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12/05/2011: "HORNBILL FESTIVAL: As hot as it gets; as fat as pork mania NTIMES"

HORNBILL FESTIVAL: As hot as it gets; as fat as pork mania NTIMES

Breaking the 2010 record, Nyulazhi Pojar from the Pochury tribe who ate 15 red hot Naga King Chilli won the 2nd Naga King Chilli eating contest held at Kisama, Sunday.

Pojar ate 15 Naga Chillies (Naga Mircha) in a record time of 20 seconds. While Namluai consumed 14.80% pieces and Keduhoto Lohe who took 14 chillies won the second and third position.

Altogether 23 participants took part in the competition including foreign tourists.
Meanwhile, in the special category an Israeli tourist, Yakhim surprised the audience by consuming 11 Naga King Chilies to bag the championship among the tourists who volunteered to compete.

Pork Mania
The other attraction of the Hornbill Festival Day-4 was at the ‘Fat Mania’ Pork Eating Contest where Kekhriesetuo Kiso bagged the first position by consuming a record of one kilogram of Pork fat in one minute.

The second and third place was bagged by Yhunsilo Lorin who consumed 550 grams and H. Bokoi 500 grams. Altogether 15 participants including two women took part in the contest.

In both the competitions, the winners walked home with Rs.15,000 (1st place), Rs.10,000 (2nd) and Rs. 5000 (3rd) respectively.

The prizes were handed over by the guest of honour, Union minister of DoNER and Parliamentary Affairs, Paban Singh Ghatowar.

It maybe mentioned that Nagaland government got the original patent rights for the Naga King Chilli and has also been registered as the proprietor of the chilli with the Government of India, according to the Geographical Indication Registry (GIR) recently.

The “Certificate of Registration of Geographical Indication” was awarded on December 2, 2008 to the Government of Nagaland, represented by secretary, Horticulture and Agriculture, where the department has been registered as proprietor of the Naga Mircha falling in Class 31 Chilli with effect from August 22, 2007 under Registration No.109.
GIR certificate was awarded under section 16(1) or of authorized user under section (17) (3) (e) of the Geographical Indication of goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999.


ULFA acquiring high-tech weapons R Dutta Choudhury NTIMES
GUWAHATI, Dec 4 – The hard line faction of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) does not have any shortage of weapons, but the outfit lacks adequate number of well trained cadres to plan and carry out operations. Moreover, the cadre strength of the outfit is also increasing with recruitment of new cadres.
Highly placed security sources told The Assam Tribune that according to information available with the security agencies, total number of weapons with the outfit at present would be at least 3:1 , that is three weapons against one cadre. Of course, most of the weapons are kept in the bases of the outfit in Myanmar.

Sources said that the hard line faction of the ULFA recently procured different sophisticated weapons including Lethod guns, which can be used to fire grenades to a long distance and AK 81 rifles. The outfit also has a number of remote controlled explosive devices.

A few months back, the hard line faction of the ULFA managed to procure at least 1500 sophisticated weapons and according to reports, the outfit gave away almost half of the weapons to other militant outfits including Manipur based group PLA. But it is not known whether the outfit received any money in return of the weapons.

On the whereabouts of Paresh Baruah, sources said that as per information available, Baruah spends most of his time in Myanmar-China border areas. However, he frequently crosses over to China to make phone calls. But he rarely visits the main camps of the ULFA in Myanmar, which are located nearer to the border with India, sources added.

The total cadre strength of the hard line faction of the ULFA has been estimated by the security agencies to be to the tune of around 300 as the outfit recently recruited around 150 cadres from different places of Upper Assam and they have been sent to Myanmar for training. However, sources said that the outfit now does not have many trained cadres to carry out successful operations and that is why the recent offensive of the outfit were foiled easily by security forces.

Sources said that the ULFA has been taking the help of PLA to carry out operations and though in the months of June and July, two teams of ULFA and PLA were sent for launching operations in Assam, they failed to carry out their assigned tasks. Intelligence reports indicate that the ULFA and PLA are again planning joint operations in Assam.

The ULFA now does not have any camp in Bangladesh, but a few members of the outfit are still staying in the hideouts in that country. Senior ULFA member Drishti Rajkhowa sometimes visits Bangladesh and sometimes stays in Garo Hills in the hideouts of the GNLA and he managed to recruit at least 20 new cadres in recent days. Assam Tribune

290 CCTVs to be installed in Guwahait city Staff Reporter NTIMES:
GUWAHATI, Dec 4 – Almost three years after the serial blasts rocked the State claiming over 90 lives and leaving several hundreds injured, the installation process of the close circuit television cameras has finally started today.
The DN Dutta Commission constituted to enquire into the lapses, if any, leading to the 2008 serial blasts, had recommended the installation of CCTV cameras in certain locations, especially the busy areas of Guwahati city in 2009 itself.

As per the plan, as many as 290 CCTVs will be installed in 91 strategic locations of the capital city in a phased manner. In the first phase, areas including Ganeshguri, Dispur, Ulubari and Panbazar will be covered.

The installation process, according to sources, would be completed within the next six months. Level 1, a German based company has been entrusted with the installation job.Assam Tribune
NTIMES 5Dec: UNC concerned over slow Indo-Naga talks

Imphal, Dec 4: The United Naga Council (UNC) in a memorandum to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has expressed its concern over the slow process of Indo-Naga peace talk.

The UNC said it was much concern that even af-ter fourteen long years of cease-fire and negotiation, an acceptable settlement to the Indo-Naga issue has not been brought about nor any concrete steps been taken towards it. It urges the Government of India to take expeditious concrete steps towards settlement of the Indo-Naga issue.

“It may also kindly be recalled that our memo-randum on the captioned subject was submitted to your good office through the Hon’ble Union Home Minister on the 14th of September, 2010 at Delhi. As you are aware, acting on the said memorandum, the Hon’ble Home Minister had initiated the democratic process of dialogue throu-gh the tripartite talk of the GoI, the Government of Manipur (GoM) and the United Naga Council (UNC) and there has already been 3 rounds of talks. Unfor-tunately, the tripartite talks, apart from being subjected to the convenience of the GoM, have by design been limited to the technicality of centre and state juris-diction / prerogatives and highlighting the develop-ment initiatives of the Go- vernment of Manipur for the tribals areas in the State of Manipur, when the ground reality harshly spe-ak otherwise. The process has not taken up the core issue of demand for alterna-tive arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur, outside the Government of Manipur pending settlement of the Indo-Naga issue as it should,” the UNC memo-randum said.

The sharp social divide on communal lines which your good self had noted with concern in the 40th conference of DGPs on August 26, 2010 which was created by unmistakable facts of years and years of suppression, subjugation and hegemonic domination of the Nagas and tribals by “the communal Govern-ment of Manipur backed by the dominant community” is the core issue on which we base our demand for an alternative arrangement, the Naga body alleged.

According to the UNC, records and statistics of ad-ministrative nature have been poured over the table to dilute the core issue of social divide and the impo-ssible conditions in which Nagas exist under the “co-mmunal Government of Ma- nipur”, unable to live with dignity and honour and ha-ve their land, traditional ins- titutions, culture and way of life protected.

The structure of domi-nation put into place over the years and the structural violence of suppression and exploitation of the Na-gas and the tribals in Mani- pur by the communal GoM is the issue. Through legitimately established sanctions, the rights of the Nagas and the tribals in Manipur are being surely and irredeemably taken away.

“Our position is based on our rights which are basic and fundamental to dignity, honour and respect of our identity. Our genuine demands for an alternative political and administrative arrangement is being obje-cted to because of interest of the dominant and com-munal Government of Mani- pur,” the UNC said.

The Naga also draws the attention to the grave pote-ntial for communal confron- tations and violence which could flare up at the sli-ghtest provocations, inten- tional or perceived as such by any community. “It is our contention that if the GoI is serious and sincere in ensuring that the Nagas and tribals in Manipur should live with dignity and honour; with respect for their dignity and their rights to land; their traditional institutions, culture and way of life honoured and not as second class citizens; it is indeed time for intervention of the GoI. Should the GoI plead helplessness citing the technicality of centre state relationship, then it con-demns the Nagas and the tribals to continued depri-vation and suppression and GoI becomes the knowing and willing abettor of the injustices meted out against us,” it added.

The UNC then affirmed that the only options beyond what it had already explored and also the democratic process of tripartite talk initiated by the Union Home Minister, and which has been left in a limbo, is the immediate intervention of the go-vernment of India to avoid any catastrophic conse-quences.

“We, therefore solicit again your personal ini-tiative to intervene with an alternative arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur at the earliest,” the Naga body fervently requested the Prime Minister. Sangai Express

Gaikhangam sees third term in office for Cong NTIMES

IMPHAL, MPCC president Gaikhangam has stated that a Congress-led Government would be formed for the third conse-cutive term in Manipur after the 10th Manipur Legis-lative Assembly elections.

The party working in the interest of the people would be certainly elected to power and yesterday’s event at Kangla has brightened the Congress party’s prospect all the more, Gaikhangam claimed.

Speaking to media persons at Congress Bhavan here this afternoon, Gaikha-ngam conveyed gratitude to all the people who came out to welcome Prime Minister Sonia Gandhi and UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi amidst bandhs and general strikes called by different groups.

With the consistent support and assistance from the Central Government, the State Government has successfully executed several projects which were never envisioned in the past.

People’s appreciation of the Congress-led Government was reflected clearly in the huge gathering that welcomed Dr Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi at Kangla which was unprecedented, Gaikhangam stated.

Claiming that Central Government has been impressed with the performance of the SPF Government, the MPCC president informed that the State Government would put forward many more projects before the Central Government. He also appealed to all groups to cooperate together while implementing development projects irrespective of diverse political affiliations or ideological differences.

Pointing that the Prime Minister himself had clarified on the Supra State body report after the Union Home Minister had rejected the same report as baseless, the MPCC president asserted that the people need not worry any more.

There is no change to the Congress party’s stand which is in power both at the Centre and the State to safeguard the integrity of Manipur. He further informed that MPCC would request both Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and AICC president Sonia Gandhi to visit Manipur once more, this time for election campaigning. Gaikhangam confided that their request would be responded positively. Sangai Express

‘Nagas not seeking any gift from India’ Naga groups reaffirm pledge for reconciliation NTIMES

DIMAPUR, DEC 4 (EMN): The signatory groups of the Naga Concordant – NSCN/GPRN, NNC/FGN and GPRN/NSCN – today reiterated their commitment to Naga Reconciliation while stating that they remain firm in their pledge to cultivate understanding and work towards building a shared Naga Future. Also, with reference to the purported proposal of a Supra State body Christmas gift for the Nagas, the signatories have placed on record that Nagas are not seeking or demanding any ‘gift’ from India.

In an ‘Open statement to the Naga People’, members of the High Level Commission comprising of the three groups, Gen (Retd) VS Atem, Zhopra Vero and Azheto Chophy, raised three specific points for public understanding.

Stating that a number of individuals have been regularly expressing their views on the Naga Reconciliation process in the local media, the open statement said the signatories are troubled because the views and opinions are often factually incorrect and at times driven by self-preservation. The hypothesis they present are far from the reality and intent of the reconciliation process and therefore very misleading to the people, it said, adding that such statements are detrimental for reconciliation. Pointing out that the Naga Reconciliation has come this far against much odds, the groups appealed the people to recognise the sensitivity of the process.
“The Naga politicians, bureaucrats, intellectuals, organisations and people are urged not to play divisive politics anymore. Rather let us work together for the common good of all,” they appealed.

Secondly, the signatories said they are equally appalled by the so-called ‘Christmas Gift’ in the form of a “Naga Supra State,” which is supposedly proposed by the Government of India. It sought to place on record that Nagas are not seeking or demanding any ‘gift’ from India. Asserting that Nagas are only resisting against forces that are preventing us to exercise our historical and political rights, the open statement further sought to clear any confusion or suspicion in the minds of the Naga people by jointly declaring that any resolution to the Naga issue should be based on the historical and political rights of the Naga people. We will continue to reject and oppose any solution or package that is imposed upon the Naga people, it affirmed.
To this end, the signatories committed to continue supporting the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in its ‘Journey of common Hope’.

The statement further said there is now no turning back from this path of Naga Reconciliation. It pointed out that, in the spirit of forgiveness, the concerned groups have agreed to let bygones be bygones and are now prepared to understand each other and work for a shared Naga future. However, it also underlined that this does not mean there will not be any hurdles and difficulties, adding that in fact the path to Naga Reconciliation is filled with many challenges. But it voiced believe that with the support and understanding of the people, all obstacles can be overcome.

Stating that the Naga people today have the best opportunity to reconcile and march together as a nation towards our historical and political rights, it also called on every Naga to constructively contribute and participate to make this Reconciliation process a living reality. Moreover, admitting that the behaviour of their cadres have been contrary to the values of the Naga movement, the groups also sought forgiveness and hoped that it would be forthcoming for the healing of our nation.
Wishing the people a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, it urged all to come together and work hard to make the Naga nation worthy of the blessings we have been endowed with. Eastern Mirror

UNC presses PM for alternative arrangement NTIMES, (EMN):

DIMAPUR Drawing his attention to the grave potential for communal confrontations and violence which could flare up at the slightest provocation, intentional or perceived as such by any community, the UNC has sought personal initiative of the Prime Minister in finding an alternative arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur at the earliest.

In a memorandum to the PM who was on a day-long visit to Manipur yesterday, the UNC contended that if the GoI is serious and sincere in ensuring that the Nagas and tribals in Manipur should live with dignity and honour, with respect for their dignity and their rights to land, their traditional institutions, culture and way of life honoured and not as second class citizens, it is indeed time for intervention of the GoI.
“The only options beyond what we have already explored and also the democratic process of tripartite talk initiated by the Hon’ble Union Home Minister, and which has been left in a limbo, is the immediate intervention of the GoI to avoid any catastrophic onsequences,” the memorandum signed by UNC president L Adani and general secretary Gaidon Kamei said.
“Should the GoI plead helplessness citing the technicality of centre state relationship, then it condemns the Nagas and the tribals to continued deprivation and suppression and GoI becomes the knowing and willing abettor of the injustices meted out against us,” it stated.
The tripartite talk has not taken up the core issue of demand for alternative arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur outside the Government of Manipur pending settlement of the Indo-Naga issue as it should, it stated.
The UNC further urged the PM to take expeditious concrete steps towards settlement of the Indo-Naga issue. Eastern Mirror, Nagaland

GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF NAGALIM
Ministry of Information & Publicity

Press Release 5th Dec.2011
The statement of Manipur State Chief Minister O. Ibobi Singh that there are neither Nagas nor Kukis in Manipur state but only Manipuris in an insult to the Hills people and such statement can only come out from a person with the most abominable mindset of slave owner.

Historically speaking, O. Ibobi is right anyway, because the so called- Manipur territory is confined to the Imphal valley only and governed by their Maharaja while all the Hill territories outside the Imphal valley were governed by the respective village chiefs/Kings. While the Maharaja of the Manipur (Meitei) had signed the ‘Instrument of Accession on’ on 15th Oct. 1949 and became part of Union of India, the Nagas refused to join the Union of India. Since then, Nagas have been resisting Indian aggression.

Nagas respect the rights of the Meiteis (Manipuris) and extend their fullest support. However Meiteis have all along been opposing the issue of the Nagas. They should learn to mind their own business. if there is any issue between the Meiteis and the Nagas, we are prepared to resolved it amicably.

Issued by
MIP.
India-Myanmar: a half-built gateway By Bertil Lintner

This is the second article in a four-part series.
Tomorrow: US-Myanmar: Engagement as nuclear pre-emption

IMPHAL, Manipur - When a group of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) ambassadors last year traveled the road from Imphal, in eastern India, to Moreh on the Myanmar border, the trip was officially arranged to show the diplomats India's emerging land bridge to Southeast Asia. Although the envoys enthused about the land link's trade possibilities, it was hard to determine how genuinely impressed they were after hours of bumping along on the 100-kilometer, pot-holed, windy road.

Yet the torturous road reaching to Myanmar is a vital link in India's business-driven "Look East" policy, a gambit aimed at expanding the South Asian country's trade, investment and influence to the east. For that policy to succeed, however, New Delhi needs not only to upgrade the way leading to its border, but also the highways to and from Assam in northeastern India, the country's geographical gateway to Southeast Asia. Roads and infrastructure on the Myanmar side are comparatively even more decrepit.

Before Indian policymakers can build a proper highway connecting the country through Myanmar and to mainland Southeast Asia, a lasting solution must be found to the ethnic insurgencies and other security problems in its northeastern hinterlands. Local ethnic insurgents frequently collect "taxes" on trucks and other vehicles plying not only the road to Moreh, but also on most major highways in Manipur, one of northeast India's seven states.

To India's chagrin, many of those rebels - ethnic Nagas, Manipuris and Kukis - maintain sanctuaries in remote areas on the Myanmar side of the border, beyond the reach of Indian security forces. These rebel forces are also known to have obtained weapons from various clandestine sources on the Sino-Myanmar border. Some of these weapons originate in China while others are made in secret gun factories in areas in northeastern Myanmar not controlled by the central government at Naypyidaw.

Despite these difficulties and the pitiful condition of the Moreh road, trade between India and Myanmar is booming. Before 1988, apart from smuggling activities, there was scant commercial activity along the two countries' shared border. Bilateral trade more than doubled between 2005 and 2010, expanding from US$557 million to $1.2 billion. Myanmar ships mainly agricultural goods and natural resources, while India exports chiefly machinery, industrial equipment, pharmaceuticals and consumer goods. India-Myanmar trade is beginning to rival that of the booming cross-border trade between China and Myanmar, which has been brisk for almost two decades.

At the same time, it is clear that India is still lagging far behind China when it comes to accessing Myanmar's markets and mineral resources. In 2010, trade between Myanmar and China amounted to at least $3 billion, with some economic analysts putting the figure as high as $4 billion. Some of that trade passes through Myanmar to India, witnessed in the flood of Chinese-made goods in India's northeastern region. The Paona International Market in Imphal, popularly referred to as the "Moreh market" or "Myanmar market", is flush with Chinese-produced electronics, clothes, bags, household utensils and other cheap manufactures.

Pragmatic policy shift
Immediately after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Myanmar, India sympathized with the Aung San Suu Kyi-led opposition. Rajiv Gandhi, India's prime minister at the time, came out in open support of the movement, and New Delhi implemented policies that gave shelter to Myanmar refugees and allowed dissidents to operate freely from Indian territory. This, of course, was not for entirely altruistic reasons: the policy was viewed widely as India's way of countering China's influence in Myanmar.

India began to re-evaluate that strategy around 1993, out of concern that its policies had achieved little except to push Myanmar closer to Beijing. Even then it was obvious to policymakers that the Suu Kyi-led opposition would not assume power anytime soon. The result was a dramatic shift in policy aimed at patching up relations with Myanmar's ruling generals. In turn, Myanmar signaled to India to take greater interest in improving bilateral relations to lessen its heavy dependence on China.

India's interests in Myanmar are obvious. Apart from serving as a link to lucrative markets and trading partners in Southeast Asia, New Delhi wants to ensure that northeastern insurgents are deprived of sanctuaries and supply lines through its eastern neighbor - and to keep Chinese influence there at bay. India's rapidly expanding economy also needs energy, and New Delhi has shown strong interest in importing more oil and gas from Myanmar.

India also has plans to build a 1,200 megawatt hydroelectric power station on the Chindwin River, across from India's northeastern region, and is involved in several other infrastructure projects inside Myanmar, including major road construction projects. In short, India is busy opening its west-east corridor through Myanmar to protect its own economic as well as strategic interests.

To open the way, India has taken a number of initiatives to rid its rebellious states in the northeast - Assam, Nagaland and Manipur - of insurgents and establish permanent peace in the region. That task was made easier when Sheikh Hasina's pro-Indian Awami League government took over in Bangladesh in December 2008. Her predecessor, Khaleda Zia and the Bangladesh National Party, provided sanctuaries for insurgents who moved about freely in the capital Dhaka and the port city of Chittagong, where Indian rebel groups had received many illicit shipments of arms.

In late November 2009, Bangladesh arrested United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa and its deputy commander-in-chief Raju Barua along with eight other Assamese militants and handed them over to India. In September 2010, Rajkumar Meghen, better known as Sana Yaima, the leader of Manipur's United National Liberation Front, was arrested in Dhaka and bundled off to India. At about the same time, the main arms procurer of the Naga rebels and a frequent visitor to China, Anthony Shimray, was arrested at Kathmandu airport in Nepal and ended up in Indian custody.

While these arrests have been significant from a strategic perspective, India knows that simply detaining ethnic insurgent leaders won't be enough to achieve peace in the restive region. There are also widespread grievances among the local population that will need to be addressed before there is lasting peace and stability along India's Myanmar frontier.

New Delhi's Myanmar policy and its anti-China aspect are even clearer in the Indian Ocean. China now imports most of its oil and gas from Central Asia and the Middle East and made it clear several years ago that it intended to build a pipeline through Myanmar to avoid the clogged and potentially volatile Strait of Malacca bottleneck for its fuel transhipments.

For this purpose, and to import natural gas from the fields in the sea south of Myanmar, Beijing and Naypyidaw signed an agreement in March 2009 to also build a natural gas pipeline extending across Myanmar to China's southwestern Yunnan province. Those projects are well underway: piles of pipes can now be seen at the Jiegao border crossing between China and Myanmar, and at various sites along the highway to Kunming, Yunnan's capital.

Building such a conduit for crucial energy supplies in a foreign country would be risky without substantial political influence and an extensive signals intelligence network in the Indian Ocean sea lanes where the fuel is transported. China has large stores of both through its ties to Myanmar.

India has not taken lightly the prospect of another major player in a maritime area that it considers its own lake. This concern provides a new aspect to the age-old strategic rivalry between India and China - and another reason for India to counter China's influence over Myanmar.

New great game
Not surprisingly, the US's Barack Obama administration has expressed its support for India's "Look East" policy. On November 23, US deputy national security advisor for strategic communication Ben Rhodes said: "The President very much welcomes India's Look East approach. We believe that just as the United States, as a Pacific Ocean power, is going to be deeply engaged in the future of East Asia, so should India as an Indian Ocean power and as an Asian nation."

In January, a US naval ship visited India's Andaman Islands to conduct search and rescue operations, shipwreck salvaging and naval vessel repair exercises with their Indian counterparts. The commander of the US vessel, Derek Peterson, "lauded the cooperation" of the Indian Navy and said he was impressed with its capabilities.

That strategic exchange followed on a March 2010 visit by the USS Patriot at Port Blair, the capital of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. The news site of the Commander of the US 7th Fleet reported from that US naval visit that "Patriot Sailors will train with the Indian Navy; special emphasis will be put on damage-control and mine countermeasures training."

The official report also quoted Douglas Woods, one of the ship's officers, saying: "First day we pull in we got a flag football game with the Indian navy and a soccer game with the Indian navy. We also have cricket lessons for all personnel that want to go out and participate in. Indian navy personnel will provide the lessons."

Indian naval officers interviewed in Port Blair by this correspondent in January said there was nothing more to the US naval visit than basic joint training exercises. But it is hard to imagine that routine exercises were the main purpose of the US naval visits. Myanmar - and even more so China - likely watched the US-Indian naval cooperation with some trepidation.

Both Myanmar and China know that India's military has upgraded its presence on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in a bid to meet new challenges in the maritime region and to safeguard its own interests in Southeast Asia and the Malacca Strait. To be sure, there were more important issues of concern for India and the US than diving for sunken ships and teaching American sailors how to play cricket.

That said, the more recent anti-Chinese stance taken by Myanmar's new government should be music to the ears of India's security planners. India rolled out the red carpet for Myanmar President Thein Sein when he arrived in New Delhi on a three-day state visit on October 14, adding to speculation that Myanmar aims to reduce its heavy dependence on China and make more room for India. In a joint statement, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh welcomed Thein Sein's "ongoing efforts at political, economic and social reform."

In the 19th century, Arthur Conolly, an intelligence officer of the British colonial army, coined the expression "the Great Game" to describe the strategic rivalry between the then British and Russian Empires for supremacy in Central Asia. More than any other objective in the competition, the Russians sought access to the Indian Ocean.

Another "Great Game" involving India, China and the US is now playing out in Asia on the eastern fringes of the Indian subcontinent. But before the regional balance of power tilts away from China and towards India, the potholes on the road to Moreh will have to be smoothed out. Only then can China's grip on Myanmar be challenged and India able to link up more directly and strategically with Southeast Asia.

Bertil Lintner is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review and author of several books on Burma/Myanmar, including the forthcoming Great Game East: India, China and the Struggle for Asia's Most Volatile Frontier. He is currently a writer with Asia-Pacific Media Services.

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