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04/29/2012: "Statement of the Joint Council, NSCN on the talk between Khaplang and Burma"



MINISTRY OF INFORMATION & PUBLICITY
PRESS RELEASE
Statement of the Joint Council, NSCN on the talk between Khaplang and Burma
The Naga people are concerned on the proposed talks between Khaplang and the Burmese military junta as all Nagas are inseparable parts of the whole and Nagalim embraces all their ancestral domains. The question is what agenda are they to talk about and under what framework. In this connection, it is pertinent to recall that NSCN under the legitimate leadership of Isak and Muivah had declared unilateral ceasefire with the Burmese government years ago.
People from all quarters query whether Khaplang is mandated by the people, whether he really represents the issue/future of the Nagas? When the administrative units of the Sagaing Division were arbitrarily redrawn by the Burmese government six townships namely, Tamu, Molaik, Phouwnpin, Homalin, Khamti, and Tanai were lost to Sagaing Division and Kachin state. Only the remaining three rocky townships - Layshi, Lahe and Namyung were left to the Nagas to form the so-called Autonomous District Council. Khaplang did not say anything against the move which took place right under his nose. Rather he had given his backing to that kind of colonial policy much to the chagrin of the Naga people. This is undeniable fact and he can never dispose it off as he wishes.
It is known to one and all that Khaplang and the Burmese army have been working together hand in glove even before declaration of the ceasefire. It is highly questionable if Khaplang has seriously considered the rights and history of the Naga people when entering into a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military junta. The Nagas are watching closely the new development taking place in the eastern part of Nagalim. Khaplang must keep it in mind that the Naga people will never accept any agreement that betrays their right over their territory. We are also strongly opposed to the kind of ceasefire that escalates factional fighting on the one hand and makes haven for those organizations that are hostile to the Naga people on the other. Khaplang must understand that Nagas are no longer in the days of yore. They are highly political people now.
Sd/- Sd/-
(Qhevihe Chishi Swu) (T. T. Among)
Convenor, Kilo Kilonser,
Steering Committee, NSCN. GPRN.
Govt signs ceasefire pact with NSCN (Khole-Kitovi)
Ceasefire Pact, NSCN, Khole-Kitovi, Nagaland
New Delhi: The Centre Friday signed a ceasefire agreement with Khole-Kitovi faction of the NSCN for a year beginning tomorrow.
The pact was signed by the representatives of the Naga insurgent groups, the Nagaland government and the Union Home Ministry, official sources said.

Khole-Kitovi faction of the NSCN has a strength of around 500 cadres and is dominant in a few districts of Nagaland.
The government is already having a ceasefire agreement with NSCN-IM and negotiating with the group for reaching an acceptable and honourable solution to bring a lasting solution to the six-decades-old Naga insurgency problem.

Talks begin to ink NSCN (K)-Myanmar Cease fire
Kohima Talks that will ink the crucial bilateral cease-fire agreement between NSCN (K) and Myanmar government on the long drawn Naga-Burma political issue was reported to have taken place Thursday at “Khamti” town in Myanmar located beyond the borders of India.

Although concreted details on the outcome of the talks were not available, sources in touch with the developments there at Khamti informed Nagaland Post that the talks would continue on Friday.

This has been perceived as significant in finding ways to end the long drawn political issue that has emerged out of the junta backed democratically elected Burmese government.

Sources said Khamti town, located on the banks of Chindwin river, is the nearest commercial town from the Indo-Myanmar border in the North of that country.

Situated inside the Naga-dominated Sagaing division in Myanmar and the town has been proposed by NSCN (K) for setting up its main office after the inking of cease-fire with Myanmar was complete.

The source informed that NSCN (K) chairman S.S. Khaplang is not attending the meeting at Khamti but senior leaders Kughalu Mulatonu, Wangtin Naga and P. Tikhak are representing the group at the meeting being held with Myanmar representatives.

The source also confirmed Khaplang’s move to appoint an emissary to negotiate on his behalf during political talks with Myanmar.

Besides working out strategies and modalities for setting up cease-fire ground rules, the meeting will also deliberate on NSCN (K)’s proposal to set up a sub-office at Pochury and Makury Nagas dominated Homeland village in Southwest Myanmar.

This proposal by NSCN (K) is necessitated to ease communication with Yangon as the main office proposed at Khamti takes more than seven days to reach on foot from the nearest and last motorable village in Mon district.

The source also said that it takes NSCN/GPRN cadres ten days from its Central Headquarters (CHQ) to reach Khamti town on foot.

NSCN (K) also expects that if a sub-office is established at Homeland, it will ease communication and correspondence with Yangon for issues related to Nagas in “Nagaland state” of India and Nagas in Western edges of Myanmar.

It may be mentioned that there has been cessation of violence between NSCN (K) and Burmese forces after the country’s general elections in 2010. Myanmar government also granted autonomy to the Naga-dominated Sagaing division.

Meanwhile, NSCN (K) will meet with Government of India officials Friday to discuss extension of ongoing cease-fire that ends on April 28.

NSCN (K) functionaries led by Lincoln, supervisor, ceasefire supervisory board (CFSB), “kilonser” Hokato Vushe, member CFSB, Khekahoto, secretary CFSB, “deputy kilonser” Vedata Chakesang and Nika Yeptho are in New Delhi for Friday’s meeting.
KOHIMA, APR 26 (NPN)(K.V. Nurumi)
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Published on 27 Apr. 2012 12:08 AM IST

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Colonisation came to an already divided India Part II Rugotsono Iralu Eastern Mirror
The Maurya Empire was perhaps the largest Empire to rule the Indian sub-continent until the arrival of the British. Like most dynasties and empires in India they did not last too long surviving three generations, emerging from the 4th century BC and declined by the 2nd century BC. After them we would not see such a major acquisition and rule of the whole sub-continent until the arrival of the British Imperial Rule in India.
Not during the Gupta Dynasty (319-500 AD), Kushan dynasty ( 40- 176 A.D), Pallava and Chalukya Dynasty of the south reaching up to parts of central India, or the Mughal Empire (1526- 1857 AD) which did not infiltrate beyond central India. The sub-continent was divided up into different princely states, kingdoms and empires, dynasties even, yet because of its sheer size or internal strifes its hard to argue that India was a whole nation before the British Raj. The Mughal Empire, the largest dynasty then, upon whose decline and subsequent exile by the Company forces brought the Indian sub-continent under the British Crown.
A brief reflection and summarisation of the Hindu-Islam divide:
Could you argue that the Hindu-Islam divide came only after the British rule; or the British insecurity and fear of the Muslims? The British had followed divide and rule policy according to religion, religious texts or habits for better administration and governance. They had feared a Muslim uprising, Mughal Empire having been the former rulers of the subcontinent for over 300 years.
If so, would that sufficiently explain what happened in Ayodhya in 1992? As recent as 1992 and we’ve somehow managed to destroy a 464 year old mosque was destroyed because it had been built upon a temple of Rama; if silhouettes of our past can still permeate our judgements of today.
One could not argue sufficiently that all the Muslim rulers of India were tolerant of their Hindu subjects. The Mughal emperors could stand in contrast between Akbar and Aurangzeb, or debates on Tipu Sultan’s rule where 3000 Brahmins were said to have committed suicide in order to escape conversion to Islam, while vis à vis evidence showing that Tipu Sultan paid annual grants to 156 Hindu temples. There were instances of caste system deepening among Hindus as a way of preserving their religion. What the British Imperial rule brought about also effected the inter-relations between these two religion and further infused animosity, prejudice leading up to the solution of ‘Partition’. In some ways the fear of being the minority eventually materialised for some unfortunate Muslims left behind in the ‘Hindu’ country.
A brief reflection on Caste system:
Here again the British could exploit on the further divides of India- this, concerning the Hindu population of India. Whether they misinterpreted the social segregation because they were a foreign entity ruling the mass, or exploiting this attribute for their own benefits. I have pondered a bit on how the caste system may have evolved without a British intervention.
Perhaps the negative attribute of Caste system is its ability to be misinterpreted and based on a segregation of purity, can divide the society up into walls and thus providing assumptions or misinterpretations. With the advancement of society and development the divisions, however, have continued to persist and sometimes even aggravated. Why is this? If caste-system is not affiliated to religion will it still continue to influence?
The core of it is still not addressed, I feel, and left hanging somewhere based on purity, occupation even if religion were left out. A dangerous or new development in society, since the 1990 reforms for better elbow-space for the private sectors is the growing middle-class, the Nouveau Riche. The new class (not caste) divide in society between the upper and middle-class class of society versus the low and unprivileged class of society; perhaps signed somewhere in italics is Capitalism’s influence too. I came upon an article on Outlook magazine about maids or helpers in the cities, titled ‘Inside Slave City’. It was about atrocities and human rights abuse meted out on them, while also cases of burglary and even homicide committed by maids and helpers on their employers reported too. What struck me here was that this may be another example of a different kind of class division entering society. Whether its the nouveau riche vying for a better position in society while trying to take the competition out or suppressing lesser individuals with their new-found power, an India perhaps already divided before the British era.
Summarisation:
In India the division or its diversity is immense. Whether that falls upon linguistic differences, or the above mentioned differences too. On region, communalism or differences in each other’s history based on rulers, dynasties, princely states. Perhaps the only ingredient needed was an ‘outside’ factor pushing over that volatile constitute. Even an argument can be produced that the British would not have needed to divide India further in that respect. Or tried to glue it together, in another respect.
Perhaps linguistic differences could have prevailed and also regions and their histories, without needing to interrupt a co-existence yet, what has evolved according to the mind has influenced divides, breaking up of dynasties, kingdoms and prejudices along the line of- be it, religion, caste, history and migration for the bigger part of the sub-continent.
Conclusion:
My conclusion may be sketchy and written along a personal observation too yet I have believed more than often that a transparency may finally be needed, so that prejudice, assumptions and even hatred may see some daylight. The British came, the British went, along with their divides and unifications while also naming the sub-continent for its inhabitants. With foreign rule and within the sub-continent those same issues have crossed mileages of time and rules to still be prevalent in present-day India. Therefore, I wonder if a transparency or introspective absorption is due for India. Very often addressing or highlighting issues about the country is not encouraged for fear of further violence or its deterioration. While the divides sometimes seem to overwhelm the whole of India.
Colonization came to an already divided India and somewhere if the topic is started one may see results coming out of it.
No designated camps of NSCN-IM in Manipur' TNN
IMPHAL: In the wake of the recent standoff between NSCN (IM) and Assam Rifles at the outfit's Hebron camp and its subsequent ramifications, home minister Gaikhangam on Thursday said the state government does not recognize any official camp of NSCN (IM) in Manipur. He added that he will ask the Centre, which is holding talks with the outfit, to dismantle any such designated camps of the outfit if it exists in the state.
On the frequent intrusion of Nagaland villagers into Jessami over the protracted land dispute, Gaikhangam said an additional force of one company India Reserve Battalion (IRB) or a state force will be set up at Jessami village in Ukhrul district bordering Nagaland to safeguard its villagers.
On April 18, a group of armed men from Melourie village in Nagaland intruded Jessami village in Manipur and abducted six villagers, including a VDF volunteer. Following intervention of the state authorities, the villagers were freed late at night and the VDF volunteer had to be admitted to a hospital as he was beaten up by the abductors.
In view of the mysterious disappearance of children, the home minister said all police stations have been put on alert to foil any attempt by miscreants to abduct children.
Meanwhile, three 15-year-old boys, who went missing from Sirem village in Imphal West on April 7 returned home after spending a few days in an alleged rebel camp. According to the young boys, they wanted to join the outfit but the rebels asked them to go home as they were too young to join the group.
Cops alerted to foil kidnapping: Gaikhangam Follow up events of recent spurt in kidnapping of young boys The Sangai Express
Imphal, April 26 2012: Concerned with the recent spurt in the disappearances/kidnappings of young boys by armed elements, Home Minister Gaikhangam has said that police stations throughout the State have been alerted to foil such attempts by disruptive elements.

Speaking to newspersons at his official residence in Babupara today, the Home Minister grimly noted that some armed elements had been luring young students with money and other goods with the intention of recruiting them as child soldiers.

Observing that recent trend of targeting the young students clearly suggests failure of armed outfits to recruit mature individuals into the armed groups, he affirmed that strong instructions have been issued to all the police stations to check such cases.

In order to effectively tackle this disturbing trend, cooperation of both the parents and school authorities is paramount, expressed the home Minister.




Gaikhangam



To a query on the recent imbroglio over abduction of six Jessami villagers by some armed persons from the neighbouring village in Nagaland State, Gaikhangam said the 'disheartening' incident has subsided and normalcy already restored in the village.

As a pre-emptive measure against similar incident in the future, a police officer of SDPO-rank would be posted at Jessami along with deployment of a company of State security force at the earliest, confided the home Minister.

Acknowledging sentiments of the Jessami villagers consequent to the abduction episode, he opined that tension and anxiety that gripped the region has subsided to an appreciable level following direct intervention of the Chingai AC MLA MK Preshow Shimray and an IGP to negotiate safe release of the captives.

The Minister also informed that the Nagaland villagers, responsible for the abduction had apologised for their acts thus resulting in the return of peace at the border villages.

In case there is repetition of such incident Government of Manipur will not remain a mute spectator but will definitely take suitable action, asserted the Minister.

To another poser about army authorities claiming presence of camps of NSCN (IM) in Manipur, he remarked that officially there is neither no such camps within the territory of Manipur nor do the Government of Manipur recognises such a facility of the Naga rebel group.

Gaikhangam also clarified that inspite of the army's claim the Central Government had already been apprised not to entertain setting up of designated camps of NSCN (IM) in Manipur.

Regarding Government of Nagaland's proposed move for setting up a tourist spot at Tungjoy village, he informed that as the area is a disputed zone the Centre has been urged to settle the issue at the earliest.

A proposal would be made at tomorrow's Cabinet meeting for sufficient fund allocation to develop a road directly linking Dzuko Valley within the land of Manipur rather than travel to the tourist spot from the neighbouring State, affirmed the Minister.

Sharing his view on some of the mechanism put in place to improve the overall law and order situation, he said whether or not CCTV cameras installed in the city area is producing the desired result would be assessed minutely.

Confiding that assessment on the performance of the Home Department would be conducted every three months, Gaikhangam said efforts are on to streamline and update the Home Department's manpower and to transform the police department to a people-friendly organisation.

Tamanthi Dam a blessing for India, a curse for the Nagas ? E Pao
A Naga International Support Center, NISC A human rights organization

Already in 2004 India signed the contract to build a hydroelectric 1200 megawatt dam project on the Chindwin River Burma/Myanmar in the middle of Naga areas. This was done in the full knowledge of dealing with an extremely repressive military regime which then hardly made ripples in the still waters.

This is different now!!

Now that the policy of the Indian and Burmese Governments are known, it has become obvious that the hydro-electric generating capacity in effect means that India gains a foothold in Burma. Though, of course, it could use the generated electricity for its rapidly expanding industries, the main idea for stepping over the international border of Burma/Myanmar is to put the Look East Policy into practice; to gain access via Burma to Southeast Asia (Moreh Mandalay Myawaddy Bangkok and beyond) as well as to China via the to be revived Stillwell Road. And so a dam in the Chindwin with a Burmese Government depending on the export of power to India means an interrelating economy with accompanying politics should make this geopolitical policy possible.

But what about the Nagas?

See the attached project plan which shows the villages which will vanish once the dam is constructed. Were the Nagas heard? Did they agree? Were they duly compensated in land, funds, perspective after their losses? No, no and no, and it does not stop with the Naga Peoples either. When one scrutinizes the Indian track record regarding Indigenous Peoples one discovers all Indigenous Peoples are treated badly; they are oppressed, their land is taken and they are forced to do as they are told, in fact they are treated worse than Dalits.

India stepped over the border and into Burma to take advantage of the Nagas there. Though Nagas of India protest in Delhi against the Hydro electric Dam project and Nagas of Burma in Burma/Myanmar, the project is still being constructed. So, rather than criticizing Burma for its coercion on the Nagas and the suppression it exerts on practically all indigenous, even though a democratic spring seemingly takes effect, it is India which profits from it most; directly for energy and indirectly politically.

Hence: the Naga International Support Center, NISC, tells the Government of India:

- to immediately stop the project to allow a thorough but impartial feasibility study on the effect on the Naga people, the effects on the ecology and the river system to be conducted. And only

- when this feasibility study warrants a go ahead that the Governments of India and Burma/Myanmar then should make sure all important factors affecting the Nagas of the Sagaing District of Myanmar/Burma are dealt: full compensation in suitable land, housing, ample lump sums to enable them to start a new life.

see the facts and figures attached and see the two UNO documents: one of which is the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the list of nations which signed it; India and Burma/Myanmar both signed this declaration. Yet, both nations do not implement what they signed and this specifically concerns articles 3, 4, 5, 27 and article 28.

http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/DRIPS_en.pdf

http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/ga10612.doc.htm
'Sustainable tourism way to go in northeast' IANS
New Delhi, April 27 — Sustainable, niche and community-based tourism - and not that of the five-star or mass variety - is the way to go for realising the full potential of the northeast, union Tourism Minister Subodh Kant Sahai said Friday.
He was speaking after launching two books titled 'Sustainable Tourism Development of Nagaland' and 'Tourism Potential of North-East' by D.K. Bhalla, joint secretary in the ministry of food and consumer affairs at the capital's India International Center.
Sahai said that because of the fragility of habitat and society in the northeastern states, the tourism had to be 'sustainable and not the five star tourism or mass tourism because that can permanently damage the habitat and the society of these innocent people living in this beautiful part of the country.'
Sahai claimed that the modern tourists were realising that a non-inclusive attitude towards the local people of tourist locations, was not sustainable and added that if properly managed, growth in tourism can be used to alleviate poverty and promote sustainable and equitable development.
Agreeing with the author's portrayal of the northeast, he said that 'it is a land of myths and mysteries, folklore and legends and of many tender dreams.'
'The region is unique with more than 150 tribes speaking as many languages. This is the only place in the world where primitive culture of Neolithic age co-exists with the modern life style. It is a paradise for travelers,' he added.
In 'Sustainable Tourism Development of Nagaland', Bhalla has discussed characteristics and potential of sustainable tourism development in the northeast in general and in Nagaland in particular.
In 'Tourism Potential of North-East', he has discussed the culture, history of region, community-based tourism, policy planning and development in the states of the region.



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