Myanmar Seven Sisters Post
The NSCN-IM has expressed deep concern over the reported proposed dialogue between the government of Myanmar and the NSCN-Khaplang faction.

On Friday, the Qhevihe Chsi Swu, convenor of the NSCNIM’s ‘steering committee’ and TT Among, the outfit’s ‘home minister’, in a joint communique, said, “Naga people are concerned over the proposed talks between K haplang and the Burmese military junta.”

The NSCN-IM’s broke its silence since the Khaplang group reportedly signed a truce pact with the Myanmar government on April 12. Top leaders of the NSCN-K had left Nagaland for Yangon a few days before the signing of the truce, according to a report.