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01/02/2012: "Naga party in Manipur stirs poll cauldron Rahul Karmakar, Hindustan Times"




Naga party in Manipur stirs poll cauldron Rahul Karmakar, Hindustan Times

Guwahati, The decision of a party from Nagaland to contest elections has charged up the political atmosphere in Manipur because the organisation is being viewed as a threat to the poll-bound state’s territorial integrity.

Sparks have been flying ever since the Naga People’s Front (NPF) opened its office in Manipur in May 2011.
Manipur-based political parties, social organisations and militant outfits see in the NPF’s “expansion” a design to promote the “Greater Nagalim” dream of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah).
Greater Nagalim, comprising large swathes of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur, besides Nagaland, envisages a unified homeland for the Nagas.
The Nagas are scattered across five hill districts of Manipur while the principal community, the Meiteis, dominate four plain districts straddling the Imphal valley. But the hills have only 20 assembly seats against the 40 in the valley.
“If all tribal people unite, they can be a tremendous force in these 20 seats and assert their rights against domination,” said NPF president Shürhozelie Liezietsü, adding the Nagas in Manipur were losing out despite the share of their land area vis-à-vis the Meiteis being 9:1.
However, the party is concentrating on 14 hill constituencies, for which 56 candidates have sought the ticket.
The Nagas and non-Nagas haven’t had the best of relations in ethnically touchy Manipur in recent years.
Adding fuel to the fire has been the push for an “alternative administrative arrangement” for the Nagas and associated economic blockades.
Imphal-Mandalay bus service likely from Feb Sangai

IMPHAL: Bus service between Imphal and Mandalay may be introduced from February next year. An official source informed that the External Affairs Ministry would ask the Government of Myanmar to open a visa office at Imphal.

A joint meeting of Home Department, Industries and Transport Department officials and presided by the Chief Secretary was held some days back.
The meeting discussed about the proposed Imphal-Mandalay bus service.

The meeting decided to identify tour operators for the international bus service. The officials also deliberated on using Manipur buses from Imphal to Moreh and Myanmar buses from Tamu to Mandalay. To look into the details and other requirements for the proposed bus service, an inter-ministerial team of the Centre may come to Manipur shortly.

As India has its Consulate General at Mandalay, it would be convenient to take visa for Myanmarese people wishing to visit Imphal. For Indian people wishing to visit Mandalay from Imphal, there is no such facility for taking visa. As such, there is a need for Myanmar to open a visa office at Imphal, said the source further. It is reported that the External Affairs Ministry would take up this matter with the Myanmar Government soon.

NSCN (K) asks MHA to take action Nagaland Post

DIMAPUR NSCN (K) has asked the joint secretary MHA (NE) Shambu Singh to “take appropriate action” against the “violation” of cease-fire ground rules (CFGR) by those at the Khehoi camp.

In a letter dated December 27, 2011 addressed to Shambu Singh, cease-fire supervisory board (CFSB) supervisor Y. Wangtin Naga said that “50 (fifty)” armed cadres was being “kept” at N. Kitovi Zhimomi’s “house” at Amiphoto, Zunheboto for more than “5 (five)” months under the command of ‘lt. col.’ Hevuto and was now “being guarded” by Assam rifles. Wangtin said that the house was neither an office nor a “designated camp”.

NSCN (K) also said that the Nagaland government should “stop providing” police escorts to N. Kitovi Zhimomi for “transportation of arms and ammunitions on the pretext of unofficial tours”.

It has asserted that the “illegal protection given to 50 armed cadres at Kitovi’s residence, an unauthorized location” was outside the preview of the cease-fire and stated that NSCN (K) cadres were “not even allowed” in the villages by Assam Rifles.

The letter further stated that “no protection” was given to NSCN (K)’s cease-fire supervisory board sub-office at Dimapur, “but 50 cadres at Kitovi’s house were guarded to run terror in Zunheboto”.

NSCN (K) also reminded the joint secretary MHA (NE) that Konyak apex bodies had decided in August, 2011 that “no designated” camp be given to “Khole-Kitovi group” in Mon district.

However, contrary to the “mandatory decision of the Konyak people”, the group “constructed” houses by forcing the “elders of Aopao village under Aboi Sub-division”, Mon district “without” the approval of CFSB and district administration.

Akhil Gogoi Maoist, has ULFA links: NSUI STAFF CORRESPONDENT Assam tribune
DIBRUGARH, – Akhil Gogoi leading the anti-dam movement in the State is a Maoist and has direct connections with the outlawed ULFA. He is a fake peasant leader, who is actually an active agent of China. These statements were made by Partha Pratim Bora, the State unit president of National Students’ Union of India (NSUI).
The NSUI leader while addressing mediapersons at Rajiv Bhawan here on December 29 alleged that Akhil Gogoi was ill-mannered who did not have respect even for the Constitutional heads like the Governor. “He has even shown disrespect to the Chief Minister who has been voted to power for the third time,” Bora said. The manner in which Akhil Gogoi is reacting against the statements of the Governor and the Chief Minister cannot be accepted in the civilized society, the NSUI leader said.

Partha Pratim Bora said that the people of the State should know that the Maoist movement has started in the State with Akhil Gogoi at the forefront. Bora also alleged that the Krishah Mukti Sangram Samittee leader was drawing foreign funds for his movement. He further said that KMSS was sending cadres from Assam to Orissa for arms training. “We will lodge complain with the police with evidence against Akhil Gogoi at the earliest”, Bora said.

Describing that the movement of KMSS leader was anti-national, Bora said that dam is must for power generation as the country needs power for industrialisation and thereby employment for the people. Assam Tribune
What will happen in 2012 Burma politics? Salai Z T Lian Mizzima
The way the political game was played in 2011 will have a huge impact in 2012 Burma politics. 2011 was the year Burma took on a new political shape from dictatorship to quasi-civilian government. Right after the quasi-civilian Burmese government came in to power amid alleged fraud votes, the most powerful military chief, Senior Gen Than Shwe and Vice Senior Gen Maung Aye, were technically retired from their post.

Throughout 2011, the quasi-civilian Burmese government has continuously showed that it was changing and they were not the same with the previous government. It suspended controversial U$ 3.6 billion Myintsone dam project. It announced a peace offer to ethnic armed groups. President Thein Sein met with opposite leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It relaxed media censorship somewhat. It granted amnesty including about 200 political prisoners. It secured the rotating Asean chair for 2014. It amended the political registration law, and the NLD left the 1990 elections result behind and re-registered as a political party. Some ethnic armed groups formed the UNFC to face the Burmese government. Burmese soldiers launched offensive wars against the KIA and SSA (N). It engaged in several talks with non-cease-fire groups and reached a ceasefire with UWSA, NDAA-ESS, SSA(S) and the DKBA, but UNCF members still are in talks with Burmese government. It formed the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC). Unlike previous Burmese governments, the quasi-civilian Burmese government officials including President Thein Sein’s advisors have interactions with domestic media, exile media and the foreign media. Also, many foreign diplomats such as US secretary Hillary Clinton were in and out in the country.

The reforms that it has taken may be fake or a strategic show or whatever in 2011, but it was welcomed with caution and calls for further change.

It is important to analyze the possible 2012 Burmese government policy based on what it has done in 2011. It changed political party registration law in 2011, and it shows it has the capacity of changing the rules or laws in future if it wants to do so. The so-called lower house and upper house are neither the real decision-makers nor lawmakers; they are instead just for democratic style show. In fact, President Thein Sein, Vice President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint and U Khin Aung Myint, and Thura Shwe Mann are the decision makers and the main players in the government body. Among them, President Thein Sein and Thura Shwe Mann will be popular again in 2012 as the moderate and reformer.

So, instead of trying to change something in those two houses of Parliament, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and opposite groups should try to convince them, if they are elected as MPs and want to change any law or rule. Of course, finding asolution in those two houses is theoretical right, but it could be a waste of time since the main players are decision-makers and policy-makers rather than the upper house and lower house. It is the reality of how the Burmese government is functioning. Until the next general election, we will likely see the same Burmese government with the same leadership style.

If it granted amnesty to all of political prisoners including the 88-generation group in 2012, the democratic movement and national reconciliation process will move faster. 88-generation group members were in fact the de facto ones who organized the 8888 uprising and 2007 demonstration. It is important to note that many Burmese politicians and activists still believe people power is the only solution to end the era of dictatorship in Burma. Of course, the Arab spring successes were because of people power.

Without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, change for Burma may look impossible and unimaginable, but Burmese people have the power to change Burma. They need to realize that they cannot depend on her alone to change the country, and then they can empower themselves and finally they can bring down the quasi-civilian government like the Arab spring ended dictators’ era in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. If they wait for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to change Burma, it be like watching a very long and boring movie without knowing when it will end. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will not encourage mass demonstrations against the government as long as the relationship between her and government is good. Government officials likely will tell her to help them maintain stability.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi seems well prepared to promote her party campaign with the help of artists in 2012. She has met with many actors and actress, singers, composers and directors in 2011. Her road to Parliament will not be difficult one, but how much she can make difference in parliament is questionable because of 75 per cent USDP and 25 per cent military members.
Exiled political and human rights groups need to reassess how they should campaign in 2012 as their funders will likely turn to organizations inside Burma.

If the Burmese government granted amnesty to all of political prisoners in 2012, more and more exiles will return to Burma. Their return will significantly impact Burma politics inside and outside Parliament. Their return will mean very much for Burmese people and their country. However, they will face a hot debate with their opponents, who were never in exile, over why they left the country when it was bad if they enter into the Burmese political arena. It doesn’t mean they are not welcome, but it means they will face such challenges.

Burma tied with Afghanistan as the world’s second most corrupt nation. The culture of the corrupt society will be a continued challenge to government again in 2012. Anti-corruption will not end in Burma as long as no action against current and former government officials is taken. It could take at least a decade to end the corrupt culture in business and government offices. The most significant step for anti-corruption will be to bring corrupt upper echelons officials and their cronies to account, and the previous corrupt officials, including the then Senior-General Than Shwe and former Vice Senior Gen Maung Aye, to justice. It will also serve a very strong warning that no one is allowed to be corruptfor any reason. In 2012 or during his tenure, President Thein Sein will probably try to enforce his clean government and good governance policy that could bring them to justice. Otherwise, President Thein Sein speech on clean government and good governance in 2011 will not apply to anyone including the past and present corrupt officials.

Since Burma is the second poorest country in Asia, after Afghanistan, President Thein Sein’s poverty reduction effort can’t dramatically make changes as long as Western sanctions remain, as long as the corrupt culture in the country is not eradicated, and as long as the civil wars are not stopped in border areas.

The government’s peace offer to ethnic armed groups in 2011 could convince the UWSA, NDAA-ESS, SSA(S) and DKBA to sign cease-fire agreements, but the UNFC members including two of the strongest ethnic armed groups, the KIA and KNU, couldn’t reach cease-fire agreements, with the government. It shows that the Burmese government will likely reconsider its approach to non-ceasefire groups. The deal with ethnic armed groups, especially the UNFC members, will not be enough, and it must include a promising political dialogue with incentives. Probably, the UNFC members will continue talking with the government; but they will likely stick to the principles of the UNFC. It means each group can engage separately in talks with the government, but in order to reach the final peace agreement, they will likely remain united and tell the government to seek agreements through the UNFC. There is a possibility that the government will at least sit down with the UNFC to talk.

President Thein Sein may take a risk on his reform process, including a change of Burmese military leadership. That’s the risk that he must take if he really wants to work out his reform process.

The government will try to better its relationship with the international community, and to push to end Western sanctions in 2012, telling the international community including USA that its relationship with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is smooth, and it has signed cease-fire agreements with some ethnic armed groups and it is still trying to sign cease-fires with non-ceasefire groups, it has released political prisoners, and it has improved its human rights record, so now is time to end their sanctions against Burma.

Burma politics is complicated, some even call it sick politics. The conflicts and ethnic issues also remain unresolved and civil wars will continue with human rights abuses. The government has a lot to do to improve its human rights record. On mainstream politics, Suu Kyi and her party are preparing to enter Parliament in 2012. She can be a political mentor and counselor who can push government officials for change in Burma. What will really happen in 2012 Burma politics is unpredictable. However, it is sure that there will be many things to follow during the 2012 political game. 2012 will likely be the decisive year of Burma that determines if it really moves toward democracy or not.
How Long Will It Take? Charles Chasie Morungexpress

“...How many years can some people exist,
Before they’re allowed to be free?
And how many times can
a man turn his head,
And pretend that he first didn’t see?...”
“And how many ears must one man have,
Before he can hear people cry?
And how many deaths will
it take till we know;
That too many people have died...”
“The answer, my friend, is
blowing in the wind...”

The above words in the famous song by Bob Dylan was sung on December 20, 2001, by Mr Labu Sakhrie, son of late Mr T. Sakhrie, on the occasion of the Naga Reconciliation Combined Inaugural Function, at the Kohima Local Ground, with the theme “To heal and rebuild the Naga Family with the Prince of Peace” in which over 35 Naga tribes and sub-tribes participated. He was at first hesitant but he came and sang this song for the sake of the Naga people and to support their attempt to come back together and be healed as a nation. Like many, he grew up without the support and presence of a father when he needed his father most. He is not bitter and he wished the best for Naga people.
There are so many Nagas who had been and still are in such or similar situations. Almost all have willingly, and consciously, decided to give up their personal grievances and hurts for the sake of the larger Naga society. And what have they received in return? Factions and factional killings, sometimes, spilling over into clan and family relations. This is not what Naga people bargained for.
If the various factions cannot come together let them acknowledge that fact and openly tell the Naga people and ask for their help. But this is not happening. What is happening is that all factions are claiming they are the true representatives of the Naga people and other factions are “traitors”, and the reason for not being able to come together. And woe to those who say otherwise! But all of them are happily collecting “taxes”. On many occasions the different factions almost literally seat together and collect the “taxes”, one group after the other, even right in front of the state police. Here there is apparently no factional difficulty and no factional clash or, God forbid, killings! Have they together decided that collecting ”taxes” is equivalent to the Naga Independence they proclaim they are fighting for and that factional differences that otherwise exist are simply a way of furthering the Cause so long as it does not disturb their profitable business which some call “industry”?! This is a harsh comment, no doubt, but one that is not far from the reality many face. Leaders of factions must seriously ponder the goings on. They will also know that, during Christmas and New Year, many Naga contractors and suppliers either left their homes and families for mainland India or went into hiding to avoid the “donations” wanted by the factions! What a Christmas for them and what a commentary for those who fight in the name of Naga Nationalism!
So many years of “negotiations” with GoI have not resulted in a final workable settlement of the Naga Issue. Sure, the Government of India is often to be blamed for insincerity, even falsehood. What Nagas must, however, be more concerned about is how far the Nagas have worked out their own differences and come together in order to be able to speak with one voice. As often said, if Nagas can speak with one united voice, the Government of India will have little choice but to respond in a proper manner. India will then have to be “magnanimous” because without generosity, India will cut a sorry figure before the entire world. The trouble is the Naga people are not creating that chance for themselves by coming together. It must also be remembered that loss of time is not just about delay but also of lost opportunities which may not come again. But this is a lesson that has come the way of the Naga people so many times and needs little or no reminder!
What one prays for, despite disappointments, is that Nagas may one day soon begin to play their God-given role with healing of their own nation, becoming united and helping India to also play her true role in the world. We live in a fragmented world that seems to excel in threatening its own survival at every turn! India is a great nation and could become a very powerful wheel in the events and direction humankind takes. But, often it seems to lose its way?! Are Nagas meant to find their God-given role through helping India to play her true role in the world? India may be mighty but even big vehicles move on small “cogs”! Because of the attitudes we have nurtured for many decades, so often fed by Government of India’s own actions, some Nagas may not like such a proposition. But this will be a fit challenge for true Naga greatness and Christianity. Helping India to play her true role also means Nagas playing a world role. It is worth a thought. I am not a soothsayer; I am only sharing what is in my heart. To me, to be able to do that to the best of my ability and knowledge is patriotism. For different people it will mean different things.
Sadly, the fundamentals toward solving the Naga Issue have not moved/shifted at all. They have only metamorphosed, changed forms and got complicated. At the time when Mr Muivah and Mr Isaac Swu were about to come to India for negotiations with Government of India, this writer wrote in a Calcutta based national daily that “integration” would become the “crucial issue”. This still remains the main issue from all indications. The only ways to dealing with this was/is Naga unity, especially of the factions, and the goodwill of neighbouring communities. Naga unity has not happened and we have managed to fritter away the goodwill of our neighbours.
This Christmas season was also spoiled by factional killings and injuring civilians. One wonders what God must be thinking when we keep shouting “Nagaland for Christ?!” The primary “mission field” for Nagas is here! Let us heal ourselves first and then think about the missions outside/abroad?! In so many years of conflict we have all become wounded and handicapped people. Let us allow God to perform His miracles (to/on us mainly!) instead of always trying to arrogate to ourselves the right to perform `miracles’ on others in His name!
A long repeated sms message in Nagaland, over some years, is that the pigs in Nagaland fear Christmas season the most! And all owners of dogs are most careful in guarding their pets during this season as they keep `disappearing’ all the time! And when intra-Naga fighting and killings keep taking place in broad daylight even during Christmas what kind of a society can we imagine, far less build, for our children?! Can we even dare to imagine a future of our people?
Our factional leaders must know that Naga people are becoming (have become?) fed up with the goings on. Many now feel that they fear/dislike the Naga factions more than the Indian Army. The leaders must find out whether such feelings are just from a few disaffected people, and temporary, or it has become rampant and pervasive in society. Having spent all their lives for the Naga Cause, will the Underground/National leaders now settle for a factional cause or would they rise up beyond factional interests and cause to happen something that will not only heal the Naga Nation but also propel Naga people forward after so many years? People are no longer interested in their blame games. The choice primarily is theirs. Others like us can support and help to the extent possible.
The Naga nationalists and all Naga leaders must realize that their people are more important than their ambitions and/or personal viewpoints. How they act will show the extent of their patriotism. Our society has reached a point where words no longer convince and good intentions become easily suspect. This is a very dangerous situation for the future of our people.
I end with the words of another song:

“How long will it take to
(build the Naga Nation)
Where everyman has his place;
How long will it take,
To find the wisdom of the ages;
The Future of our children cannot wait ...”

It is up to each one of us.



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