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03/25/2012: "Joint Press Statement Issued by: Naga Women’s Union (NWU), All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM), Naga peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR)"

Joint Press Statement
Issued by: Naga Women’s Union (NWU), All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM), Naga peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR)

Release Anthony Ningkhan Shimray and all the politcal prisoners unconditionally
The Government of India has initiated peace negotiations and peace talks with many insurgent groups in the northeast and currently has formal ceasefire and suspension of operations with as many as 31 groups in the region but we are very concerned about the outcome of these processes as we have every reason to doubt the sincerity of the Governement of India to resolve the issue of political unrest with the groups they are engaged with.
The continuing fratracidal violence and killings, the splintering of groups and the formation of many new groups not only demonstrates how incapable are these processes but it also clearly shows the lack of political will and the absence of clarity and direction to resolve conflicts in the northeast. We have instead, been witnessing a surge of arrests and detention of key leaders who matter in the success of these process of negotitaion and peace talks. Many leaders have been arrested, jailed and made immobile.
On September 27, 2010, Anthony Ningkhan Shimray, Head of Foreign Affairs, National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) disappeared after he landed at Kathmandu’s Tribhuvan International(Nepal). He was on his way to attend the peace talks between Government of India (GOI) and NSCN. Five days later India admitted to arresting him. Subsequently, he has been languishing in Tihar Central Jail, New Delhi, on charges of procuring arms and waging war against the State (India).
It is important to point out that the Government of India by arresting Anthony Ningkhan Shimray in such a manner not only violated its own laws and the national sovereignty and the law in Nepal with its unlawful abduction/arrest of Anthony on Nepalese soil, but has also violated the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, to which India is a signatory.
The arrest was made despite the fact that Anthony Ningkhan Shimray had actively participated in the peace talks as part of the NSCN’s negotiating team. Government of India cannot deny that he is one of the prominent leaders in the peace talk and jailing him bears testament of their insincerity and their complete disregard for all the effort that has gone in to initiate peace talk with NSCN. His arrest also strongly suggests that there is no honour in the numerous ceasefire agreements that the Governement of India has entered into and peace talks do not hold any value.
If this is the way key leaders in the peace talks are treated how do we expect solutions and results out of the many ceasefire agreements and peace talks.
We condemn his continued detention and demand his immediate and unconditional release.
We also earnestly appeal to all of you who stand for peace to condemn such threats, arrests and arbitrary detention and urge the Government of India to unconditionally release Anthony Ningkhan Shimray and all political prisoners.
All Arunachal Pradesh Students' Union hardens stand against Naga People's Front Times of India
ITANAGAR: The All Arunachal Pradesh Students' Union (Aapsu) called upon the elected representatives of the state to give a befitting reply to the Naga Peoples' Front (NPF), which had clearly spelt out its main agenda of a greater Nagalim in its party constitution.

The NPF, a Nagaland-based party, was launched in Arunachal recently. "The elected representatives of the state should resolve their differences and give a befitting reply to the nefarious designs of the NPF by passing a resolution in the ongoing assembly session," Aapsu president Takam Tatung said in a communique on Friday.
Situation reported tense in Changki area A Staff Reporter | EMN
DIMAPUR, Following the declaration of an ‘Azha’ (order) by the Joint Council Special Committee (JCSC) NSCN-IM against the Changki Ayim Asem party, reports reaching here said the situation is tense in Longnak and Changki areas.
With the ‘order’ coming into effect since March 20, suspected NSCN-IM members have reportedly ordered all passenger vehicles (buses and tata sumos) in Mokokchung not to stop or pick up passengers from Changki junction and Longnak area.
Even the Nagaland State Transport (NST) officials in Mokokchung are reported to have been directed to adhere to the order of the NSCN-IM.
Left with no option, passenger vehicles are presently said to be passing by Changki jurisdiction without stopping to pick passengers.
It was also reported that a petrol pump at Longnak, the only one under Changki jurisdiction, was locked down by unidentified persons on Thursday evening and the employees, mostly non-local, told not to run the business.
Following the report, it is learnt that an IR battalion has been deputed to the area to see that no untoward incident occurs.
Longnak village is a Changki village located some 14 kilometres away from the main Changki village. Sources further informed that non-local farmers working in the fields of Changki villagers in Longnak area have been ordered to leave.
“Many non-local farmers working in our fields have left today because of the order from the NSCN-IM,” one of the farmers said today.
Moreover, even the coal mining operations in the particular area have been ordered closed and the workers asked to leave, reports said.
While the situation remains tense, it is learnt that a closed door meeting of the Changki Ayim Asem was held at Changki village. However, the outcome of the meeting could not be ascertained.
It may be mentioned that almost 90% of the Changki village populace are from the Ayim Asem group.
The NSCN-IM had, on March 13, decided to impose ‘Azha’ upon the Changki Ayim Asem with effect from March 20 onwards on the grounds that it had not responded to their summons to present themselves for a hearing for amicable settlement with the conflicting Changki clan/group Changkiri (Emrem).
Besides Changkiri (Emrem) clan, all the other clans in Changki village are under Changki Ayim Asem.
The NSCN-IM azha had directed that Changki Ayim Asem Senso Mungdang Executive be disbanded, Changki Ayim Asem party be restricted entry into Ao land, Changki Ayim Asem be banned from taking part in Ao society and those engaged in any such activities resign on their own volition by March 25.
It had also stated that any group/clan from Changki Ayim Asem who confesses before the JCSC ‘I am Ao and will obey the azha, the door is open for them’, while also warning that those who disobey the azha will bear ‘consequences’.
Ao Senden president Dr Sangyu when contacted said it has no issue with the Changki village since whatever misunderstanding/issues they had earlier was amicably resolved last year.
On the recent ‘azha’ pronounced by the NSCN-IM, Dr Sangyu said Ao Senden is at present not empowered to deliberate or comment on the issue since the Senden is yet to call for the federal assembly. “The presidential council of the Senden is yet to be constituted and only after the formation of a full fledged forum can we deliberate on any issues arising,” Dr Sangyu informed.
India is too influential to be neutral, says rights body Indrani Bagchi, TNN IST Times of India
NEW DELHI: India joined 40 countries to condemn "sharply escalating" and widespread violations committed by government forces in Syria on Friday, a day after voting against Sri Lanka. India's stand against Sri Lanka and Syria has come in for unqualified praise from human rights organizations.

Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch (HRW), a global human rights body, said India did the right thing and would be on the right side of history. "Sri Lanka has been in denial about war crimes. They are determined to stymie any investigation because culpability goes up very high," Roth told TOI.

Referring to India's vote on Syria both at the UN Security Council and the HRC in Geneva, he said, "India is becoming too influential to hide behind its traditional posture of neutrality. It has to take sides. India has played an important role at UNSC to forge a consensus to build pressure on Assad to stop the killing."

Later, giving a talk at the Aspen Institute, Roth put India's vote in context. "We have seen India taking strong human rights positions in South Africa, in Myanmar, and now Sri Lanka and Syria, as well as Tibetans."

Commending India's role in the UNSC, India's abstentions in the global body are "unhelpful". The importance of India's presence and votes on human rights issues is also in the realm of what he calls the "battle of ideas".

"China represents a model of development that dictators love. China has been very successful economically. But we think there are huge problems with the way China's developing. There is a dark underside to the Chinese miracle. India represents a more accountable way of governance. India is an important model. As a vibrant democracy, India shows that concern for human rights is not a western construct."

On Sri Lanka, Roth dismissed suggestions that the campaign against the Rajapakse government was fuelled by the Tamil diaspora, who supported the LTTE. "That is naive. We have done a study to show that LTTE used extortion on Tamil expatriates to get funds."

But there were deep concerns about the Sri Lankan military, he said. "We are deeply concerned about abuses of Sri Lankan military. In the last stages of the war, the Sri Lankan army indiscriminately shelled the Tigers trapped on a beach. Along with them, 40000 civilians too were killed. Those are war crimes of a substantial nature," he added.
Forum formed to fight against Myanmar Dam




DIMAPUR, MAR 17 (EMN): The Naga Youth Organization-Burma (NYO-B) erstwhile Eastern Naga Youth Organisation (ENYO) today formed a forum called “People’s Forum against Tamanthi Dam-Delhi” at a seminar organized at Nagaland House, New Delhi.
The main objective of the forum is to campaign against the construction of the Tamanthi Dam which is located at Homlin Township in Naga area, Myanmar and highlight the negative impact of the dam
The seminar which is a first of its kind was attended by around 50 participants from various Naga organisations in Delhi including Naga Scholars’ Association (NSA), Eastern Nagaland Students’ Union, Delhi (ENSUD) among others.
Presenting a detailed analysis on the negative impact brought about by the construction of the dam, Ke Jung estimated that the 80 meter high Tamanthi Dam with a reservoir of 1400 sq kms which is the size of Delhi will permanently displace 45, 000 people.
So far, 2400 has been already relocated at gun point. No compensation has been paid to the displaced villagers. It is estimated that with the completion of the dam, 53 Naga villages, 15 villages inhabited by both Naga and Kuki people and 14 Kuki villages will be permanently displaced. This will eventually displace more than 100, 000 people, he further revealed.
An Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) carried out by NGO BANCA in 2006 had also warned that the dam will flood habitats of several globally endangered species.
The Government of India has projected $US 3 billion for the dam with an expected 80% power generation of about 1200 MW to be harnessed by India while 20% will go Monywa Copper Mine, Sagaing Division, Jung stated.
Mention may be made that the first Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for the development of the dam was signed between Burmese regime with India’s National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) I in 2004. A new MoU was signed in 2008 between Burma’s Ministry of Power 1 and NHPC, stating that India’s Department of Hydropower Implementation (DHPI) will form a joint venture with NHPC to develop the Tamanthi Dam.
The construction was supposed to commence in 2007, but was kept in abeyance till 2011.


Soreingam Kashung
19 maart 23:45
"1964 Cease-fire and political negotiation: At the intervention of Bertrand Russell and Rev. Michael Scott [an old friend of Gandhiji] in 1964 India agreed to a cease-fire for peace talks. After several rounds of unproductive talks in 1966, Mr. R. Suissa, a member of the Tatar Hoho (member of Parliament of the Naga Nation), forwarded a proposal to the NCC which he had thoroughly discussed with the Prime Minister of India Mrs. Indira Gandhi. In the succeeding round of talk of Mrs. Gandhi, the Indian Prime Minister, conveyed her willingness to negotiate a Bhutan type status for Nagalim as a separate entity. But NNC rejected the offer and the talks broke off without result in"
- Between David and Goliath ...A Book by Frans Welman
India eyes $5.6bn Burma hydropower deal
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By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 22 April 2010

Map shows four of the major dams in Burma
India’s state-owned National Hydro Power Company Limited (NHPC) will increase its investment in Burma to the tune of an extra $US5.6 billion as Burma aggressively expands its energy sector.
The head of the NHPC, S K Garg, told the Wall Street Journal the company was “inching towards Myanmar [Burma]. We have already sent our team to Myanmar for further survey and investigation for two projects.”
Little is known of the location of the projects, but the Wall Street Journal suggests that they could be two new 510-megawatt and 520-megawatt dams.
The NHPC already has a major presence in the country, primarily at the Tamanthi dam on the Chindwin river in Burma’s northern Sagaing division. The project has a capability of providing 1200 megawatts of electricity, 80 percent of which it is believed will go straight to India.
As of 2007, according to research by the Burma Rivers Network (BRN), over 380 families had been displaced by the Tamanthi dam and none had reportedly received compensation. It is estimated that the dam will eventually displace some 30,000 people in 35 different Kuki ethnic villages.
Sai Sai from BRN said that these people have absolutely no input or “right to participate” in the decision-making process for the dam, a fact that is clearly against the first recommendation of the World Commission on Dams: “Development needs and objectives should be clearly formulated through an open and participatory process, before various project options are identified,” it says.
Added to this, the Chindwin river is the only known habitat of the Burmese Roofed Turtle, a species that will be lost forever by the construction of the dam.
The Wall Street Journal further notes that within India “progress on hydroelectric power capacity addition has been slow due to environmental concerns and issues related to resettlement of people displaced because of the construction of dams”.
This would suggest a strong incentive for India investing in Burma’s hydropower sector, given BRN’s concerns about a lack of accountability in the process.
The Tamanthi dam is being constructed by the NHPC in collaboration with Swiss company Colenco Power Engineering Ltd. According to Garg, quoted in the Indian press, the NHPC is also involved in the 642-megawatt Shwezaye dam.
BRN believes that construction of the Tamanthi dam had been suspended after it began in 2007, suggesting that renewed investment of the sort mentioned by Garg may be needed to finish it, although at present details are not available.
It is believed however that consultants had been engaged by NHPC, but their findings had not yet been put to the government in Naypyidaw.
China is without doubt the leading investor in Burma’s hydropower sector, with numerous projects on rivers across the country, many of which have attracted international controversy and condemnation.
The drying of the Mekong river is partly blamed on Chinese dam construction, whilst Kachin organisations and individuals have strongly petitioned against forthcoming dam projects on the Irrawaddy river, including the Myitsone dam.
A Reflection on the Forum for Naga Reconciliation Meeting, Feb, 29th Abraham Lotha Morung express


The assembly of about 50,000 people at the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) Meeting on Feb. 29 at the Agri Expo Centre, Dimapur, is perhaps the largest gathering in Naga political history so far. The dust has settled, the chairs have been folded up, the stage dismantled, and light showers have come and washed away the footprints of the gathering. The Morung Express was very optimistic when it claimed that “the pieces of the jigsaw puzzle are falling into place and we are almost there.” Commentators such as Thepfulhouvi Solo described the gathering as “dark clouds and thunderstorms but little rain.” Other words of appreciation have been said and done. Now is the time for reflection and analysis.
So, did the 50,000 people who attended the FNR meeting come to pray or to be preyed upon?
I was keen to attend the FNR Meeting partly because of the urgency of the moment, but more importantly, to learn what the FNR intended to do there. The purpose of the meeting, from the FNR emails and press releases, was twofold: one, “to report to the Naga people the status of Naga Reconciliation,” and two, an invitation to the Underground leaders “to stand before the Naga people and share their views on Reconciliation and their vision on a shared Naga future.”
I sensed an air of hope and optimism as I sat and waited for the meeting to begin. It seemed like the Oriental Theological Seminary choir was the harbinger of these sentiments, with their rendition of ‘Healing of our Spirit,” and “Long, long night is over, Freedom shall be coming, Praise and sing to the Lord.” Because of the optimistic atmosphere, people did not mind the delay in starting the meeting.
Dr. Anjo’s scripture reading and sermon, Evali Swu’s special song about “God you are in control of everything, We surrender, Lord you reign,” Isak Swu’s “Praise the Lord, Praise the Lord, Praise the Lord,” Muivah’s “Until we do God’s wish, we cannot do anything,” and the hymn Bring Them In led by the OTS choir inviting those who’ve gone astray to harken to the Shepherd’s voice, made one feel like we were at a religious revival meeting.
For the most part, the meeting was quite focused. Messages from the civil society such as Naga Hoho, United Naga Council, Dimapur Naga Council, Naga Mothers Association, and from Naga elders such as Niketu Iralu, Hokishe Yepthomi were all in unison for reconciliation as a forward and upward way.
True to form the FNR Meeting on Feb 29th was a report card. The FNR deserves a distinction when one judges it for its relentless effort and commitment to reconciliation. According to the FNR report, from March 2008 to February 2012, the Forum did the following meetings and events: six important Naga gatherings with a maximum attendance of 49 Naga organizations, 82 meetings with combined Naga political groups, 12 meetings with the Joint Working Groups outside the country, 12 highest level meetings with Naga political leaders, 11 combined tours to different parts of the Naga areas, 11 other special programs and events, 278 meetings with individual Naga political groups, and 5 meetings with Khaplang. Nagas should be grateful to the FNR for such dedication and commitment to the cause of reconciliation. It only proves that Nagas have the will and commitment to pursue unity.
Secondly, even as recently as in 2008 and 2009, underground members were dying like the Dimapur flies, but the activities of the FNR resulted in a decrease in factional killings. We have to be thankful to the FNR for saving the lives of many Nagas youth, underground and overground.
Thirdly, the fact that at least the leaders of three factions shared a stage without fighting is noteworthy. It was encouraging to see the faction leaders praying together. This is a big step in the right direction from Isak’s and Muivah’s earlier stance: “Reconciliation in Christ is possible but politically, [it is] not possible. How can we stoop down so low?”
Fourthly, an attendance of 50,000 strong was a thumping response by the Naga public in support for FNR. For the most part, the Naga public has been appreciative of the FNR’s initiatives and the FNR did right by being accountable to the Naga people. That is the right spirit.
A word of caution for the FNR. It is confusing the people with too many slogans - “Covenant of Reconciliation,” the “Naga Concordant,” the “Journey of Common Hope,”- which are beginning to sound like the names of the trivial factions. Actual reconciliation is more important than slogans. As Mr. Niketu Iralu said, “There is no room for righteousness.” It is only when “our leaders sit down together and discuss the precise terms and conditions to negotiate with the GoI for settlement,” that the Nagas will really unite.
The huge gathering on Feb 29th was also an expression of people’s yearnings and hopes. One cannot afford to miss the heartbeat of such hunger and expectations. The Morung Express believes that for the Naga people, “the coming together of the different Naga political groups in a common platform and sharing their thoughts on the issues of common concern, …has clarified a lot of doubts on the present status of the Indo-Naga peace process and also the stand of the different group on Naga reconciliation.” Many undergrounds believe that a parallel government will be in effect from 2012 and are already talking about sitting on the right and sitting on the left of the powers-that-be. In contrast, the 50,000 people in the meeting came not just to witness the underground leaders on one stage; they, came with expectations for post reconciliation negotiations with the Government of India. In effect, the people were a step ahead of the factions and the FNR. In spite of the monumental efforts by the FNR, the factions splintered during the past two years. The plain truth is that Naga people are unsure of what sort of negotiations are taking place.
In terms of content, Isak Swu’s statement regarding negotiations and settlement “outside the box by walking [an] extra mile” did not go beyond religious platitudes. So also was Singnya’s plea for “Mon milaikina koribi.” Vero was at least humble enough to ask for forgiveness from the people and promised cooperation with the Naga concordant for the formation of one government.
As for Muivah, he made his position on reconciliation pretty clear, when he said, “How could you ask me to reconcile after killing? He [other factions] wants to teach me about reconciliation but he does not want to teach himself.” The only way out for the Nagas, according to Muivah, is to do what God desires; true reconciliation will only be possible if it is done in the name of Christ and not in the name of some human persons or factions. The basic problem with Muivah’s concept of reconciliation is that he sees the IM leadership as the ‘forgiver’ and not ‘one-to-be forgiven.’ This comes across very clear when he makes such statements as “Even God came down to reconcile with sinners on earth sacrificing his only begotten son. If God can do that, we can also do the same.” Muivah’s believes that the solution to the Naga conflict must be unique “based on uniqueness of Naga history.” But in the context of the present impasse in the negotiations considering India’s problem, the option for the Nagas, according to Muivah, is to “Confess our sins to God, then God will open the way.” What Nagas must do, then, is to take a “decision to do what God wants.” The circularity of this reasoning allows no exit from the present impasse.
Khole and Kitovi, on the other hand, called for a rational, realistic and practical approach to the Naga problem. For Khole, “As the Alternative Political Arrangement being the ultimate desire of the Nagas living in the present state of Manipur, there is no reason why the Nagas living in present state of Nagaland, Assam or Arunachal Pradesh should oppose such a concept.” It is not surprising, then, that the ENPO President, Pongom Khiamniungan, sought support for their demand for a separate state of Frontier Nagaland in contradiction to the reconciliatory mood of the day. Khole also reinforced Muivah’s statement that in the present international context, integration of Naga inhabited areas in India and Myanmar or independence of Nagas is not possible. Khole opines that in rethinking strategies based on a rational, practical and realistic approach for future political arrangement, “the greatest asset that we can pass on to future Naga generations cohabiting with neighboring nations and peoples is the emotional, social and cultural integration and inter-dependence among the Nagas.” Accordingly, Khole makes an earnest appeal to the Naga organizations: “We can choose to remain pan-Naga emotionally, culturally, socially and spiritually in our future endeavours.” In effect, it sounds like Khole and Kitovi have totally surrendered to the Indian position. What is the use of continuing the struggle then?
If what people said and did on that day are any indication of the undergrounds’ disposition, there is a lot left to be desired. The demand for reduction of tax by the Naga Hoho and Dimapur Naga Council’s plea for ‘One people, one government, one tax’ went unanswered. Secondly, seemingly minor issues in such a gathering can point to something more serious. Inspite of a repeated request by the MC to limit the speeches to 3 minutes and 7 minutes by the NGOs and underground representatives respectively, Muivah took twice the time allotted and even got up to speak for a second time. I heard a man in front of me comment, “Itu manu ke aru time natibi.” Khitovi also not only went beyond the time limit; he even requested that the time allotted to Khole (who couldn’t speak due to sore throat) be given to him: “Our chairman did not speak so give me his time too.” Such behaviour could indicate that the undergrounds don’t listen to the voice of the people.
There was also a certain sense of self-deception in the many articulations of “sovereignty lies with the people,” as seen, for example, in Wati Aier’s position that “With the recognition of our uniqueness (by India), our sovereignty is recognized.” Incidentally, Isak’s speech about the need for reconciliation and the sovereign will of the people was drowned out by the noise of the helicopter (unconfirmed sources said it was an Indian Army helicopter from Ranga Pahar) that hovered over the gathering twice during Isak’s speech, illustrating a classic case of insensitivity and arrogance and the might of the state. Ideally yes, popular sovereignty should by definition lie with the people, but if that were true in the Nagas’ case, then why are we having reconciliation meetings and still engaged in political negotiations with India?
In spite of The Morung Express editorial’s hope that the FNR Feb 29 meeting was “a vital exercise that will add to the vision and clarity on how the Naga political issue needs to be addressed from hereon,” Naga people are still without a clear vision for the future.
In the final analysis, everyone is focusing on the Meeting’s Resolution but not the Recommendation, which is more important because we are dealing with strategies for the future. The recommendation by the FNR for the formation of an “expert group to consult, provide and ensure all intellectual, spiritual, logistic and technical expertise,” though directed to the next step of the Covenant of Common Hope, needs serious thinking. It is here that the FNR falls short because it is stuck with the idea of the Covenant of Common Journey confined to the undergrounds alone. It is short-sighted because the ‘common’ journey is not only for the underground factions. It is for every Naga. The opinion of many Naga people now is that the task of negotiating with India should also be handled by an Expert Group inclusive of the undergrounds, civil society, Nagaland government, and intellectuals. The undergrounds alone cannot do it. It cannot arrogate to itself the will and vision of the Naga people.
The Morung Express editorial suggested that it is “extremely important for the FNR to remain in control of the process until such a time when it is absolutely sure that Naga reconciliation can move to the next stage of a truly inclusive and common platform of our national groups.” Incidentally, in 2009, a suggestion by the Naga people for the formation of a Common Platform inclusive of the undergrounds, civil society, politicians and intellectuals was rejected by the FNR as well as undergrounds. Perhaps the need of the hour at that time was reconciliation and, may be, the time for a Common Platform was not ripe then. But now that we have reached this stage, it is time to move on and listen to the collective wisdom of the people. The struggle for the Naga nation is about creating a better future for the Nagas whether within or outside the Indian state.
Similar to what is happening in some of the Middle Eastern countries, there is an air of impatience and lots of bent-up feelings especially among the young, educated, and intelligent Nagas who feel that too much talent and opportunities are being wasted. They are worried about their future and the future of the Naga people. Those who are in touch with the Naga social network sites and online forums, can already sense the rumblings in the offing. More and more Nagas, young and old, are beginning to speak up without fear. The undergrounds need to pay heed to the signs of the times. The fact is most Nagas feel strongly that it is past time for the underground factions to reconcile. The people have waited and waited for their leadership and have been given bloodshed, forced taxation, and impasse for too long. It is time for the voice of democracy to reign in the Naga society. It is time for true sovereignty, the will of the people, to prevail.
Naga Mai heeft het document 'Guidelines for amicable settlement of Naga issue' gemaakt
1. The Nagas have demanded her Independence and not this present State of Nagaland. However, when the Nagas proclaimed its rights before the World, the Government of India (GOI) without following any law of the land started to suppress the rights of Nagas by using its paramilitary forces thereby tortured the innocent Nagas, raped the women folk, murdered thousands of innocent lives and burnt down their villages into ashes etc. In such a manner, Nagas have proved to the World by sacrificing its own blood to protect its rights and preserved its own land, etc. Nevertheless, the said political issue between the GOI and Nagas is yet to be finalized and for the said reason the State Government gives recognition to the sacrificed for protecting and preserve the uniqueness of Nagas and its morale rights.
2. The initial stage after formation of Nagaland Statehood since 1963 have also witnessed unstable form of Government for about 15 years (1963-1980) as the Naga National Workers under the banner of NNC/FGN have declined to accept it and thus resulted to killing of many Government servants.
3. Nagaland Government also started to appoints recognized GBs in different Naga tribal villages, which areas were inhabited by in its own ancestors during 1963 to 1980 without any restriction. The Government used to collect the villagers House Tax yearly through the appointed GBs. And based on the House Tax collected and been deposited to the Government yearly by the appointed recognized GBs in different tribal villages in Nagaland, the local authorities listed those villages by the EAC’s, SDO (C), ADC’s and DC’s and submitted it to the Government. And accordingly, from the year 1981 a grant in aid was introduced to those villages under the nomenclature of VDB by the Government.
4. The state Government after compilation of the villages list within Nagaland, the Commissioner Office of the Government of Nagaland have printed out a Register in 1997 with the names of those recognized villages and towns and the same was re-printed in 2002 for future guidance. Therefore, for those tribal set-up villages within their own respective tribal land need not have any Government recognized order nor there is no specific recognition order for those villages in Nagaland.
5. The land of Nagas is purely belongs to the Nagas itself and for which GOI under her Article 371 (A) has guaranteed and preserved the unique of the Nagas, her land and its resources. Also Nagas have 14th recognized tribes and since from the head-hunting period the traditional boundaries of each Naga tribes are very clear from their forefathers time and no one have authority to change or dispute those forefathers boundaries. To speak the truth, with the coming of British in the 19th Century have thus resulted to stop the practice of head-hunting among the Nagas and consequently with the coming of American missionaries in Naga Country during the 20th Century have gave birth to the doctrine of Christianity in our land. Thereafter, only communications amongst different Naga tribes have started. However for that matter, one Naga tribal members have no right to claim the other Naga tribal land within Nagaland.
6. There is no Government land in Nagaland and for which the State Government in the year 1992 issued a ban order on land allotment in Nagaland. However, some unscrupulous administrators in Dimapur district has issued thousands of Jamabandis and Patta Books by violation of the said standing ban order resulting to encroaching some portion of tribal land of the Angami Nagas. And as such, if any land allotment order or any Jamabadi issued against the rights of the landowners of the Nagas, all such illegal documents should not be maintained as public document.
7. In Nagaland, without the consent of the landowner, no authority have right to occupy the others land or area by sketching/tapping a Map of the area and issue Jamabandi or Patta book in favour of his/her men and claim it to be his/her personal land or area or as a Government land. And as such, in case if such matter arises, the landowner have absolute right to kill or chop the encroachers finger and for which action there is no case according to Naga Customary law.
8. The birth of Nagaland Statehood did not came with a clear demarcation of boundary between Assam and Nagaland but it only came through 9th Points Agreement and 16th Points Agreement between the GOI and Nagas. Hence, the questions to use or implement 1886 Assam Land Regulation Act in Nagaland does not arise at all. In this connection, in case if State Cabinet or State Government gave any approval for using of such Act within our land, it is the fact that they do not have the real knowledge about the sacrification of the Nagas for her traditional lands as because the land of Nagas do not belongs to Assam. The traditional boundary of Nagas is far beyond the present temporary boundary of Nagaland State.
9. When Statehood came into being, the 60 Assembly Constituencies have been divided among the Nagas according to its tribal populations. The lesser were given one seat followed by two and so on and the bigger tribes were given up to 9 or 10 seats. Therefore, though we are living in a democratic Country it is very clear that no one have right to snatch or contest in other tribal constituency except in his/her own tribal shares Assembly Constituency or Towns.
10. The final settlement between the GOI and Nagas is yet to be arrived. Therefore, State Government should not take any hasty decision without consultation or knowledge with the leaders of the Naga National Workers.
11. The Bristishers left India declaring her Independent in 1947 without taking any decision on the Nagas issue, therefore the Nagas conducted here plebiscite in 1951 based on 9th point’s agreement which was submitted before the UNO and also boycotted the first Indian Parliamentary election in her Country in the year 1952. And during 1959 when the UNO is about to declare Naga Independent, GOI on hearing about the said news, offered a Statehood to Nagas under 16th Points Agreement which was signed by some over-ground leaders without the consent of the leaders of NNC. Also talks was started after declaring General Amnesty between the GOI and Naga under ground during 1964 through the effort of the NBCC Peace Mission. And during that point of talk time, the Nagas demanded Rupee 1-/ from the GOI but it offer only 75 paisa which was declined by the Nagas and the same case was still kept for pending.
12. That GOI should stand on its own words of returning the forefathers land of the Nagas.
13. Strengthening the Naga Customary Law and its traditional rights should not be disturbed. 14. For the peaceful living of the Nagas, GOI must implement the covenant between the two parties in whatsoever manner.
15. GOI should not play games with Nagas by saying ‘Yes’ yesterday and ‘No’ today. If that continuous, the UNO may not be happy upon the GOI.
16. That the Nagas have been with Indian patiently for the last 50-60 years awaiting for implementation of the agreements points which were set between the GOI and the Nagas. And if the GOI is seriously willing to live with the Nagas as amicably, the best way is to tender her apology before the Nagas and must paid the total compensations to the victimized Naga villagers that how their Homes and Hearts were burnt down into ashes, raped their women folk, murdered thousands of innocent lives etc. Then only doors will be open for final settlement between the Nagas and GOI. However, if GOI failed to implement its covenant, the Nagas have no alternative way but to file case against the GOI in any legal Court.
By: TL Angami

Tennoson Pheiray
1 maart 14:05
''when the righteous are in authority,
the people rejoice''
Your suffering will not go in vain.

Every Naga should contempt the act of the Indian state.By arresting Ningkhan Shimray, the whole Naga people are being put on trial, it is not just Ningkhan Shimray.

In solidarity.
Cosmo Zimik
3 februari 8:11
The Journey of Naga is like a pregnant woman - "Ready to give birth to a Nation".
But are we ready as a family for the birth of the Nation. Is the house clean? Are we indulging in activities that are not pleasing to our creator God. Let's leave the NPF and congress alone for one day, just one day and look into ourselves. Let's not judge anyone but look into our own heart. What can we bring before the table to change the Nation or to welcome a new Nation?
Repentance, forgiveness, selflessness, sacrifices, humility, and most importantly how little it seems, but what do we have that we can bring?
What are our 2 fishes and 5 loaves that we can bring today? - Mark 6:41
Brothers and sisters, we are all shouting here in Nagalim with the same hearts but different voices - i.e. we need change, and doer rather then talkers, honesty rather then corruptions, serving leaders rather then power abusers, unity in-spite of diversity in the past, and the list will go on.....
We are in the same TEAM, and let's work together to bring different aspect of better change that we had dreamed and envision.
God is good and sky is the limit. Like most family will prepare for a child to be born, let's prepare spiritually, economically and socially and culturally for a Nation to be born by faith. God gave a vision to a foreigner and God told him in his Vision, "Repent and Worship Him (Jesus), and all the diversity and sidetracks will vanished and a Nation will be born in a Day".
You can believe this or thrash this, but one thing for sure is that - 'You Are Not Alone'. Count us in as your brother, who is willing to go extra miles with you to advance God's Kingdom and us Nagas as 'One Nation Under God'.