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02/25/2012: "Naga bodies continue to demand unconditional release of Anthony Written by Imphal Free Press By John K Kaping"



Naga bodies continue to demand unconditional release of Anthony Written by Imphal Free Press By John K Kaping

UKHRUL,: Tangkhul civil societies spearheaded by the by the Tangkhul Women`s League(TSL), Tangkhul Students` Union (TKS), Tangkhul Youth Council (TMNL) and the Naga Peoples` Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) South sector continued to protest demanding the unconditional release of Ningkhan Shimray (Anthony Shingh), head of the foreign affairs of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN I-M) who have successfully participated 7 times at the ongoing Indo-Naga Peace talk.
The civil bodies organized a sit in protest today at the Gandhi Chowk, Ukhrul town starting from noon till 3pm.
During the protest, president TKS, Yangmi Kapai and President TMNL Ningkhan Shangh addressed the public and expressed unhappiness over the arrest of Ningkhan Shimray who has taken active role in the Indo-Naga Peace talk`s table.
The leaders on behalf of the Tangkhul community`s Youth and Students` interest sent out a message to fight till the last and ensure the immediate and unconditional release of the jailed NSCN leader. Chingya Luithui, convenor of the South sector NPMHR asserted that the “abduction or kidnapping” of Ningkhan Shimray one of the chief Indo-Naga peace negotiators during the cease-fire pact violates Human Rights.
“Moreover, the Indian nation is a member signatory of the Prevention of Force disappearance of Human being with the United Nations (UN)”.
Thousands of “free Ningkhan” supporters hold placards that read, “dragonian law is not the solution”, “Son, be strong we are with you we will not rest till your release”, “War or Ceasefire???” “Is NIA above the law?”, “Is Tihar Jail for Peace talk delegate???” et al.
The main banners imprinted with words “Release Immediately Ningkhan Shimray unconditionally” was hung across the circle of the Ukhrul Gandhi Chawk.
The public protest movement function was moderated by the TSL president Silla J. Konghay.
Meanwhile, Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights and Naga Women’s Union in a joint press statement have reaffirmed its support for Anthony Ningkhan Shimray and has further stated that it will continue to protest till he is unconditionally released.
It has further stated, “the `campaign for the unconditional release of anthony‘ once again demand for the unconditional release of Anthony Ningkhan Shimray, head of foreign affairs, National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) who is a key person in the Indo-Naga peace talk”.
“Anthony Ningkhan Shimray had participated in peace talks as part of the negotiating team at least seven times in the past, including meetings in India and it is unacceptable that despite all these he was arrested while on his way to attend another round of peace talk at New Delhi”, the stated decried.
It has further stated, “We have been carrying out various forms of demonstration, protesting his abduction and subsequent imprisonment as we believe that isolating him from the peace process is a pressure tactic of the Government of India to derail the peace talks”.
“We ask the Government of India under such an atmosphere of suspicion and veiled penal threats how can we expect a solution to the Naga issue which would be mutually acceptable, honourable and long lasting?” the statement added.
Pillai sees Khaplang leaning towards ‘new’ Myanmar
DIPANKAR ROY
Guwahati, Feb. 15: The process of democratisation kicked in by Myanmar could see at least one militant outfit of the Northeast taken off Delhi’s crowded platter.
Myanmar is said to have one-third of the total Naga populace. They not only participated in the 2010 elections in that country but were also able to send six representatives to the country’s Parliament. One of them was even a minister.
Former Union home secretary G.K. Pillai told The Telegraph here that the NSCN (K), led by the Myanmar-based S.S. Khaplang, was likely to look “eastward” (to Naypyidaw, the Myanmarese capital) rather than to west (Delhi) given the changing socio-political scenario in the neighbouring country.
“After all, they belong there although they have a lot in common with the Nagas of Nagaland or elsewhere,” he said.
“Once they get to have a greater say in their own affairs, there is no reason why they should not feel comfortable there. Besides, redrawing international boundaries is next to impossible,” Pillai, who had been in charge of the Northeast during one of his earlier stints in the home ministry, pointed out.
The NSCN (K) has been asking for a sovereign Nagaland encompassing the present state of Nagaland and “eastern Nagaland”, which refers to western Myanmar inhabited by the Nagas. The area in Myanmar, however, has seen little governance and consequently languished in the morass of underdevelopment.
Pillai feels that eventually the NSCN (K) rank and file in Nagaland would have to appreciate reality and accept any solution thrown up in the ongoing talks between the NSCN (I-M) and the Centre.
There has already been a split within the NSCN (K) with two of its senior leaders, Khole Konyak and Kitovi Zhimomi, from Nagaland deserting the outfit with their followers. “Contacts between Nagas on either side of the border could continue through trade and commerce,” Pillai said, referring to border haats that have already been set up or the ones that may be set up in the future.
On the talks with the NSCN (I-M) that have dragged on for nearly 15 years, the former bureaucrat said a settlement could be expected later this year.
The NSCN (I-M) will hold consultations with other factions and civil society groups from February 22 before sitting for the next round of talks with the Centre.
“Things should start moving quicker once these consultations are held and the NSCN (I-M) leadership gets the people’s views,” Pillai said.
The NSCN (I-M), which had started the negotiations with its demand for sovereignty, has since reportedly climbed down and, according to indications, would be happy to settle for any model that would give the Nagas greater autonomy.
However, the outfit’s demand of marrying the Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam with Nagaland under a single administrative unit remains a sore point. The other three states have made it clear that come what may, they will not give their land for Nagalim or Greater Nagaland as demanded by the NSCN (I-M). According to reports, an alternative arrangement for the Nagas living in Manipur, who form the largest block outside Nagaland, could be put in place.
Given the history of failed agreements that had kept the “Indo-Naga” conflict going for several decades, Pillai said this time round it would be ensured that the entire Naga society was made party to whatever deal was struck.
“All have to endorse the agreement, from the gaon burhas (village headmen) to civil society groups... none should be able to turn around and say after some years that they were kept in the dark and hence would not accept the agreement,” Pillai said.
Response to GK Pillai’s grand findings of china’s Covert Hands In North East India Kaka D. Iralu
GK Pillai findings highlighted in Nagaland Post, dated Feb.15, 2012, under the caption “China given evidence of its aid to NE insurgents,” gives one the impression that China has finally been cornered with undeniable evidences of aiding her Mongolian cousins in the North East in their struggle for their political freedom. My reply as a Mongolian Naga to this grand accusation is: “SO WHAT.” On top of it, my counter question is: Did you Dravido-Aryans, also not help your Tamilian cousins in Sri lanka in their fight for their political freedom from the Sinhalese?
Mr. Pillai and all Indian leaders must all get this historical fact very clear into their heads that not even one inch of present day so called North East India had ever belonged to any Hindu or Muslim rulers in the bygone eras of India’s Sub- Continent history. If they want to dispute my claim, let them produce just one historical sentence that can proof that any Hindu or Muslim Ruler or Emperor had ever been able to cross the Brahmaputra River to rule any part of North East India from human history’s inception to date. Their claim that North East India is a part of Bharat or Hindustan is just a sheer unhistorical and nonsensical theory bequeathed to them by their former British colonizers who- perhaps in order to assuage their guilt of having ransacked South Asia’s national wealth to built England- left them a parting gift that has instead of blessing them, cursed them for all these 62 years (1947-2012). After all how much money, time and human lives have this battle to keep North East India a part of mainland India cost India?
Yes, our big brother China has been helping us- smaller brothers- for all these years in our struggle of defending our history and independence from the Indian and Burmese invasion of our ancestral lands. On our part we have no apology to make to anybody for this brotherly help provided by an elder brother. I am also sure, our elder brother also has no apology to make to any Dravido- Aryan or Caucasian or Negroid races for helping their younger brothers. We, Mongolians have not - even one moment- ever entertained any stupid notion that a Hindutva’s pantheistic philosophy has any right to claim any other nation as part of their great Hindu Umbrella. We are also not disillusioned by any misconception that only India and Burma are the only two nations on earth to dictate on any other smaller or bigger neighbor nations. We, your smaller neighbor nations have also been inhabiting this great Asian nation with our own distinct political and geographical identities for all these past thousand years of Asian history. As for defending that inalienable political and historical right, we Nagas will seek not only China’s help but even the whole world’s help to once and for all proof to the world that Nagas or Nagaland has never ever been a part of India in human history prior to the treacherous betrayal of the British Imperial power in 1947.
Our independent history of having inhabited our independent country is as old as indigenous Adivasi or Santal history that predated the Aryan invasion of India from 12000 BC onwards. Like the Santals who revolted against the British in 1855, we Nagas too had been defending our country against the British intrusion even as early as 1832- which is long before your Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. No modern Indian historians will ever be able to plough, uproot or erase such thousands of kilometers of Asian history and claim that Nagas are Indians and Nagaland is Hindustan.
Quo Vadis Naga Nationalism?
Abraham Lotha22 februari 13:58
When we look at the present Naga political scenario, we have made a mess for ourselves. The filth, dirt, garbage, pollution and the endemic clogged drains of our towns are symptomatic and emblematic of the Naga society. This in spite of Rio getting India Today Group’s State of States Award 2011 for the Most Improved Small State (Infrastructure) when we don’t have any infrastructure.

The wait for the NSCN (IM) and Government of India (GoI) to resolve the Naga problem is turning out to be like waiting for the second coming of Jesus Christ (Isaac Swu is probably nodding his head and saying, “Amen”).
In the struggle for the Naga nation, the Semas and Tangkhuls use each other. One Naga community in particular thinks that independence means living in and controlling Dimapur area. The Aos, in addition to their insecurity, are going through a leadership vacuum. The Tangkhuls think Nagas are already sovereign and consider the (IM) as the ruling government. In their area any dispute, including religious ones, are taken to the (IM) to seek redress. The Angamis’ hands are tied because of Adino. The Lothas are level headed but are not in a position to provide leadership. The Konyaks and the ENPO continue to be used and abused and cannot get over the victim mentality and discourse. Ironically, the Konyaks’ description of someone who is incapable of becoming a mature person fits the present Naga scenario, “Manu hobole tan” (difficult to become a human being).”
The NSCN (IM) fellows treat Naga sovereignty as if it is their private property; they do not want to share power and position, not realizing that no one or group has a monopoly over the Naga nation. The (IM) leadership has always said, “We will take it to the Naga people and what the people say will be ultimate.” The problem is the (IM) has not taken the proceedings of any negotiations with GoI to the Naga people. The Naga public have not been given their due respect and place nor have their democratic rights been respected. What will the people decide if they don’t know on what point to decide? The so-called consultations have been more like private religious services. How long can people be kept in the dark? Whatever is being negotiated in the dark has to be brought out in the open and debated point by point. The (IM) has not been transparent.
It is also clear that Muivah doesn’t see how he and the (IM) have hurt others in many ways and are not humble enough to acknowledge their mistake. Isaac Swu is lost in rote prayer and Christian fundamentalism.
Adino and her brother Kevilevor continue to be in a state of self-deception in la-la land, undoing whatever their father, Phizo, did.
The NSCN (K) group is used by everybody. It is not surprising that the group has splintered. Neither the NSCN (K), nor NNC, or FGN have better or intelligent alternatives to offer and resolve the conflict.
The different factions are too full of themselves; they suffer from opportunism and one-upmanshipitis. No results delivered, of course. All the underground factions want to control Dimapur, the land of milk and honey, garbage and clogged drains. Meanwhile, extortions go on rampant; they all take money that belongs to the people. The ultimate political objective is either forgotten or used to justify the criminal and parasitic deeds. The Semas have a beautiful expression to describe such people: “Headmaster nathaka school te purishe” (studied in a school that had no Headmaster).”
The Naga Hoho is also another major obstacle. They have no humility to give others a space to grow together. Their insecurity, possessiveness, and opportunism are glaring. For some people, membership in the Hoho leadership is a profession. If there are other capable players, and if the conflict is resolved, what will they do? Life without status, position and power will make Nagas dull and boring.
The ENPO communities just tag behind the Konyak leadership saying, “Amikhan laka leader pura ki koishe itu he ase” (what our leader has said will be it).” If someone disagrees with or criticizes them they react like the touch-me-not plant or take a cry-baby’s stance. No critical thinking or constructive dialogue.
The FNR has reached an impasse. And one by one, incidents of factional fights are beginning to dot the pages of the newspapers again. At least the FNR people are concerned and inviting the public about what to do next.
In short, Nagas have not learned to live an organized life; ours is still a survival of the fittest.
At the moment, what is being negotiated is not sovereignty in the traditional sense of the term. Rather, it sounds like a qualified autonomy. Natural resources will belong to the Nagas (or to IM?); Nagas will use Indian currency; the defence will be jointly by India and Nagas; foreign policy will be looked after by India; etc. What about integration of Naga areas? The GoI is not in a mood to redraw the state boundaries particularly in the Northeast. Sometime back, in a statement about some kind of political package, Pillai clarified that under the present political circumstances in the region, the physical integration of Naga inhabited areas was not possible but “we can explore possibility of integration of Naga people in the areas of culture, social practices, customary laws, etc. through some mechanism.”
What does that mean? The Indian government has no political will to solve the problem either. It is not even a carrot-and stick policy anymore; rather, it appears to be a wait-and-drag-it-out policy. A self-respecting postcolonial country ought to know that the history of a people, however seemingly insignificant, cannot be belittled. The GoI should go beyond “recognizing” Naga history, whatever that means.
Meanwhile, the NSCN (IM) seems to have its back against the wall. The (IM) leaders seem to be under house arrest. Not allowed into Zunheboto? So what kind of negotiations and sovereignty are we talking about? Bandhs are not the solution. They further alienate us and deteriorate the situation. Now is not the time for Muivah and Isaac and other leaders to remain insulated and isolated.
There is no clear vision or directives for the future. Thomas Jefferson has a lesson on nation building relevant for the Nagas: “If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and will never be.”
Nagas must know that it is in their best interest to work out an honourable solution with GoI. There is no panacea to resolving this conflict. The problem is very complex and no one has all the answers. Now is the time for Nagas to come into one morung and put our heads together. We need broader consultation not more fasting and platitudes.
So what alternatives do we have?
There is a genuine desire of all Nagas for peace and acceptable settlement of the Naga political issue. And it is clear that any political settlement with India that may be reached will require the approval and endorsement of the Naga public. The Naga political issue is not the monopoly of the undergrounds. They have been given enough time and chances. Today’s ground realities necessitate that the Naga national workers, the Naga public and the Nagaland Government need to work together.
Nagas need one inclusive, common body, something like an All-Naga Convention that is independent and representative of all sections of the Naga society including the tribal hohos, civil society, intellectuals, Nagaland government, and the undergrounds. There are many well-intentioned Nagas who work for the common welfare of the people. Nagas need to recognize, accept and tap such goodwill and resources for the sake of the common good.
This Convention should frame a vision and chart directives for the future. Among others, this forum should undertake and reinforce the political education of the Nagas for nation building and consolidating our history. This forum should help evolve a Naga consensus opinion for a negotiated political settlement. This should include deliberations on the political status of the Nagas including concepts such as autonomy and sovereignty. Additionally, because proper negotiations with our neighbours are essential for any political solution, this forum can also initiate dialogue with our neighbours – Meiteis and Assamese - and the wider Indian society. In the current political climate, public relations and advocacy work can be best done by the public and not the undergrounds. And finally, this All-Naga Convention, representing all the Nagas, should take charge of the political negotiations with India as a united front.
Collaborative effort will generate political mechanism and strength. How long can the Naga people’s aspirations be imprisoned because of some groups’ vested interests? Every Naga’s life is at stake. Nagas need to unite and act fast. Time is of the essence here.

There is no Backward Tribe in Nagaland State: A.Z. Jami morungexpress
In the erstwhile British Naga Hills District, the Angami, Aos, Lothas (Kyong) and the Sumis (Sema) figured prominently in the records. But after the formation of a separate State of Nagaland, every tribe whether big or small participated in the administration of the state directly or indirectly. Since the inception of the statehood almost every tribe had been represented by their men in the Legislature or the Executive in one way or the other. Therefore, logically and candidly speaking comparatively there are no backward tribes in Nagaland. If there is really any backward tribe in Nagaland, It is the Lothas (Kyongs) or Wokha District. Having some educated people and few Government Officers do not qualify a community as an advanced tribe. It is the economic strength that matters. The Lothas or Wokha District are economically crippled beyond doubt, the factors are not far to seek.
To be polite, the successive Government of Nagaland neglected the Lothas in one way or the other, the reasons be known to those who were in authority, theoretically there is a collective responsibility of Government of a state. But practically the real authority of the Government rests with the Chief Minister and the other Secretaries. Some of the past Chief Minister deliberately neglected the Lothas and almost all the successive Chief Secretaries treated the Lothas with bias mind. As much, the Lothas could not stand on their knees economically. In the past, some Nagas contested in the certain areas or District. This time, the census of 2011 had been conducted with more structures and the provisional Census of 2011 has been published. I don’t know whether people will say the 2011 Census is deflated or compressed. As per 2012 provisional Census figure, the total population of Mon District (Konyaks) is 250671 and the District sends 9 (Nine), MLAs to the Nagaland State Legislative Assembly, a little less than thirty thousand population for one MLA. Tuensang, Longleng, and Kiphiri together account 323427 population and send 11 (Eleven) MLAs to the state Assembly, that is also a little less than thirty thousand population for one MLA seat. Phek District (Chakhesangs) has 163294 and send 5 (Five) MLAs to the NLA, which is a little more than thirty thousand population for one MLA post. But the Lothas (Kyongs) have 166239 population and send 4 (Four) MLAs to the NLA which is more than fourty thousand population for one MLA. Therefore, how could any tribe or District which comparatively send more MLAs to the NLA be called backward tribe or community??
On the other side of the wall, Kohima District with state capital has 270063 population sending 7 (seven) MLAs (Including Tsemenyu) to the NLA which is less than fourty thousand population for one seat of MLA. Zunheboto District (Sumis) has 141014 population and send 7 (Seven) MLAs to the NLA. The ration here is little more than twenty thousand population to one MLA. Makokchung District has 193171 total population and send 10 (Ten) MLAs to the NLA in the ratio of little less than twenty thousand population to one MLA. Such is the position and so why Lothas can’t say that the “LOTHAS ARE DISCRIMINATED” by other Nagas. And that the Lothas are most backward tribe in Nagaland. I wonder how Christianity and Christian leaders are working in Nagaland and in naga Society.
Again, Chakhesang have the backward tag on their tribe. But Vamuzo Chakhesang had been Chief Minister of Nagaland at one point of time. There are only two MP seats from Nagaland, one to the Rajya Sabha and the other to the Lokh Sabha. The Konyak the so called backward tribe had send two MPs, Chingwang Konyak and Wangnyu Konyak to the Lokh Sabha in different period of time. Sangtam had sent Asangba Sangtam to the Lokh Sabha for two consecutive tenures. This time, Changs have sent CM Chang to the Lokh Sabha. The so called backward tribes are sending more representatives to the NLA. They have many high ranking Officers in the Government. They excel in the field of education, Art, sports and as well as in religious fields than the Lothas. In the recent past and till today, while the so-called advanced tribes like Aos, (Makokchung), Sumis (Zunheboto) and the Lothas (Wokha) are getting Rupees two/three crores a year for so-called development, the so-call backwards are getting several crores more than the other tribes in the form state projects and Central scheme for development. Besides, there are local area development fund for each MPs and MLAs. For example, Wokha District gets local area development fund for four MLAs whereas Mon District gets LADF for Nine MLAs. Now where all these funds are spend. Off course, all this funds or monies do not, in the most cases reached the people at the grass-root. In most cases, the monies are enjoyed only by some people who are sitting comfortably in Kohima and Dimapur. So, Let us try to find out the causes of our problems and grievances instead of beating about the bush.
Lastly, I want to say that Lothas have the longest and remarkable boundary with Assam. And it is to be admitted that in most cases Lotha MLAs are given in-charge / Portfolio of the border affairs. But only the name or the post will not work. This issue needs firm and steadfast support of the state Government and its Missionaries. All the fertile plain areas of the Lothas have been given to the refugees by Assam with the logistic and tacit support of the Assam Government, Assam Arm Police and Indian Para-military forces. Inspite of all such negligence and discrimination from others or the Government, and inspite of all these grievances Lothas have been keeping mum. I don’t know the reason behind it. Perhaps the Lothas are weak or there are no sensitive and community minded persons. Or may be there are no good leaders among the Lothas or the Lothas are not supportive to their leaders.
Lothas (Kyongs) are most unfortunate people among the Nagas, If there is any backward tribe in Nagaland, then it is the Lothas and none other. If the Lothas continue to remain in their deep slumber, I can say though I am not a seer, that Lothas have no future at all.

The truth Hurts.

A.Z. Jami
Senior Naga National Worker
The Naga identity and socio-economic condition
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Lanusongla Lemtur, Aoyimti, Dimapur

A few years back, on orientation day at my college, a Punjabi girl came up to me and asked me where I was from. I told her I was from Nagaland. She seemed delighted at that knowledge and then said, “Oh! How long have you been in India?” Keeping sarcasm in check, I politely explained to her that Nagaland is in India. In fact, Nagaland was the 16th of the now 28 states to be included in to the Republic of India. India received her independence in 1947. Nagaland became part of the Indian Union in 1963 under the Ministry of External Affairs till 1972 when it finally came under the Ministry of Home Affairs. Back then, there was one consolidated group that fought for Naga independence from the Indian Government – the Naga National Council (NNC). In 1975, a group broke away from the NNC who named themselves the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), of which there are now four different factions after further differences arose.
The socio-economic condition of the Naga people is affected directly and indirectly by our complicated relationship with the parent Indian Government and the confused social circumstances within which Naga society finds itself.
The Naga identity was given to us by outsiders. We were never ‘Naga’ before the British (and along with them, the Indian Government) and the Christian missionaries came. We were simply Angami or Ao or Lotha or Sumi or Konyak, etc., i.e., we identified ourselves only by our separate tribal identities. Before the British stronghold on Nagaland and the advent of Christianity (in the 1870s), our social system consisted of trade by barter, agriculture dependence, oral tradition of record-keeping, craftsmanship, animism, head-hunting, etc. Then, what most civilisations and societies build up to for centuries, our society was made to rush up to in mere decades. This caused major gaps in the ideological and social beliefs/values between the generation that was before and the generations that followed. Hence, I believe, that the history of our collective ‘Naga’ identity and the upheaval of our social systems brought upon by the advent of the British and Christianity are the broad causes of the Naga identity crisis. Modernity and development, modern system of formal education, communication technology, organised religion, pop-culture, modern means of transport, manufactured foods, retail industry – it all came flooding in. All of this, while the leaders of the Naga people were (and some still are) trying to negotiate our freedom from the British/Indian Government and, at the same time, benefitting from our affiliation to them in terms of monetary subsidies, development grants, administrative grants-in-aid, etc.

Here is what the Naga society looks like in its current state:

1) We have both constitutional law and customary law at work – double jeopardy.
2) We had the ‘Naga’ identity imposed upon us which no Naga knows how to fully identify with yet, because what is the Naga identity really, when tribalism is put before the collective identity that we are supposed to represent.
3) We are a 90% Christian population. The remaining 10% are all non-Nagas who live in Nagaland. There is an ever raging but unacknowledged (by most) battle between our religious values and our traditional customary values.
4) The NSCN forcefully (as opposed to ‘on free will’) takes taxes from the people, oppresses the citizens by instilling fear of getting kidnapped and/or shot at, fights amongst and within themselves for power and control (or usually something as insignificant as personal disputes), pokes their noses into church matters (singing “Hallelujah!” here while shooting or extorting from someone there), and endangers the lives of the people whose freedom they claim to fight for.
5) Examinations & interviews for Government jobs are rigged. Even before the examination, a number of the vacancies advertised are either:
a) reserved by ministers, politicians, and ‘underground’ members (as we like to lovingly call our “freedom fighters”), or
b) reserved by some rich people with under-achieving children who ultimately won’t even show up for work themselves.
All of the above presents to us a situation of regional and representational imbalance where:
a) under-developed areas or areas that need rejuvenating are neglected by the people in power because they will only bring improvements to their own tribal areas (tribalism at play),
b) the 3 eastern districts receive almost double the funds (an approximation) than the other “advanced” tribes receive, especially in agriculture and road development, and yet insist on remaining “backward”,
c) there is a growing number from an already large number of educated unemployed for lack of sustainable job opportunities and losing available job opportunities to under-hand activities,
d) self-employment suffers at the hands of the taxation and under the harassment of the underground,
e) our political leaders misuse public funds to invest in their own capital which they later promote as “growing industry and enterprise of the Naga people” (private resorts and clubs, farms, hotels, etc.).

I believe that the root of our socio-economic problems lie at the multiplicity and incongruity of our fealties which is a manifestation of our identity crisis. We shuffle our allegiances between the different identities (and ideologies that those identities prescribe) as and when different situations confront us – separate tribal identity, ‘village of origin’ identity, clan identity, collective Naga identity, religious identity, traditional identity, modern identity, Indian identity. Most Nagas are either apathetic to or ignorant (or just plain confused) about the injustices and imbalances prevailing in our society. I believe that this confusion is a result of the chaos that sudden modernity brought to our traditionalism. We are in a transition period, and it is a violent period in the development of any society. Unless we have visionaries, strong voices and workers to help steer ourselves towards the growth and sustenance as a community, we might be in for self-destruction. Our identity as a people is under threat of being lost to ourselves, let alone to outsiders. Who will stand up and speak/act against injustice!



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