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04/20/2012: "Six cadres of NSCN arrested Hueiyen News Service / Newmai News Network"



Six cadres of NSCN arrested Hueiyen News Service / Newmai News Network
Dimapur, April 19 2012: It is the time of arresting spree of Naga underground cadres by the Assam Rifles in Nagaland.

Few days after arresting 13 cadres of NSCN-IM cadres in the outskirt of Dimapur by Assam Rifles, six cadres of NSCN (Khole/Kitovi) faction were arrested today.

According to PRO of IGAR (North), troops of 29 Assam Rifles and Dimapur police busted a camp of NSCN (Khole/Kitovi) in general area of Nuton Basti in Dimapur today.

In the joint search operation, 6 cadres were apprehended along with one AK 56 assault Rifle, 74 live rounds of 7.62mm AK, two live rounds of 7.65 mm, two live rounds of .22 mm, along with tax collection receipts and various incriminating documents, claimed the source.

The Assam Rifles source stated that these cadres were in Dimapur town to carry out extortion and coordinate security and movement of senior officials of NSCN (Khole/Kitovi).

The arrested cadres have been handed over to West police station, Dimapur.

It is worth noting that last week, 13 cadres of NSCN-IM were arrested and recovered a huge cache of arms and ammunition from the 'hideout in the outskirts of Dimapur.

Regarding the last week incident, troops of 20 Assam Rifles, 6 Sector AR under HQ IGAR (North), based on reliable information regarding the presence of NSCN (IM) cadres in a safe hideout in Chumukedima Ward No 1 in the outskirt of Dimapur had conducted a swift operation, which resulted in the arrest of 13 NSCN(IM) cadres and seizure of one 9mm pistol, a .22 rifle, more than 3000 rounds (ammunition) of various weapons, detonators and large amount of communication and surveillance equipments.

Reacting to all these series of raids and arrests in the houses of senior NSCN-IM officials carried out by the security forces in 'Nagalim', the Naga outfit had told the government of India that if it (New Delhi) had wanted to call off the cease-fire, it should have had politely told the NSCN-IM in an unambiguous voice instead of playing hypocrisies.

Senior kilonser (minister) of the NSCN-IM in-charge of the outfit's ministry of information and publicity A.Z Jami had said few days ago that the main purpose of the cease-fire between the Government of India and the NSCN has been to facilitate for a purposeful political dialogue between the two entities to bring an amicable settlement of the decades long conflict between India and the Nagas.
Ministry of Information and Publicity

Assam Rifles violate ceasefire rules

Tension built up in the vicinity of NSCN (I-M)’s Hebron camp when road opening party (ROP) of 12th Assam Rifles (AR) Thursday came close to the designated camp without prior information.
A handout by NSCN (I-M) stated that the AR troops under the “direction of Maj. Sukanta (camp commander)” was heading towards “Shikavi” village on ROP duty and reached Hebron gate “intentionally” at 8 a.m. NSCN (I-M) sources said its cadres then “arrested” five AR personnel namely “naik subedar K D Tiwari, havaldar Sooarn Singh, riffle man Ravi, riffle man Balvi Singh and riffle man Rahul Kuhmar along with four AK 47, one INSAS, 360 live rounds and 13 magazine, two wireless set, six handset, four bullet proof with pouch, one INSAS rifle pouch and four bullet proof cap.

NSCN (I-M) sources said that the AR personnel on ROP duty were travelling in a truck (MN 7430) just few meters away from Hebron and added that their arms and ammunition were “seized” for violating cease-fire ground rules (CFGR).

To de-escalate the situation, CFMG chairman Maj Gen (Retd) N. George, Dimapur deputy commissioner Hushili Sema, superintendent of police, Z. Mero, SDPO Nuiland Khalo, Brig. Bency P Jacob, 29 AR Col. Rakesh Bhardwaj and other officials held a meeting at the community hall Monglumukh village along with NSCN (I-M) cease-fire monitoring cell (CFMC) chairman Vikiye Awomi, CFMC members and senior NSCN (I-M) members which lasted for about an hour.

As the situation unfolded, women organizations of the area also blocked the road at Monglumukh village and monitored vehicular movements till the matter was settled. The AR personnel were released later but till the filing of this report, NSCN (I-M) was yet to return the seized weapons. NSCN (I-M) sources said that AR personnel were still stationed Dhansiripar and Doyapur till late in the evening.

CFMG chairman Maj Gen (Retd) N. George, on spot verification admitted that AR troops’ action was without notification and it was against cease-fire ground rules (CFGR). However, he also said that it was purely an “error of judgment” and that there was no “malafide intention”.

When asked why the troops have come in such close proximity, George said that since 6th sector Brig. Bency P Jacob was new in command and there was a need for him to get “familiarized” with the area, the troops in order to “facilitate” his “familiarization” visit had “strayed” beyond the designated line.

“The troops have landed up in a place which should not have happened”, said George. He said that the AR personnel were released “immediately” but they were still waiting for clearance to return the seized weapons.

Earlier, interacting with GBs, councils and public gathered at Monglumukh village community hall, CFMG chairman assured the public that peace would prevail in the area and that there was no need for panic. “There will be no problem, there will be peace”, assured George.

Reacting to the incident, a senior NPF Adivsor told this Reporter that it was “an act of betrayal” by some jawans against the trust reposed on the cease fire. He also said the incident was one example of “why it is difficult to trust Indians”.
Press Release 20th April,20

Much water has flown down the Dhansiri river when the Indo-Naga ceasefire was signed in 1997 and in numerous occasions the Assam Rifles have taken extreme pleasure in rubbing the shoulder of NSCN on the wrong side. But NSCN acted in the manner to show its commitment to go for a negotiated political settlement rather than military solution that has been proved meaningless and futile for the past many years.
Cease ground rule violations comes in heaps in the hands of the Assam Rifles. But NSCN stood its ground not to hit back despite provocation that really put to test its nerve of endurance. This time when the 12th Assam Rifles came so near the designated Hebron Camp it was never done by mistake but deliberately to test the reaction capacity of NSCN. This is politically not correct for the AR troops as it goes against the very spirit of Ceasefire that is running more than 15 years.

The fact that CFMG Chairman Maj.Gen (Retd.) N.George admitted the mistake of AR troops sound ok. But when the troops started to inch closer to the Hebron Camp in a more aggressive manner it carries another meaning that reflects breach of trust.

During the past period of ceasefire AR have taken possession of huge number of NSCN weapons that had nothing to do with ceasefire violation and this issue continues to be placed during the ceasefire ground rule meetings. But NSCN demand for return of the weapons was never accepted in good spirit though assurrance was given that the matter will be looked into. Unacceptable reason was however given on the whereabouts of the NSCN weapons
.
For peace to prevail the aggressor must take the initiative to build up confidence and faith in the eyes of the NSCN and public. So far AR is yet to do any such thing in the area leading to Hebron Camp. NSCN in the face of direct attack on ceasefire ground rules shall still stand committed for peaceful approach in keeping with the hard earned ceasefire.

Issued by
MIP/GPRN

JOINT PRESS STATEMENT
United Naga Council and the All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur

Dated Tahamzam, 20th April, 2012

The Indo-Naga cease-fire was put in place after the Chiefs of Armed Forces of the Government of India admitted that the Naga problem required a political solution and not a military one. The Naga political groups have entered into Cease-fire agreements with the Government of India to bring peace and for an honourable settlement of the Indo-Naga issue.

The intrusion of the 29th Assam Rifles(AR) within 20 metres of Hebron, the NSCM(IM) Council headquarters under the direction of Major Sukanta on 19th April, 2012 is a gross violation of the cease-fire ground rules. The wilful violation by the 29th AR tantamount to going against the letter and the spirit of the cease-fire agreement. Therefore if the personnel of a disciplined armed force of the Government of India wilfully violates the ground rules instead of enforcing them, then there must be some vested interest or hidden agenda in the chain of command at the instance of the enemies of peace.

We are also very much concerned that there are reports of heavy deployment of AR forces around Hebron and other designated camps in Naga areas and also detention of NSCM(IM) functionaries. If such alarming situation is allowed to stem out from the irresponsible lapses of some jawans/officers, it does not auger well for the hard earned peace.

The 15 years old Indo-Naga peace talk which has of late reportedly made good progress cannot be subjected to disciplinary issues revolving around some few jawans/officer. The cease-fire and the peace that came with it belongs to the people and not only to the signatories. There are mechanisms already in place for restoring normalcy and it is our appeal to the parties that good sense be allowed to prevail and peace be upheld and safeguarded.

sd/- sd/-
Publicity Wings Publicity Wings
United Naga Council All Naga Students’ Association,
Manipur
Does the Government of India (GOI) want the Nagas to keep on dreaming? E pao News
April 18 2012
At around 1954, not long before any of the now existing states of Northeast India were founded, the Indo-Naga conflict began in earnest. The first state -Nagaland State- making up the Seven Sisters later was carved out of Assam and disputably inaugurated in 1963.

Already in 1929, long before India's independence, the Nagas conveyed to their British colonizers that they, once the British would have left, they expected to be free again. Considering too that the British only controlled and administered less than one-third of Naga territory, the rest was termed 'unadministered areas' of free Nagas, it is also disputed how the British could hand over land and people to the emerging Union of India without jurisdiction.

Immediately after the reports on the imminent lasting solution of the Indo-Naga conflict the other but later formed northeastern states vehemently objected. In view of history this it is remarkable because Nagas have never been conquered by any outsider and they do not want to live under the jurisdiction of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Assam or Burma/Myanmar either. For almost 60 years Nagas have been fighting for their right to self determination.

It is therefore a double insult that Home Minister Gaikhangam of Manipur provokes his own people by stating the Nagas (NSCN-IM; the first insult is because he is a Naga himself and the second is that he ridicules reunification. So we see on what transpires now that the cornered Government of India is in a predicament. (See statements of United Naga Council and Naga Hoho for further understanding below)

The Naga International Support Center reminds the Government of India that India signed the UNO covenant on the right to self determination for all Peoples. And even though Mr. Gaikhangam is a Naga this does not mean he decides on the fate of the Nagas; Nagas as a people are quite capable of doing that. If the Government of India is so much impressed with the reactions of 'other' northeastern states which form stumbling blocks to the solution of the conflict it initiated, then it is apparent that they use it for their own ends. Hence:

- To prevent the Nagas from reunifying will not solve the conflict
- To prevent the Nagas from shaping their own future is asking for great trouble
- To force the Nagas to live within the Indian Constitution will only prolong the conflict unnecessarily as there are no cultural, historical, economical or communicational links

A Naga International Support Center, NISC
A human rights organization
Home Minister says Nagaland as most peaceful state By Oken Jeet Sandham Asian Tribune
Kohima, (Asiantribune.com): Nagaland Home Minister Imkong L Imchen expressed his happiness on the prevailing peaceful environment in the State. Talking to Asian Tribune here today, the Minister claimed that “Nagaland is the most peaceful State comparing with other states.” “If you look at the pre-2008 situation and compared it with the 2012 situation in the state, I think, peace is there in the State,” he described.
Still not subscribing to the argument of the Opposition Congress that Naga underground factional clashes and killings should be taken as “law and order problem,” the straight talking Minister elaborated that all these issues were correlated to the political activities of the Naga political issue.
“If the Congress thinks that those issues are law and order problem, let them deal with it according to their philosophy,” he hit back.
They should understand that the Government of India had even “recognized” that the “Naga issue is political.” So definitely it had to be dealt politically and definitely it should not be from the perspective of the law and order angle,” he pointed out.
Imchen also failed to understand the logic of the Opposition Congress that the Naga underground factional issues should be dealt with a “firm hand.”
Asking the Opposition Congress to explain what they meant by a “firm hand,” the Minister wondered whether the so-called a “firm hand” was there in their (Congress) regime.
“We are not going to kill anyone,” Imchen said. “We are also not going to disturb the peace in the state.”
Asked how long the DAN Government would pursue the policy of being a “facilitator” to the ongoing peace talks between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM), Imchen said, “So long it is required, we will remain as a facilitator to the peace talks.”
Elaborating further of their policy of being a facilitator to the ongoing talks, the Minister stated that the peace talks were between the NSCN (IM) and the Government of India and they (DAN Government) were not a party to it.
He, however, made it clear that they had trust in the “wisdom” of the Government of India and the NSCN (IM) leaderships that they would bring good solution to the Nagas. “So we are even prepared to pave way in the event of arriving at an honorable solution to the issue,” he said.
Asked his comment on the reported plan of the NSCN (K) to have a bilateral ceasefire with the Myanmar Government, the Minister said there should be peace “everywhere.”
- Asian Tribune -
Naga rebels prepare for peace talks with Burmese government Nay Myo

New Delhi (Mizzima) – The Burmese government and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland-K (NSCN-K), a separatist group that operates in India and Burma, will hold peace talks on Friday, sources said.

Nagaland State in India on the border with Burma Photo: Wikipedia
Naga rebels began an armed struggle more than 32 years ago against the Burmese regime.

Two Naga delegations will meet to work out a negotiating strategy and how to conclude a cease-fire agreement with the government peacemaking team.

Naga National League for Democracy chairman Saw Sa told Mizzima: “For a long time, they have prepared to negotiate a cease-fire. They will discuss how to stop the fighting and their political differences.”

The NSCN-K, led by S. S. Khaplang, has about 500 soldiers and operates in the Naga mountain range and in northern Lahe and Nanyun townships in Sagaing Region.

Its armed group, the NSCN, was formed in January 30, 1980, to gain freedom for the Naga people and to achieve a union between Naga living in the northeast states of India and the Sagaing Region in Burma.

In 1988, the NSCN split into two fractions; the NSCN-K led by S. S. Khaplang, and the NSCN-IM, led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah. The NSCN-K is based in Burma; the NSCN-IM is based in India.

In April 28, 2011, the NSCN-K signed a cease-fire agreement with the Indian government. The agreement is scheduled to be extended before April 28.

According to the 2008 Constitution, the Leshi, Lahe and Nanyun townships in Sagaing Region are described as a Naga Self-Administered Zone. Since 2010, the NSCN-K and the Burmese government have not engaged in armed clashes.
Manipur MLA demands deployment of IRB at Jessami Nagaland Post | Imphal, (NPN):
MLA of Manipur representing Chingai A/C of Ukhrul paid a visit to the hospitalized VDF personnel today demanded that Manipur government should not take the matter lightly and should redeployed IRB personnel at border again before thing goes bad to worse.

He recalled that Manipur government had deployed IRB personnel after such kind of tension between the villagers of two states surfaced few years back. However, the IRB personnel were taken out after government recruited 45 VDF personnel of Jessami and handed over the task of guarding the border.

Only 35 VDF personnel were currently posting at the post and as they were not a powerful force, the villagers of neighbouring state disrespect them. He claimed that yesterday’s incident of assaulting VDF personnel was within Manipur territory, asserting that the incident took place at a place 8 km from the Nagaland border towards Manipur border.
Kidnappings fuel Manipur tension Times of India
IMPHAL: Tension gripped the remote Jessami village in Ukhrul district after six of its villagers were abducted by a large number of armed men from neighbouring Nagaland on Wednesday morning.
Though the six abducted, including a village defence force (VDF) personnel, were released late at night after the intervention of the state authorities, security has been beefed up in the area to thwart possible outbreaks of violence following the renewed border land dispute.
On Wednesday morning, the abducted men were tending to a paddy field in Jessami when the miscreants who belong to Melourie village in Nagaland's Phek district intruded into Manipur territory and whisked them away to their village, local sources said. The kidnappers were armed with guns and knives.
Following the intervention of the Chingai constituency MLA Preshow Shimray, Ukhurl district's deputy commissioner and superintendent of police insisted on their Nagaland counterparts to secure the release of the six.
Manipur chief secretary DS Poonia also intimated about the matter, along with his Nagaland counterpart, official sources said.
"Other than the VDF volunteer who was beaten badly by the abductors, there had been no major casualty in the incident. We have registered an FIR," Ukhrul SP, K Kabib, told TOI.
"Following the incident, we have beefed up security at Jessami. The police have been asked to stay on a red alert to ensure such incidents do not recur," the SP added.
There have been reports of Melorie villagers encroaching upon land in Jessami, resulting in sparking of tension at the border areas.
Following such incidents, the Jessami police station had been upgraded with the induction a sub-divisional police and large number of VDF personnel a few years ago.
Meanwhile, Ukhurl police have recovered the head of Mahatama Gandhi's statue that was found missing from its erection site at Ukhrul district headquarters. In the wee hours of Sunday, the head of the Mahatma Gandhi statue erected at Gandhi Chowk close to Ukhrul town hall was found missing, forcing the cops to launch a massive manhunt to pull up the miscreants.
Four persons, including a VDF personnel, has been arrested in connection with the act of vandalism with the VDF man being dismissed from his service.
The statue's head was found in the office complex of the public works department at the district headquarters, police sources said.
Nagaland`s arrogance Imphal Free Press
The recent incident at Jessami in Ukhrul District once again brings to the fore the issue of several boundary disputes with Nagaland. The state of Nagaland has several boundary disputes with other states as well. The long standing border dispute at Merapani with Assam is yet to find a solution and there are several intrusions by Nagaland state forces in Assam territory and it is going to figure in talks with ULFA. The Sundaram Committee of 1972 that sought to resolve the Assam Nagaland border dispute had been rejected by Nagaland and the confrontation has seen the involvement of underground Naga groups. Nagaland had been accused of encroaching 662.4 sq km of land in Assam territory. Not only that, Naga groups specially the NSCN-IM is demanding a Greater Nagaland with territory from Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Between Manipur and Nagaland, there are several border disputes from Senapati to Ukhrul stretch. To mention a few there are disputes in the Dzuko valley, Mao, near Tungjoy at Lai village in Senapati District and Jessami in Ukhrul District. The most recent incident at Jessami is a result of the boundary dispute between villagers of Jessami and Mellory village in neighbouring state Nagaland. Earlier in another incident, Nagaland police had set up a post for its armed police personnel and constructed a rest house and fishermen`s rest centre. Jessami villagers say, there has been several intrusions by Nagaland police. In the Wednesday incident, around 400 Mellory villagers armed with 303 rifles and sticks came into the Manipur side at round 10:30am and took the six people including VDF personnel. But the timely intervention of the local MLA led in the release of the six persons after a severe beating. Such intrusion and and kidnapping is the result of inaction on the part of the Manipur Government. If the state government had acted firmly on these border disputes Nagaland Police or for the matter villagers of Nagaland would not have had the audacity to act like hooligans. The Manipur villagers are not amused with the way the state government is dealing with the situation. Yes, the state Chief Secretary talked to his Nagaland counterpart on the incident and was able to secure the release of the six people. But, reactive action is not enough. Manipur government has to play a pro-active role towards the solution of the various disputes to soothe hurt feelings of the Manipur villagers. What has the state government done with regard to the border dispute at Dzuko valley? Nagaland has been claiming the valley as their territory and it has even made it a tourist spot with good roads reaching right upto the valley, while Manipur has done little to improve connectivity in the areas. Concerned environmentalists had to travel to the valley via Nagaland. It is a shame. Same is the case with the Tungjoy village. Years back, Nagaland Police along with the villagers in Nagaland’s Phek district forcibly pushed out the residents of Tungjoy. A police station was constructed at Khezokhonoma in Nagaland bordering Manipur near Tungjoy. The villagers of the Tungjoy had said that while constructing the approach road the Nagaland police had encroached upon Manipur’s land. The dispute at Tungjoy is about hundred-year-old. Everyone including the state government seems to have forgotten about the dispute regarding Mao hospital. Nagaland had claimed the land on which the hospital is located. These disputes need the serious attention of the state government. The then Nipamacha led government was very firm in dealing with border disputes, but he did not take a pro-active role towards bringing a solution. Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh was very firm when he dealt with the issue of territorial integrity. But, somehow he chose not to deal with the long-standing border disputes with Nagaland as if it is a separate issue. The issue of territorial integrity and border dispute is interlinked and it should be dealt with in a holistic manner.
Nagaland's business community complains of militant outfits extorting money ANI
Kohima , Kohima, Apr 20 (ANI): The young business community of Nagaland, which has recently started their business in the state, has complained of Naga militant outfits extorting money from them.
Asi Kera, a young entrepreneur, who runs a restaurant, said they are facing difficulties as many faction groups come up to the business community and extort money from them in the name of taxes.
"There are a lot of factions coming up and the business community here in Nagaland is facing a lot of problems. They are having a hard time paying these taxes and lot of extortion is there. We are facing a difficult time," said Kera.
Another ambitious entrepreneur, Aienla, who started her boutique two years ago, said she is forced to give a part of her earnings from the business to these factions.
"We work very hard and all of sudden they just come in and ask to give this much amount in the name of some tax," said Aienla.
Entrepreneurs like them have been severely affected by the militant led extortion in the state.ime and again the business community in the region has urged the militant groups to stop such activities as it is a major deterrent in the overall development of the state.
But it seems that such requests have fallen into deaf ears as the militants groups refuse to mend their ways and continue to carry out their illegal extortion to fund their campaign in Nagaland.
Such activities have had a negative impact on the youth who are keen on want to creating an identity for themselves and the state. (ANI)
SIPRI Fact Sheet March 2012 on arms procuring of India
The volume of international transfers of major conventional weapons was 24 per cent higher in the period 2007–11 than in 2002–2006 (see figure 1). In 2011, the United States and India maintained their positions as the world’s top exporter and importer of arms, respectively. The most significant order placed in 2011, and the largest arms deal for at least two decades, was Saudi Arabia’s order for 84 new and 70 rebuilt F-15SG combat aircraft. Volumes of transfers continued to fluctuate by region, with significant rises in East Africa, North Africa, South East Asia and the South Caucasus. From 19 March 2012 the SIPRI Arms Transfers Database includes newly released information on arms transfers during 2011 (see box 1). This Fact Sheet describes the trends in international arms transfers that are revealed by the new data. It lists the main exporters and importers for the period 2007–11 and describes the regional trends among recipient states. Since the volume of deliveries of arms can fluctuate significantly from one year to the next, SIPRI presents data for five-year periods to give a more stable measure of trends in international transfers of major conventional weapons. Figure 1. The trend in international transfers of major conventional weapons, 2002–11 Note: The bar graph shows annual totals and the line graph shows the 5-year moving average (each data point in the line graph represents an average for the preceding 5-year period). The SIPRI trend-indicator value (TIV) is a measure of the volume of inter- national transfers of major conventional weapons. The method used to calculate the SIPRI TIV is described on the SIPRI Arms Transfers Programme website at www.sipri.org/research/armaments/transfers/measuring>. Volume of arms transfers (billions of trend-indicator values) 05 10 15 20 25 30 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2 sipri fact sheet THE TOP 5 SUPPLIERS, 2007–11 The five biggest suppliers of major conventional weapons in the period 2007– 11 were the United States, Russia, Germany, France and the United Kingdom (see table 1). The USA and Russia remained by far the largest exporters, accounting for 30 per cent and 24 per cent of all exports, respectively. The top 5 suppliers accounted for 75 per cent of exports of major conventional weapons in the period 2007–11, compared with 78 per cent for the same five suppliers in the period 2002–2006. The United States The volume of the USA’s arms exports increased by 24 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Asia and Oceania was the largest recipient region of US weapons (accounting for 45 per cent of exports), followed by the Middle East (27 per cent) and Europe (18 per cent). Aircraft made up 63 per cent of the volume of US deliveries in 2007–11. During 2011, the USA delivered 64 combat aircraft, including 11 F-15Es to South Korea, 7 F-15SGs to Singapore, 9 F/A-18Es to Australia, 12 F-16Cs to Turkey and 16 F-16Cs to Morocco. The most significant order placed in 2011, and the largest arms deal for at least two decades, was Saudi Arabia’s order for 84 new F-15SG combat aircraft and the rebuilding of 70 existing F-15Es to the same standard. Russia The volume of Russia’s arms exports increased by 12 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Asia and Oceania was the largest recipient region of Russian weapons (accounting for 63 per cent of exports), followed by Africa (17 per cent) and the Middle East (10 per cent). India received 33 per cent of Russian arms exports, while Russia provided 80 per cent of India’s arms imports. Viet Nam was the fifth largest recipient of Russian exports during this period, accounting for 4 per cent of their total volume. Russian deliveries to Box 1. The SIPRI Arms Transfers Database The SIPRI Arms Transfers Database contains information on all international transfers of major conventional weapons (includ- ing sales, gifts and production licences) to states, international organizations and armed non-state groups from 1950 to the most recent full calendar year. It can be used to generate detailed written reports and statistical data on these transfers, including the suppliers and recipients, the type and number of weapon systems ordered and delivered, the years of deliveries, and the financial value of the deal. The database can be used to track changes in the trends in the volume of transfers of major conventional weapons and to answer such questions as: • Who are the main suppliers and recipients of major conventional weapons? • How have the relationships between different suppliers and recipients changed over time? • Where do countries in conflict obtain their weapons? • How do states implement their export control regulations? • Where are potentially destabilizing build-ups of weapons occurring today? The database is available online at . trends in international arms transfers, 2011 3 Viet Nam during 2011 included two Gepard class frigates, anti-ship missiles and eight Su 30MK2 combat aircraft. Russia is due to deliver more Gepard frigates, anti-ship missiles and Su-30MK2 combat aircraft, as well as six Project-636 submarines to Viet Nam in the coming years. Germany The volume of Germany’s arms exports increased by 37 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Europe was the largest recipient region of German weapons (accounting for 41 per cent of exports), followed by Asia and Oceania (27 per cent) and the Americas (12 per cent). Greece was the largest recipient of German exports in 2007–11, accounting for 13 per cent of the volume of German exports of major weapons. During 2011 Germany agreed to sub sidize the sale of a sixth Dolphin submarine to Israel and approved large deals for the export to Algeria of armoured vehicles, ships, electronics and other equipment. The first order for the TPz-1 armoured personnel carrier (APC) was signed in 2011, for 54 units. The German Government also approved in principle a sale of up to 200 Leopard-2A7+ tanks to Saudi Arabia, although a contract for the tanks had not been signed by the end of 2011. The proposed sale of tanks and other weapons to Saudi Arabia led to strong opposition in Germany. France The volume of France’s arms exports increased by 12 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. However, France fell from being the third largest exporter to fourth place. Asia and Oceania was the largest recipient region of French arms exports (accounting for 51 per cent of exports), followed by Europe (22 per cent) and the Middle East (12 per cent). During 2011 France received two setbacks in its search for the first exports of the Rafale combat aircraft when the United Arab Emirates (UAE) invited bids from other suppliers and Switzerland opted for the JAS-39 from Sweden. However, in January 2012 India announced the Rafale as the preferred ten- derer for its Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MRCA) programme. The United Kingdom The volume of the UK’s arms exports rose by 2 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. The Middle East was the largest recipient region of British arms Table 1. The five largest suppliers of major conventional weapons and their major recipients, 2007–11 Supplier Share of international arms exports (%) Main recipients (share of supplier’s total exports) 1st 2nd 3rd United States 30 South Korea (13%) Australia (10%) United Arab Emirates (7%) Russia 24 India (33%) China (16%) Algeria (14%) Germany 9 Greece (13%) South Korea (10%) South Africa (8%) France 8 Singapore (20%) Greece (10%) Morocco (8%) United Kingdom 4 Saudi Arabia (28%) United States (21%) India (15%)4 sipri fact sheet exports (accounting for 30 per cent of exports), followed by the Americas (28 per cent), and Asia and Oceania (25 per cent). The UK secured few major export orders in 2011. Along with other Euro- pean Union (EU) member states, the UK came under strong criticism for its arms transfers to states affected the Arab Spring. While the UK suspended some arms export licences and announced changes to its export control mechanisms, it was also keen to ensure that larger contracts with states in the Middle East—including major arms deals with Saudi Arabia—were unaffected. THE RECIPIENTS, 2007–11 The five largest importers of major conventional weapons in the period 2007–11 were all in Asia and Oceania: India, South Korea, Pakistan, China and Singapore (see table 2). Together, the top 5 recipients accounted for 30 per cent of imports of major conventional weapons in 2007–11, compared with 39 per cent in 2002–2006, when the top 5 recipients were China, India, the UAE, Greece and South Korea. India, the largest recipient, accounted for 10 per cent of global arms imports. China, which was the largest recipient in 2002–2006, fell to fourth place in 2007–11 (see box 2). The regional breakdown of arms deliveries has remained relatively stable over the past decade. As in 2002–2006, the main recipient region in the period 2007–11 was Asia and Oceania (see figure 2). Africa The volume of deliveries of major conventional weapons to states in Africa increased by 110 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Deliveries to sub-Saharan Africa increased by 20 per cent, but deliveries to North Africa increased by 273 per cent, and the share of African imports going to North African states rose from 33 per cent to 59 per cent. Algeria, South Africa and Morocco were by far the largest arms importers in Africa in 2007–11, accounting for, respectively, 43 per cent, 17 per cent and 16 per cent of the region’s imports. Morocco and Algeria Morocco’s imports of major weapons increased by 443 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11 due to a steep increase in deliveries in 2011. Nota- Table 2. The five largest recipients of major conventional weapons and their major suppliers, 2007–11 Recipient Share of international arms imports (%) Main suppliers (share of recipient’s total imports) 1st 2nd 3rd India 10 Russia (80%) United Kingdom (6%) Israel (4%) South Korea 6 United States (74%) Germany (17%) France (7%) Pakistan 5 China (42%) United States (36%) Sweden (5%) China 5 Russia (78%) France (12%) Switzerland (5%) Singapore 4 United States (43%) France (39%) Germany (8%)trends in international arms transfers, 2011 5 ble deliveries in 2007–11 included 16 F-16C combat aircraft from the USA, 27 MF-2000 combat aircraft from France and 1 SIGMA-90 class frigate from the Netherlands. In the same period imports by Morocco’s regional rival Alge- ria included 36 Su-30MK combat aircraft, 185 T-90S tanks, 2 S-300PMU-2 surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems and 2 Project-636E submarines, all supplied by Russia. Both countries have significant outstanding orders for more weapons. Kenya and Uganda Imports by Uganda and Kenya increased significantly between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Uganda’s imports increased by over 300 per cent, mainly due to the delivery of 4 Su-30MK combat aircraft and associated guided weapons from Russia in 2011. Kenya did not import major weapons in 2002–2006 but in 2007–11 it received 15 second-hand F-5E combat aircraft from Jordan, 32 WZ 551 APCs and 4 Z-9WA helicopters from China, 3 Mi-171 helicopters from Russia and 35 Puma M-26 APC from South Africa. During 2011 Kenya used some of the recently acquired weapons in its campaign in Somalia. South Africa South Africa was the largest importer of arms in sub- Saharan Africa in 2007–11, accounting for 41 per cent of sub-Saharan African imports. Germany made 55 per cent of the deliveries to South Africa, including two frigates and two submarines. Sweden was the second largest supplier, at 30 per cent, delivering 21 JAS-39 combat aircraft, including 6 in 2011. The Americas The volume of deliveries of major conventional weap- ons to states in the Americas increased by 61 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Imports to Central America and the Caribbean decreased by 15 per cent, imports to North America increased by 54 per cent, and imports to South America increased by 77 per cent. The USA was the largest importer of conventional weapons Box 2. China: declining arms imports and growing arms exports Due to significant progress in its arms production capabilities, China has become less dependent on arms imports and at the same time has increased the volume of its arms exports. Between 2002–2006 and 2007–11, China fell from being the largest to the fourth largest recipient of major conventional weapons, while the volume of its exports increased by 95 per cent, making it the sixth largest supplier, narrowly trailing the UK. Most of China’s exports went to other states in Asia and Oceania (73 per cent of the volume of exports), followed by the Middle East (12 per cent), Africa (9 per cent) and South America (6 per cent). The increase in the volume of China’s exports is largely a result of Pakistan importing more arms. Pakistan has a long-term military relationship with China and during 2007–11 it received 64 per cent of the volume of Chinese exports. This included 50 JF-17 combat aircraft, 3 F-22P (Zulfiquar) frigates and 203 MBT-2000 tanks. China has not achieved a major breakthrough in any other significant market. Moreover, despite significant progress in its arms industry, China continues to rely on the import of engines from Russia for its combat aircraft and of other key components and designs from Russia, France, Switzerland, the UK, Ukraine and Germany. Africa, 9% The Americas, 11% Middle East, 17% Europe, 19% Asia and Oceania, 44% Figure 2. The recipients of major conventional arms, by region, 2007–11 6 sipri fact sheet in the region and the eighth largest in the world. Chile and Venezuela jointly accounted for 61 per cent of South American imports. The United States Of the 10 largest arms importers, the USA has the most diverse supply base. During 2007–11 the USA imported arms from 15 different countries, none of which accounted for more than 23 per cent of US imports. In recent years, the USA has imported a range of weapon systems that have been used in military operations in Afghanistan or Iraq, including Piranha-3 APCs from Canada, RG 31 APCs from South Africa and M 777 155-mm towed guns from the UK. The vast majority of arms transferred to the USA are produced in the USA under licensed production agreements Venezuela Venezuela’s arms imports increased by 555 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11 and it rose from being the 46th largest importer to the 15th largest. In 2011 Venezuela took delivery of a range of weapon systems from Russia, including T-72M1M tanks and S-125 Pechora-2M SAM systems. Venezuela also reached final agreement with Russia on an additional $4 billion line of credit for future arms purchases. Brazil Brazil has a wide range of arms on order that will result in a dramatic increase in the volume of its imports in the coming years. Significant orders in recent years include licensed production deals with France for 4 Scorpène class submarines, 1 SNBR nuclear-powered submarine and 50 EC-725 helicopters, as well as a licensed production deal with Italy for over 2000 VBTP Guarani APCs. Four of the helicopters had been delivered by the end of 2011, while deliveries of the armoured vehicles and submarines are due to start in 2012 and 2017, respectively. Brazil made no decision on awarding long-discussed deals for combat aircraft and naval systems but did order three VT-90m offshore patrol vessels from the UK. Asia and Oceania The volume of deliveries of major weapons to states in Asia and Oceania increased by 24 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. The region accounted for 44 per cent of all imports in 2007–11, up slightly from 43 per cent in 2002–2006. The main recipient subregion was South Asia (37 per cent of transfers to the region), followed by East Asia (29 per cent), South East Asia (23 per cent), Oceania (8 per cent) and Central Asia (1 per cent). India and Pakistan India’s imports of major weapons increased by 38 per cent between 2002– 2006 and 2007–11. Notable deliveries of combat aircraft during 2007–11 included 120 Su-30MKs and 16 MiG-29Ks from Russia and 20 Jaguar Ss from the UK. While India was the world’s largest importer in 2007–11, with 10 per cent of all imports, its neighbour Pakistan was the third largest, accounting for 5 per cent of imports. Pakistan took delivery of a significant quantity of combat aircraft during this period: 50 JF-17s from China and 30 F-16s from trends in international arms transfers, 2011 7 the USA. Both India and Pakistan have taken and will continue to take deliv- ery of large quantities of tanks. South East Asia Arms deliveries to states in South East Asia increased by 185 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11 to reach their highest level since the end of the Viet Nam War in 1975. Deliveries to both Malaysia and Singapore increased by nearly 300 per cent, while deliveries to Indonesia rose by 144 per cent and deliveries to Viet Nam by 80 per cent. There are strong tensions in the region over maritime borders, mainly in the South China Sea, and ships and other weapons with a maritime role as well as aircraft and other weapons with a dual maritime and over-land role accounted for most of the imports. Australia Australia’s arms imports increased by 48 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. It was the sixth largest importer in 2007–11, accounting for 4 per cent of all transfers. Deliveries included 24 F/A-18E combat aircraft, 6 air- borne early warning aircraft and 5 C-17 transport aircraft from the USA, and 4 A-330 tanker aircraft from France. These weapons, and those on order and planned, reflect Australia’s policy goals of long-range defence and inter- vention. Europe The volume of deliveries of major conventional weapons to states in Europe increased by 13 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Eighty per cent of transfers to European states originated in Western Europe. Greece was the largest importer in the region in 2007–11 and, along with the UK and Norway, was one of only three European states among the 20 largest importers. Greece Greece’s arms imports decreased by 18 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. In 2007–11 it was the 10th largest arms importer, down from being the fourth largest in 2002–2006. Greece placed no new order for major con- ventional weapons in 2011 but it did take delivery of the second of four Super Vita fast attack craft from the UK and related systems from Italy and the Netherlands. Greece also took delivery of the first of 20 NH-90 helicopters from France. It still has outstanding orders for five Type-214 submarines from Germany. Russia Russia, a minor importer of major conventional weapons, finally signed a contract with France in 2011 to jointly produce 4 Mistral amphibious assault landing ships, as well as a deal with Italy to assemble 60 Lynx LMV light armoured vehicles, which could increase to 2500 vehicles. Russia also took delivery of unmanned aerial vehicles from Israel. Azerbaijan and Armenia The volume of Azerbaijan’s imports of major conventional weapons increased by 164 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11, making it the SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. GOVERNING BOARD Göran Lennmarker, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi (Algeria) Jayantha Dhanapala (Sri Lanka) Susan Eisenhower (United States) Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger (Germany) Professor Mary Kaldor (United Kingdom) The Director DIRECTOR Dr Bates Gill (United States) © SIPRI 2012 Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden Telephone: +46 8 655 97 00 Fax: +46 8 655 97 33 Email: sipri@sipri.org Internet: www.sipri.org 38th largest recipient of weapons. Azerbaijan’s arms imports are connected to its ongoing dispute with Armenia over the disputed region of Nagorno- Karabakh. Although Armenia dropped from being the 71st largest recipient to 84th place between 2007–11 and 2002–2006, the Armenian Government has declared that it will procure arms in response to Azerbaijan’s arms acquisitions. Russia is the main supplier of arms to both states: in 2007–11 it provided 55 per cent of Azerbaijan’s arms imports and 96 per cent of Arme- nia’s arms imports. The Middle East Although the volume of deliveries of major conventional weapons to states in the Middle East decreased by 8 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11, there are signs that this trend will soon be reversed. In 2007–11 states in the region received about 195 combat aircraft, while an additional 416 on order remained undelivered at the end of 2011. States affected by the Arab Spring During 2011, the governments of Bahrain, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Syria used imported weapons in the suppression of peaceful demon strations among other alleged violations of human rights and international humani- tarian law. The transfer of arms to states affected by the Arab Spring has provoked public and parliamentary debate in a number of supplier states. However, the impact on states’ arms export policies has been mixed. The United Nations imposed an arms embargo on Libya in February 2011. Egypt, by far the largest arms importer of the five countries, continued to receive and order major arms, in particular from the USA. In 2011 Egypt received 45 M-1A1 tanks from the USA and ordered 125 more. Syria’s imports of major weapons increased by 580 per cent between 2002–2006 and 2007–11. Russia supplied 78 per cent of Syrian imports in 2007–11, followed by Belarus (17 per cent) and Iran (5 per cent). Russia’s arms supplies included an estimated 36 Pantsir-S1 and 2 Buk-M2E SAM systems and 2 Bastion-P coastal defence missile systems. Russia has opposed a pro- posal for a UN arms embargo on Syria and plans further deliveries, including 24 MiG-29M2 combat aircraft and 36 Yak-130 trainer/combat aircraft. Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia ranked as the 11th largest arms importer in 2007–11. The UK was the largest supplier, accounting for 41 per cent of Saudi Arabia’s imports, thanks largely to the delivery of 24 out of 72 Typhoon combat aircraft on order. In 2011 the UK made the first deliveries of Storm Shadow air-launched cruise missiles, which improved Saudi Arabia’s long-range strike capa- bilities. These capabilities will receive a further significant boost from the mid-2010s with the delivery of 154 new and rebuilt F-15SA combat aircraft ordered from the USA in 2011.


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