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02/07/2012: "Additional security for Manipur re-poll IANS"
Additional security for Manipur re-poll IANS
Imphal: The Election Commission of India will take additional security measures to ensure free and fair balloting in five hill districts of Manipur where re-polling is scheduled for Saturday.
Re-polling in 34 polling booths in the five districts -- Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Senapati, Chandel and Churachandpur -- was ordered after the Jan 28 asssembly polls witnessed violence in these areas, leading to the killing of seven persons.
The Nagaland-based militant outfit NSCN-IM was blamed for the violence. It was alleged by various sections that Naga militants had interfered with the polls to help candidates of the Naga Peoples' Front (NPF), which has put up 12 candidates in the Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur.
"Security arrangements have been intensified in all the 34 polling booths for the polls on Saturday. On Jan 28, we deployed 10 to 20 security personnel in each polling booth. This time, we have been instructed to deploy at least 75 to 100 security personnel in each polling booth," a source in the office of the state Chief Electoral Officer said.
"The polling personnel for the booths in Churachandpur left the state capital on Thursday, while the polling officials for the other four districts started moving today (Friday)," the source added.
Re-polling will be held in nine booths in Ukhrul district, eight booths each in Chandel and Senapati districts, in five booths in Churachandpur and in four booths in Tamenglong.
"We have requisitioned a helicopter at Imphal for movement of the polling persons and EVMs for the repolling and to be used in case of any emergency on Saturday," the sources.
Polling will be held from 7 am to 3 pm IANS
'Govt destroying Nagaland' morungexpress
Dimapur, (MExN): The Nagaland unit of the Bharatya Janata Party (BJP) is unhappy that the Nagaland state government continues to fumble and stumble as socio-economic and political issues continue to rise in the state. The failure of the state government’s mechanisms has brought “such undesirable shame,” the BJP said in a note today.
“Government mechanism failures had brought such undesirable shame…the government that ahs subsequently brought down the good image of all citizens,” the BJP said in reference to current upheavals in the state including issues related to appointment of teachers. The note was appended by Yanbos Murry, general secretary.
The BJP also took strong exception to the issue of teachers’ deployment in the eastern areas on Nagaland. The BJP said the case of the “eastern” areas is genuine and they must be addressed as “Naga society does not have any distinction and no upper or lower tribes in the community, everyone has a liberty to live or inheritance.”
“Our Naga society is extensively being destroyed day by day because of government ‘ape scale’ in the distribution system of funds,” the BJP explained in its words.
The BJP has also demanded that the state government “take seriousness in the peace process and there should not be any blockage in the Naga common cause.” The political dialogue must continue and “should not be hampered,” the BJP said.
The most irritating thing in Kohima and Nagaland today Kaka D. Iralu Morungexpress
There have been, and still are many irritating things in Nagaland. For example, we were oppressed and suppressed by the Indian army and all its heinous laws for all our lives. But as if this was not enough, we splintered from the NNC and FGN and formed three GPRNs, three NNCs and started oppressing and even killing one another. Today every citizen of Nagaland is directly or indirectly paying taxes to all these Naga national factions. Glory halleluiah, what a wonderful independence we have achieved after 62 years of sacrifices and sufferings. Praise the Lord indeed- as our national workers always utter every time they celebrate a national day or announce yet another fasting for the nation. Some nationalism and some Christianity indeed!!!
But lest I get a bullet for expressing my genuine feelings too openly, let me come back to the topic. And I hope the electricity will hold on till I finish, for that is the irritant issue that I want to highlight. Now, Nagaland became a state in India in 1963 and I think electricity came to Kohima in 1965. But from the year of its introduction to the present day, in my entire life, I am yet to see a regular presence of this most essential commodity in Nagaland for even a week in one go. As a writer who has to spend most of his waking hours on the computer, the hourly black out of electricity has become a most irritating thing in Kohima. Here I am sure other people of other professions would also agree with me as electricity is an indispensable commodity for every one. As for me, every time I am in the middle of writing or researching through the internet on a very important issue, the lights will go off only to return after an hour. The experience is like somebody grappling my hoe and throwing it away when I am very busy digging my garden. It is like making me to stand in the garden for one hour with no hoe in my hand to continue my work. I tell you, even the Indian army has never oppressed me to this extend!
Now, Nagaland is supposed to have the most special status under the wonderful Constitution of India with Article 371 A as the gem for Nagaland. And one of the articles under this extraordinary gift from India is that as far as the lands of the Nagas is concerned: “No Act of Parliament in respect of…Ownership and transfer of land and its resources, shall apply to the state of Nagaland unless the Legislative Assembly of Nagaland by a resolution so decides.”(Article 371A (a), (iv). Today, the Doyang Hydal Project is producing 75 mega watts of electricity. But out of these 75 mega watts, only 17% is given to Nagaland and the rest is taken away by India. Now, if under Artcle 371 A, “Naga lands” and its resources belong to the Naga people, then why is the Central Government taking away 83% of electricity produced from tiny Nagaland and giving us only 17% ? After all the electricity produced is from the Naga River Doyang flowing inside the lands of the Nagas.
By the way, more irritating is the Indo-Burma Hydal Project that is going to dam the great Chindwin River inside Naga territory. This project will uproot and displace over one lack Nagas along with their livelihood which is through fishing. It will also take away thousands of hectares of their most fertile fields. No proper compensations are going to be paid to them for dismantling their villages. Also so far, no proper alternative site for their resettlement has been provided either by the Burmese Government or the Indian Government. As for the electricity produced, 80% will be taken by the Indian Government as India is building the dam. The rest 20% will go to the Burmese Government. As for the Naga- land and river owners- there is nothing for them, except misery and starting life all over again as displaced people in their own lands. This is what it means to be under somebody else’s Constitution and be somebody else’s subjects.
In conclusion, allow me to end with a question to our Power Minister and the Government of Nagaland. Why is the Nagaland Government so powerless to ask for more power from the Indian Government when we have such a special provision as Article 371 A?
Establishing durable peace in the North-East
pioneer
The co-relation between the ballot and the bullet in these States can be a serious threat to democracy in the region, says CP Bhambhri
India cannot move an inch forward in pursuit of its ‘Look East’ policy without resolving the multi-dimensional violent conflict s which exist in the seven sister States in the North-East. Only if Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Arunchachal Pradesh and Tripura are at peace with one another and also within their own existing boundaries will New Delhi’s foreign strategy work.
If the armed Naga insurgents’ 65-year old struggle is not resolved, it can create a lot of difficulties that will stunt the development of India’s relationship with Burma — the first step towards the realisation of the new policy. In this context, the recent Assembly election in Manipur deserves to be closely analysed so as to understand the co-relation between the politics of the ballot and the bullet in the North East.
The electoral battle in Manipur has brought into sharp focus all the features of electoral contests found in every State of India. Indeed, if democratic politics in Manipur is studied superficially and if electoral events are taken at face value, there will not be any visible difference between Manipur and the major States. Like the rest of India, Manipur has a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural population consisting of Meiteis, Muslims, Nagas and Kukis.
Manipur graduated from a Union Territory to a full-fledged State in 1956, and its journey is on the same lines as that of Mizoram, Meghalaya and Nagaland. The Manipur State Assembly has a strength of 60 members and 279 candidates are fighting for these seats. If in the 2007 Assembly election, 19 parties and 308 candidates were involved, in 2012, 17 parties and 279 candidates are in contest.
National parties like the Congress, the BJP, the CPI and CPI(M) are in the electoral battle while regional political formations like the Nationalist Congress party, the Trinamool Congress and the Naga People’s Front sponsored by NSCN-IM is also contesting from Naga inhabited areas of Manipur. Manipur like all other States witnessed a multi-party contest and the Election Commission announced that 80 per cent of the voters participated in the elections held on January 28.
It deserves to be stated that Manipur’s voter turnout during the elections has been remarkably extremely high. Even during the 2007 Assembly election the voter turnout was 80 per cent and for the Lok Sabha election of 2009, it was 67 per cent. It can be concluded that democracy has taken deep roots in the soil of Manipur. It can also be surmised, on the basis of a superficial understanding of the above mentioned facts, that Manipur should be a peaceful democratic State where people want to settle their problems on the basis of competitive electoral democratic contests based on the sanctity of the ballot paper.
However, the reality is not so simple and straightforward. Electoral politics in Manipur co-exists with the politics of the bullet. Separatist and other insurgent groups engage in violence. the Army and other paramilitary forces are permanently engaged in anti-insurgency warfare and democratically elected Governments depend on the Armed Forces to maintain law and order in the State.
Manipur is a ‘disturbed’ State and that is the reason that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act of 1958 is in full operation there. Activist Irom Sharmila has been on a hunger strike for the last 11 years, beginning in November 2000, to demand the scrapping of AFSPA.
The separatist movement in Manipur has been on since 1964, and now a new factor to destabilise the State has emerged. The Nagas have launched a movement for the hill areas of Manipur inhabited by Nagas to be merged with Nagaland. Also, the conflicts between the Kukis and the Meities and between Hill and the Valley remain unresolved, with at least one group having an economic blockade of the main areas of the Valley.
On the one hand, the January election to the Manipur Assembly does not seem to be any different than elections in any other State. But, on the other, a complete absence of normalcy prevails because an estimated 39 insurgent groups operate in this violence ridden and completely ethnically fragmented small State.
The politics of the ballot versus the bullet is the norm in the North-East where the authority of the democratically elected Governments are constantly challenged and threatened by insurgent groups in the region.
If democracy and a multi-party system has come to stay in all the seven States of the North-East, the other reality of organised violence has also become a permanent factor.
This is the complex and contradictory reality of the North-East.
NNC observes 67th formation day Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR, The 67th NNC Formation Day was observed on February 2 at Kohima. The programme was chaired by Eno B. Pashen, vice president, NNC and recorded by Acüyi Vadeo, joint secretary, NNC.
Highlights of the programme included singing if national anthem by the congregation followed by reading of scripture from Ephesians 4:1-6, and prayer for the success of the meeting by Chaplain Thihü Khamo.
I. Temjenba Lkr. Kedallo, FGN greeted and encouraged national workers as well as all nation lovers present in the meeting.
He mentioned that after World War-I Nagas formed Naga Club and submitted a memorandum to Simon Commission to stay free when the British left Naga homeland.
He highlighted that Naga National Council (NNC) was formed in the year 1946 on February 2 and formally declared Naga Independence Day on August 14, 1947. “It also is an eye opening day for Nagas to remember the miraculous works that A.Z. Phizo, father of the Naga Nation has done in bringing all Nagas into one umbrella under NNC,” he added.
A press release issued by NNC joint secretary Acüyi Vadeo stated that to strengthen and to bring into confirmation of August 14, 1947 Naga Independence day A.Z. Phizo in his letter invited Delhi to send a delegation to witness the Naga Voluntary Plebiscite to remain a sovereign nation was peacefully and successfully held on May 16, 1951. “On this day Naga National Council (NNC) became the mandated political institution for the Nagas,” stated Acüyi.
One of the senior leaders L. Kaiso, Secretary, NNC stressed that the time had come for the Nagas to understand the significance of UN acknowledgement letter to A.Z. Phizo on October 13, 1965 to NNC President, A. Z Phizo’s memorandum to UN.
“NNC will continue to work for the welfare of free Naga people and Nagaland. It is high time to educate our people to know the truth. Let us be more truthful and honest to our commitment to take up the unfinished task,” he added.
Lhouvitsü, speaker Tatar Hoho, FGN in his brief speech said many of the people often asked when Nagas would get Independence. He reiterated “we are not demanding anything from India, we have our Independence, and our rights surpassing India. We want India to withdraw its occupational forces from Nagaland.”
Election or Solution: Dilemma of the Manipuri Nagas Yenning *
Nephiu Rio campaigning for NPF candidates in Manipur's Hill districts
The Double Standard
Calling it as an act of imposition by the Indian State, NSCN (IM) boycotted the 12th Lok Sabha Election in Manipur in 1997. On February 10, 1998, the outfit expressed appreciation and gratitude to its frontal organizations consisting of the Naga Hoho, United Naga Council (UNC), Naga People's Movement for Human Rights, Naga Students' Federation, Naga Mother Associations, Naga Village Chiefs' Federation, Concerned Citizens Forum, Naga GB Federations and Church leaders, etc. for endorsing their wish and in asserting the national rights of the Naga people by keeping away from the elections. Subsequently, as a follow up to their line of thinking (i.e. calling the Indian elections as impositions), the 7th Manipur Assembly Election in 2000 and the 13th Lok Sabha Election in 2002 held in the state of Manipur were also boycotted. However, the clarion call given by NSCN-IM in terms of boycotting the elections in the name of Naga interests and national rights of the Nagas went to deaf ears to many "other" Nagas, as many Nagas jumped into the election fray, and in fact rightfully became representatives of the Nagas in the Manipur State Assembly. This is particularly true especially in the case of the Tangkhuls, the kindred tribe of Thuingaleng Muivah, who had been actively engaged in the electoral politics of Manipur.
Although NSCM (IM) had given the call to boycott the "imposed" elections by the Indian State in the state of Manipur, it started taking a keen interest beginning with the 8th Manipur Assembly elections. For the first time, the outfit dictated the terms of elections by giving decrees related to the choice of candidates, pattern of voting and others pertaining to the Nagas. A heightened and reckless interference was observed during the 14th Lok Sabha election. Once the "choice" candidates won the elections, the outfit used them (MPs, MLAs) to pursue their goal of Greater Nagaland. Today, one has witnessed the climax of direct interference by NSCN (IM), which even the Home Minister has acknowledged, resulting in re-poll of the 10th Manipur State Assembly elections in many of the Naga dominated areas (polling stations), such as Chandel, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Senapati districts of Manipur. In addition to unleashing UNC like a wild buffalo to win support for the Naga People's Front, the outfit used violent means to terrorize and win support. Three poll personnel, one CRPF personnel and two civilians were killed by NSCN (IM) cadres. News of abduction and torture by the outfit continue to pour in. A note of double standard on the part of NSCN (IM) is easily discernable as far as the issue of election is concerned in Manipur; on one hand, the outfit proclaims the elections as impositions by the Indian State and thus the clarion call to boycott, and on the other hand, it picks their "choice" candidates to serve their own interests. It will not be wrong to state that the politics of boycott undertaken by NSCN (IM) is just a masquerade to fool the Nagas.
Electoral Politics as the Ends in Itself
One pertinent question that needs addressing is, why NSCN (IM), the oldest insurgent outfit in the Northeast region, is jumping into the election fray even in an indirect manner? The answer lies in the nature of the peace process between NSCN (IM) and Indian State. Although details of peace process is a tightly guarded secret but tell-tale signs of the peace process leading nowhere is visible. Neither the issue of Greater Nagaland nor sovereignty finds any significant place in the whole scope of the peace process. Instead, a muddled concept like Suprastate is suggested to solve the vexed Naga problem. That the Naga movement under the leadership of NSCN (IM) has reached a dead end was honestly aired by SC Jamir (Seven Sisters' Post) and clearly exemplified in the manner in which the entourage of Th. Muivah and Isaac Swu was stopped by the Assam Rifles at Bade village on January 15, 2012 on their way to Zunheboto. The incident struck a stark similarity with the Mao incident in Manipur where Muivah was prohibited to visit his native village at Ukhrul, except it did not create a political fiasco other than old Muivah rendering a hurt press release!
The manner in which NSCN (IM) is slowly co-opted by the Indian State within its fold is not a new one. Scholars such as Gunnar Myrdal and Selig Harringson stand to bite dust, the former for calling India as a "soft state" in terms of its inability to bring about a decent growth rate other than the "Hindu growth rate" and the latter for predicting that democracy stands to fail in India and after that, after two decades or so from independence a military or dictatorship will rule over India. India has proved to be strong state. Take for instance, it can not only deploy its defence personnel wherever it likes but can also control it; plus have a glimpse at its defence spending. Using the same and grandly equipped with the electoral device, centrifugal forces such as the Akali Dal of Punjab, Dravida Kazakam of Tamil Nadu, Mizo National Front, Gorkha National Liberation Front and others were not only co-opted but also drawn into electoral parties. Parties in Jharkhand and Telegana, who earlier voiced separation from India are new victims of co-optation. For each co-opted organizations including NSCN (IM), the obvious alternative is making elections as ends in themselves to exploit own interests.
It is an undeniable fact that in such a situation the Manipuri Nagas (active NSCN-IM cadres and well-wishers) are in a dilemma. To make the situation more complex, they do not want themselves to be called as Nagas of Manipur. However, the contradiction is, the Nagas of Nagaland address them as Manipuris and never welcomed them as pure Nagas. Coming out of such a dilemma in an honourable way (voluntary or forced exit from Nagaland) demands creating a political space for themselves in Manipur, especially so for the new political class of leaders (NSCN-IM). The first task then is ending the political career of Naga leaders who have been engaged in the electoral politics of the state "traditionally". Here we use the word "traditionally" to denote engagement with the Manipur politics before the inception of Naga People's Front, and those Nagas who are not related with this party in any manner. So, through the vehicle of NPF and fully backed by NSCN (IM), they are engaged in the politics of Manipur to create a space for themselves in two ways as stated above; end the political career of traditional Naga politicians as well as fill up the political space as reservoirs. As SC Jamir has observed, on account of lack of honesty on the part of NSCN-IM leadership, the issue of greater Nagaland is used to exploit the sentiment of the Nagas of Manipur as well as to conceal their true colour. That joining electoral politics is a compulsion is left for people to guess without revealing the real situation for fear of reprisal.
Thus, as a first initiative to create a political space for them, the 9th State Assembly Election was an opportunistic moment for these Nagas of Manipur. UNC, a mouth piece of NSCN (IM), nominated candidates in all the Naga inhabited districts of Manipur with the sole aim of Naga Unification. A resolution was taken on August 3, 2006 wherein all prospective Naga candidates promised not to be associated with any national political parties. 60 candidates signed the declaration. A common platform known as as United Naga Democratic Front was formed to contest in the election and 11 candidates was nominated. In order to facilitate their candidates, the UNC served an ultimatum on January 24, 2007 to withdraw the candidature of those who had not been nominated by the UNC. But, the declaration of UNC turn out to be insignificant as out of 11 Naga candidates nominated, only six managed to win. Similarly, in the Lok Sabha Election of 2009 the UNC sponsored candidate was defeated. This clearly indicates that the UNC playing the emotional card to create a space is no longer valid.
As a second initiative, UNC came up with the idea of "Alternative Arrangement" which was resolved in the Naga People's Declaration held at Senapati on July 1, 2010. In the same declaration, a decision was taken to "severe ties with the Government of Manipur". The Declaration further explained that the "Alternative Arrangement" was sought to fill the vacuum/gap created in recent times, without substantiating what exactly was the vacuum/gap. The Declaration was observed as a "Naga People's Mandate" but the Nagas of Manipur have now realised that the UNC do not carry the voice of the Naga people as they have failed on two occasions (see Yenning, "Alternative Arrangement and Nagas of Manipur", The Sangai Express, December 12, 2011).
The latest attempt in the election fray by NSCN-IM and its frontal organizations is the 10th Manipur State Assembly elections. Realising their position, they lessened the activities on "Alternative Arrangement" and involved themselves "full swing" in the elections by supporting NPF. And we are familiar with how the story unfolded or rather ended by having a re-poll today.
Nagaland Pilgrimage Tourism: Promoting Heritage or Misconstruing History?Dr. Walunir Morungexpress
It is interesting to learn that the Government of Nagaland is “contemplating to develop pilgrimage tourism basing on historical importance in Nagaland”. (Media Report). Identification and development of tourism spots on such lines will no doubt boost tourism in the state. The rich cultural heritage of Nagaland in relation to religion can also be perpetuated across the world. To his end the government “has also made request for a religious pilgrimage at Molungyimsen” (Media Report) which is actually underway on paper and ground.
However, the prioritization and identification of villages and spots seems questionable. The Government, under this project, has not named Molungkimong Village where Dr. Clark set foot for the first time in Naga Soil on 18th December, 1872 and thereafter established the first Church on 22nd December, 1872 with the baptism of fifteen converts. (Rev. S. W. Rivenburg, Historical Sketch of the Ao Naga Mission, in ‘The Assam Mission of the American Baptist Missionary Union: Papers and Discussions of the Jubilee Conference held in Nowgong, December 18-29, 1886’, published by the Assam Mission of the American Baptist Missionary Union, Printed by J. W. Thomas, Baptist Mission Press, 1887, Calcutta. p. 81).
The ‘pilgrimage tourism’ project underway also negates the historical importance of the Rongsensü Lenmang also called Chubakatiba Lenmang (Ao-Ahom Trade Route) through which Ao Ancestral traders carried out barter system of trade with the Ahoms till the present day Assam. Through this very path (Sibsagar to Molungkimong) Dr. E. W. Clark came up to the Naga Hills with the Gospel escorted by sixty warriors of Molungkimong and thereafter baptized the fifteen converts on 22nd Dec., 1872. In commemoration of this historic Gospel journey, this route is also named as ‘Gospel Path’.
How did Nagaland Government miss out a village of such historical importance in the ‘Pilgrimage Tourism’ map of Nagaland? The Department of Tourism, far from being ignorant, is either misinformed or misguided of foremost historical importance. Whatever be the reason, it would be unjustified if the Government write off essential segments of Naga history in the name of tourism and development.
The present ‘Pilgrimage Tourism’ may also frustrate present day pilgrims if they realize after their designated pilgrimage that they had trod historically misconstrued path and had missed out spots and places of greater historical and religious importance.
Whatever humans do to reconstruct and stage history, the real history will stay and so will the evidences. For people who know, Molungkimong, nestled in a hilltop at an altitude of about 940 meter above sea level, was formed around 1303 and has seen the times of Ahom King who named it as ‘Dekahaimong’. It has also been called ‘Mepetsuyim’ (Misty Village) by many Aos of yore, especially traders who trod the Rongsensü Lenmang (Ao-Ahom Trade Route) that ran through this village.
Pilgrims who come to Molungkimong village visit the historical monuments that bear witness of Naga history – the ‘Gospel Path’; the First Village Gate in Naga Soil which welcomed the Gospel bearer; First Baptistery in Naga Soil in which Dr. E. W Clark baptized the fifteen converts on 22nd December, 1872; the Monument Commemorating First Chapel in Naga Soil wherein Dr. E. W. Clark ministered the first Lord’s Super; Dr. Clark Monument constructed at the plot where he stayed whilst at Molungkimong. These spots and monuments have been recognized and commemorated at different occasions by Molungkimong Village Council, Molungkimong Baptist Church, American Baptist Mission, Ao Baptist Church Council and Nagaland Baptist Church Council as landmarks of Naga Religious History.
The pilgrims to Molungkimong also drink the water of the pond where the fifteen converts were baptized in the icy-cold pond in that destined cold December morning. Others walk through the first Naga village gate that welcomed the Gospel bearer escorted by the warriors with awe at the wondrous works of God that melted the hearts of the fierce warriors who otherwise would have taken any stranger’s head. Some pilgrims also find time to pray at the First Chapel monument and imaginatively partake of the first Lord’s Supper administered by Dr. Clark to the group of converts. People also find time to contemplate in the monument constructed where Dr. Clark stayed while at Molungkimong - the spot where Dr. Clark stood and raised his hands to the hills around and pleaded to God with tears for the warring villages that one day they would see the Light. This village and the holy places here are not meant for pomp and show or religious tag but for those who really have a longing to meet God and revisit his miraculous work done through His servant nearly 140 years back. It is a history written by God’s own hands which no man can write off. Undoubtedly, Molungkimong village and the historic places therein had always been in the ‘Map of God’.
Dr. Walunir Senior Lecturer Amity Institute of English Studies and Research
Amity University
War, Peace, Trade at Wolam (Pangsha) Sunday Post
In a recently held seminar on ''''Myanmar: Bridging South and Southeast Asia'''' at New Delhi, Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio stated that political stability backed by economic progress was the need of the hour for the Indo-Myanmar region. Rio opined that the region was also "a volatile area" plagued by insurgencies which had the potential to impact the rest of ASEAN countries.
While acknowledging the imperatives of political stability, the chief minister''''s comment was also a ready acknowledgment of the phenomenon along the Indo-Myanmar border in Nagaland. There have been traditional trade relations between Nagas from Myanmar and Nagas in the Indian side. The International Trade Centre (ITC) or the trading point at Dan, Pangsha in Tuensang district was set up with the idea of enhancing trade and commerce between the two countries spawned by the great push-forward acts of globalization.
(L-R) Wolam warrior, The view of the village in contemporary times, A Wolam warrior.
The prospects of the border trade may look bright or bleak depending on how India and Myanmar take forward the initiative. Whatever the future, an observation of the past tells many tales worth recalling amidst the tremendous changes that have taken place around the world. Endowed with exquisite scenic beauty, a place like Pangsha, inhabited by the Khiamniungam tribe is also known for its ''''bravehearts'''' with numerous tales of valour and "unsung" wisdom of defending their people and territory.
The villagers of Wolam (Pangsha) are said to have earlier settled at different places like Thang and Shingkhaoki. The famous ethnologist Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf found out that the Pangsha people called their village "Wailam" but observers in contemporary times say that now they called the village Wolam. According to Haimendorf, the people of Pangsha during the 1930s wore their hair tied-up in knot in exactly the same way as the Eastern Konyaks and their face, arms, chests, and backs were covered with the most elaborate tattoos.
(L-R) Village children,Wolam elders with a grand child, Children playing with the giant village log drum.
The encounter with the British colonialists had a rather "bloody" impact on the people of Wolam. In 1936, British force entered Pangsha village under the command of Major Williams and J P Mills and conducted raids on the village twice. In the first attack, some villagers were killed and properties were destroyed. Haimendorf who witnessed one of the British raids, in his book "The Naked Nagas" (1939) records, "…a section of the sepoys and several collies are setting fire to the third khel, and already I can see the flames licking the roofs and springing from house to house. In a few minutes a great fire blazes and a broad column of smoke climbs into the sky".
(L-R) Villagers re-enact an episode from their history, warding off enemy incursion.
The British raids were not the only ones faced by Pangsha villagers. They had to constantly guard against what they considered enemy incursion. A booklet on the historical background of Wolam (Pangsha) Village Guards (WVG) says that prior to the appointment of village protection guards by the then authorities, the villagers had their own "Voluntary Defence Force" chosen from all the clans in the village and they were paid daily wages by the villagers. With the dawn of Indian independence, many village protection guards were appointed by June, 1955. They were given six 12 bore DBBL guns. The booklet by WVG says that on February 15, 1957, Wolam (Pashang) village was attacked by the "underground elements" in which five men, three women and one child were killed. In retaliatory action, the village protection guard killed "45 undergrounds and captured 35 arms".
The captured arms and ammunition were later taken away by the authorities. Just after the incident, the then political officer of Tuensang, Ralengnao Kathing, also popularly known as Bob Kathing, with his team visited the village. Later the government of India issued twenty 303 rifles to the villagers for their protection. In recognition of "warrior and bravery acts" exhibited by the villagers, the government of India conferred the Ashok Chakra to the villagers. The award was presented to the village by the then Home Secretary Y.D. Gundevia on March 24, 1965, says the booklet on Wolam (Pangsha) village guards.
With such tales of war and peace surrounding Pangsha, it would be an interesting to see how different developmental policies initiated by both India and Myanmar will affect the future destiny of these brave people. Observers say that the warrior-like qualities might have undergone changes over a period of time but the villagers pride in their own history has not been subdued and the legacy still holds good for them.
Wolam villagers rehearsing for a dance performance. (Photo courtesy: Anirudh Garbyal)
No Right to Life, Free Speech in State: SC Jamir morungexpress
Dimapur, (MExN): Former Nagaland Chief Minister and also Governor of Goa & Maharashtra SC Jamir today said that any individual, group or institution that breaches the Rule of Law should be “acted against” for the simple reason that the only objective Rule of Law is to deliver justice. Jamir drew analogy to the current situation in Nagaland where threats, crime and intimidation, violence and bloodshed continue to hold ordinary citizens to ransom.
“Why do laws exist? Human beings, when they began to get civilized, realized that laws were necessary if society was to function in an orderly, transparent and just manner. The fundamental objective of law is to deliver justice, whether it is to an individual, an institution or to a nation,” the former chief minister of Nagaland said. His address was to students of law, Thursday morning during the 5th general conference of the Nagaland Law Students’ Federation at AIDA hall, Don Bosco in Dimapur, February 2.
The Congress stalwart posed a query to contextualize his point: “Would it be fair and realistic to expect a neighboring country to invest money in a place where conditions are so unsettled that life and property are not safe, where threats and extortion are the norm?” Jamir reminded that the lack of infrastructure development and lack of employment opportunities are a direct result of the absence of Rule of Law. “Let us face this squarely and not emotionally.”
Jamir, one of India’s senior-most political leaders today, emphasized the very reason law enforcers and security exists as integral to the wellbeing of society and her people. “In a typical democracy, in order to implement and enforce the law and provide services to the public, a government’s bureaucracy, the military and police are vital,” Jamir said.
Yet, he said in lament, for far too long, the Rule of Law has been violated in Nagaland and in the North East Region for various reasons, particularly political reasons. A state like Nagaland continues to be in turmoil, bloodshed and violence and hatred between groups for many decades, he said. The turmoil has snuffed out precious lives, created numerous widows and orphans and has left the Naga society divided and in great suffering.
Without referring to any group in particular, the leader posed these questions: “Are violence, threats and bloodshed not violations of the Rule of law? Is it not a violation of the fundamental Christian law which says ‘Thou shalt not kill’? It is not a violation of fundamental right of Right to Life, which is ordained by God? Can any individual or group of people decide that any person or group who disagrees with their political philosophy has forfeited his or her right to live? Is it not suppression of Right of free Speech and Expression which is a fundamental right to all human beings, a violation of the Rule of Law?
The leader had an urgent word of advice to the gathered students of law that the time has come for the state and her people to act, and act fast. “We need to look closely and quickly at these issues, because time is running out fast and we are being left behind at an alarming rate. The world has moved on and in an era of globalization where boundaries have no sanctity, we appear to be (stuck) in a time warp,” the former governor said. “It is no use bemoaning our fate without doing something actively to help ourselves.”
One of the points of reference which the senior politician used to illustrate the consequences from the absence of Rule of Law was that of socio-economic debilitation and incapacity. “The lack of infrastructure development and lack of employment opportunities are a direct result of the absence of the Rule of Law.”
The two-time chief minister of Nagaland said creating conditions where development and prosperity can grow is up to the youths to decide; whether they desire to enjoy the fruits of prosperity and a ‘happy life’ is up to them. “It is up to us to ensure that the Rule of Law prevails so that society can grow in an orderly and methodical manner where the greatest good of the greatest number is the guiding principal,” Jamir said as a reminder.
Rio call upon Naga people to uphold “Nagaism” morungexpress
Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio addressing during the Chakhesang Cultural festival at the Chakhesang Hoho Dimapur district cultural festival at Diphupar ‘B’ on February 3. (Photo: Caisii Mao)
Dimapur, February 3 (MExN): Chief Minister, Neiphiu Rio, today called upon the Naga people to transcend their “individualism and tribalism” to “Nagaism” and to start learning and living like a proud Naga.
“Individually, you and I may be proud of our own achievements and progress, but we need to come together in unity to uphold our identity as proud Nagas,” the chief minister said in his address at the ‘Chakhesang Cultural Festival 2012” organized by Chakhesang Hoho Dimapur District (CHDD) at Diphupar ‘B’ village, on Friday.
Rio said that one major problem with Nagas is that though they are fond of talking lofty things and ideals, but they lack action and that nobody listens to each other. This is also why the Naga political problem has continued to elude a solution, he said. He also said that other peoples recognized the distinct culture and tradition of the Nagas and sought to protect the unique identity and culture of the Nagas, like the Britishers who passed the innerline regulation act during British India and also post-independence India which provided special provisions for Nagas under Article 371 (A). “But we Nagas have failed to recognize each other,” Rio said and added that Nagas can have a future only when they recognize each other and come together.
Calling the Chakhesang tribe as one of the most progressive Naga tribes, the chief minister said this was because the Chakhesangs are rooted in the strong foundation of their forefathers’ culture and way of life including honesty, hard work and integrity. It may be mentioned the chief minister had in 2010 during the “Road shows” declared Phek district inhabited by Chakhesang and Pochury tribes as “Land of Tradition.” Rio also acknowledged the resolutions of the Chakhesang Public Organization (CPO) to ban import of livestock and establishing a “Reserve Forest” in all Chakhesang villages. He said such initiatives indicated presence of work culture and traditional value system.
Further, the chief minister also called on the need to improvise Naga dances, mostly war dances, to make them more “graceful and soothing” so as to attract visitors and tourists. He suggested the department of Art & Culture, NEZCC and cultural clubs to take the initiative in this regard. Rio said the state government had recognized tourism potential in Nagaland and initiated a numbers of venture including the “Road shows and tribal festivals” to attract visitors to the state and that the Ministry of Tourism had also encouraged such initiatives. Keeping with the encouragement of the Ministry of Tourism, he said the government would be organizing youth festivals across the state.
Earlier, greeting the festival gathering, Minister for Health & Family Welfare, Kuzholuzo (Azo) Nienu said out that the culture and tradition speaks volumes about the people. He said that the rich culture of the Chakhesang people indicated the sound economy of their forefathers, peaceful co-existence and unity among the people. Azo also urged the Chakhesang community in Dimapur to continue upholding the “unity” and set an example to the rest of the Nagas.
Advisor, Art & Culture, Deo Nukhu, MLA, who was the guest of honour of the festival also addressed the gathering. Highlights of the festival included address by CHDD president, Vekhosayi Nyekha, cultural displays (folk songs and dances and games) and fashion show (traditional and modern Chakhesang attires). Agriculture minister, Dr. Chumben Murry; deputy chairman of State Planning Board, Neiba Kronu; advisor, Cooperation & Sericulture, Azheto Zhimom, L Temjen, MLA; Toshipokba Jamir, MLA, and a host of government officials, NGO representatives and other attended the festival.
