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10/26/2011: "An appeal to rally around leaders of all factions together Bendangangshi Morungexpress"

An appeal to rally around leaders of all factions together Bendangangshi Morungexpress

As one of the concerned senior Naga citizens, once again, I am making an appeal to all the peace loving citizens of Nagaland, especially the educated class, to earnestly and willingly acknowledge the work of the FNR and to rally around our leaders of all the factions together for the noble cause of our country.
It is doubtless that they are negotiating with the Government of India sorting out the problems in all sincerity based on our demand for freedom. This negotiation is to arrive at a peaceful political solution to our long standing problem, applying give and take policy, acceptable to both the parties. Unlike the bygone Congress Governments at the centre, the UPA Government is now sincerely negotiating with our leaders for a peaceful negotiated political settlement, avoiding the path of violence.
In the days past, the Indian leaders from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru down to Morarji Desai had never agreed to negotiate with the NNC under the able leadership of A.Z. Phizo, President, and Imkongmeren, Vice President, despite countless appeals being made to them. On the contrary, the Parliament of India passed the Unlawful Activities Act, empowering the Indian Army to exterminate the Nagas indiscriminately. As a result, uncountable Naga lives were lost; freedom fighters and innocent public; men and women. Concentration camps throughout the Naga country were set up and torture became a part of daily life. Thousands were apprehended and put behind bars in different Jails of India. Thus through the bullet and starvation, thousands of our people were done to death. By the time Ceasefire was declared on 6th September, 1964, a little more than one lakh Nagas had fallen and by then, most of my friends who were patriots and dedicated leaders had lost their lives through bullets and merciless tortures.
That apart, Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India, gifted the entire Eastern Nagaland to the then Prime Minister of Burma, U-Nu, at a joint meeting of the two heads of State held in Kohima in 1953 and boundary pillars were erected in 1955. Looking back, one wonders as to how the leader of the caliber of Nehru, who is hailed as a true humanitarian, could commit such act of callousness in dealing with the Nagas. It was also unfortunate that Nehru’s successor, his daughter Indira Gandhi, fared no better when it came to dealing with the Naga Political issue. Like a dictator, she disregarded the sanctity of the ceasefire agreement signed on 6th September, 1964, and unilaterally withdrew the ceasefire, bringing the political negotiation to a deadlock, and another period of army operation began, the consequence of which was more serious than the pre-ceasefire days and continued up to the recent times. This second reign of terror led to the death of more than three lakh Nagas.
The brief rule of the Janata Party under Prime Minister Morarji Desai also brought no respite. It is a fact the in June, 1977, Morarji Desai met the NNC President A.Z. Phizo accompanied by Khodao Yanthan, in London, which meeting was the briefest ever held between leaders in history. It is on record that at the meeting, the NNC President reiterated his stand that Nagas were never Indians and Nagaland was never a part of Indian Territory and that the Nagas were suffering under the oppression of the Indian Armed Forces. A.Z. Phizo also proposed a political dialogue to bring about an end to the Naga political issue. Morarji Desai, however, bluntly replied, that the Nagas are not suffering and that if Phizo insisted on talking about Nagaland, I would terminate the meeting. At this stage, A.Z. Phizo raised a question: “will the Prime Minister exterminate the Nagas?”, to which Desai replied: “Yes, I will show no mercy.” Khodao Yanthan then informed the Prime Minister that the Nagas thought he would be the man for the final settlement of the Naga problem, but Desai bluntly replied: “What is there to settle? I will show absolutely no leniency to rebels. I have no compunction about that.” Finally, Phizo asked: “Will there be further opportunity for discussion?” and Desai’s curt reply was: “What discussion? There will be no discussion.” Thus the meeting ended.
With the change of leadership in India, beginning with Prime Minister Narasimha Rao, however, there has been change of attitude of the Indian Government towards the Naga political issue. A new chapter has opened with the signing of the ceasefire agreement between the Government and the leadership of the NSCN and the initiation of the talks for a peaceful negotiated settlement between the parties with the Government of India recognizing the Naga situation as “Unique.” Though the negotiation is taking a long time, which often leads to the suspicion that the Government of India may be employing delay tactics to wait out the demise of the Naga negotiators and thereby the natural death of the issue itself, from the manner in which the negotiations are taking shape, there is no doubt about the sincerity of both parties to bring about a lasting solution, though the solution may not be in complete accordance with the demands of the Nagas. But success or failure of the negotiations depends to a greater extent upon the Nagas as a whole. Unless we stand united and with one voice, leaving aside all differences, past or present, the Government of India may refuse to come to terms with certain major issues, taking advantage of our disunity. To command the respect of the Government of India, unity of the Nagas is a must.
Under the circumstances, I call upon the Nagas, lovers of liberty, to reunite once again as in the days when our people united in utmost sincerity for the first time to stand united for our liberty and to earnestly extend support to our leaders under Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah, so that an acceptable solution to our problem may be brought about at the earliest.

Bendangangshi Ex MLA
Concerned Naga senior citizen
India, Myanmar open up borders Economic Times IANS
AIZAWL: In a reciprocal gesture, Myanmar has decided to allow Indians living in border areas of four northeastern states to travel upto 16 km inside its territory without a passport or visa, a Mizoram government official said Monday.

"The reciprocal arrangements for the visit of both Indians and Mynmarese were discussed in detail at a deputy commissioner-level meeting held at Falam in Myanmar's Chin state last week," a Mizoram home department official here told IANS.

India had already made a similar announcement earlier this year, allowing unrestricted entry of Myanmarese up to 16 km territory inside Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. "Besides residents of Mizoram, inhabitants of Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh would be allowed to visit the other side of the Myanmar border," the official said. Citizens of both countries can stay on the other side of the border for a maximum period of one week. Mizoram's Champhai district Deputy Commissioner Vijaya Kumar Bidhuri led the Indian delegation at the meeting held Saturday.

Official of both countries have also agreed to work together in curbing trafficking of rare orchids, animal organs and skins, drugs and sandalwood. The tribal-dominated opulation on both sides of the border share common lifestyles and traditions. Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram share a 1,640 km-long border with Myanmar, manned by the Assam Rifles on the Indian side. The dense forests make the border porous and vulnerable.
NSCN (I-M)CEO informs Nagalandd Post
DIMAPUR Informing all responsible that election of “leacys” and “tatars” and the collective leadership of NSCN would be completed on or before December 20, the Nagalim election commission Monday said exact date of election of “leacys” and “tatars” would be notified shortly.

In a press release, the chief election commissioner of Nagalim A.Z. Jami said election of collective leadership would be held during winter session of the “Tatar Hoho”, which he stated would automatically take the place of the “National Hoho.”

According to Nagalim election commission, all the male members of NSCN, who have rendered service for six years, and female members, who have completed national service for four years, were illegible to vote in the elections. It said October 24 has been set as deadline for the purpose, adding “leacy hohos” and “tatar hoho” would stand dissolved before 15 days of the voting day.

Further, the Nagalim election commission has informed all responsible authorities, especially the commission staffs and the CAOs to be prepared for the exercise.It stated that CAOs who have not yet submitted village-wise census figures to the commission would have to bear all responsibilities and consequences.

The commission also said that there shall be no transfers, postings, appointments, nominations, inductions etc., during the election process starting from October 24.

The Nagalim election commission also said that it would make requisitions of competent and senior GPRN officials from the “govt. departments” to assist the commission in the conduct of elections. It also requested all senior leaders of NSCN/GPRN to extend cooperation and necessary help to the commission for successful conduct of election.
Blockades of Many Kinds Imphal Free Press By B.G. Verghese
The Manipur blockade has gone far beyond a demonstrative measure and must be ended. The ordinary people have suffered enough. The Kuki-Naga quarrel at the root of the agitation is esoteric for most and politically whipped up by ethnic chauvinists on both sides. The State government is caught in a bind while Centre appears to have been passive for far too long, hoping that the problem will go away by itself. A prolonged stalemate could erupt in anger.
The Kukis claim that they have been neglected by the administration and oppressed by the Nagas. They demand the partitioning of the Kangpoki sub-division of the Naga majority Senapati district to form a Kuki-dominated Sadr Hills district in which their development and cultural prospects will be brighter. The United Naga Council that straddles Manipur and Nagaland sees in this a dark plot further to divide the Naga homeland and frustrate the goal of a united Nagalim.
In order to force the issue in their favour, the Kukis have blockaded both the Dimapur-Kohima-Imphal and Silchar-Jiribam-Imphal national highways, only to find themselves trumped by the Nagas who control the upper sectors of both roads connecting Manipur with Assam and the Indian heartland. Trucks have been burnt and movements forcibly stopped victimising people on both sides but especially those living in the Imphal Valley and further south. Prices of fuel, daily necessities and medicines have sky-rocketed. The blockade has been on for nearly 90 days, leading to distress, helplessness and despair.
Whatever the State Government and the Centre have done has been of little avail. Some essential supplies have been air-lifted but this has been no more than a minor palliative. The issue, obviously tricky, is clearly political. It is time for the Centre to demand opening of both roads for movement of essential supplies within 48 hours, with talks to follow to resolve the issues in contention, failing which it must be prepared to use the military to open up both routes. Some will argue that such a move may spark violence. The answer is that violence is being and has been used for three months to strangulate an entire people. The status quo is unacceptable.
A whiff of firmness after a display of extraordinary patience (or inaction), coupled with mediatory and practical efforts to restore harmony, will pay dividends. If governance fails, everything fails and things could spiral out of hand. A parallel initiative would be to negotiate emergency supplies for Manipur from and through Myanmar and Bangladesh, via Chittagong. The current crisis underlines the urgency of improving connectivity to and from Manipur (and in and to the Northeast generally), especially by improving the Silchar-Jiribam-Imphal highway. This route will in any case have to be realigned to overcome submergence should the Tipaimukh hydroelectric project move forward as it should.
The long term answer would seem to lie in pushing forward with the Naga peace talks and commencing a similar dialogue with the Kukis and other groups in a bid to understand and allay their fears and misgivings as ethnic entities. In the interim, the Sadar Hills Kukis could be granted a non-territorial council with appropriate institutional arrangements to ensure their development and cultural advancement even as the Naga majority areas within Manipur are granted similar autonomy within a non-territorial Nagalim. This would safeguard their interests without dismembering Manipur, Arunachal or Assam on each of which the Naga underground have territorial claims that can only be made good by consent, which has thus far proven totally elusive, or by the kind of pragmatic settlement suggested here or any other better idea. The Church is a powerful and positive influence and should be brought into the dialogue more directly to arrive at a just and honourable settlement.
Delicate negotiations such as are in progress between the NSCN-IM leadership and the Centre cannot be forced. Yet, dilatoriness could also bring in train its own problems as the current situation is clearly far from ideal. The Naga underground virtually runs a parallel administration through parallel taxation (or extortion), though everybody winks at ground realities.
Talks with the Metei underground would also be in order as Meitei nationalists have their own historical grievances going back to the alleged manner in which Manipur’s merger was effected and the status accorded to this ancient kingdom and its cultural symbols. An agreed form of words to express regret for any inadvertent hurt o misunderstanding caused in the past is surely worth exploring as a path to reconciliation.
Talks with ULFA are on and there are many other ethnic groups that nurse real or imagined grievances. These should all be addressed and the message should go out that none will go unheard and no legitimate and reasonable accommodation will be denied. The past is behind us and its perceived wrongs can only be redeemed by building a better future together, within an Indian commonwealth of equal peoples.
Telengana has been on the boil too and here again the Centre must act swiftly to avert a dangerous breach in national cohesion. The problem is that the Congress has blown hot and cold on any further state formation and has once again addressed the problem only on calculations of short term electoral and political gain. Half a dozen demands for new states are on the anvil and more will be broached. On what criteria of economic viability, administrative convenience, natural resource optimisation, security and cultural factors should a determination be made? There is a case for many more, smaller states. How many may be too many? And if something is conceded would it opens a veritable Pandora’s Box as some fear?
These questions are best answered by a blue riband commission of men and women of wisdom and experience who have no axe to grind. Let them take stock and see what countervailing institutions or arrangements might be put in place like the old Zonal Councils (that have been all but wound up), river basin authorities, natural resource regions, transport corridors and geo-strategic or common security regions, special urban government mechanisms and more empowered panchayati raj bodies. The commission should be set up in consultation with all major parties and the States and its report submitted after the next general election.
Mamta Bannerjee’s offer of talks with Bengal’s Maoists and the Home Minister’s repeated clarification that the latter need not surrender their arms but only not use them or resort to other forms of violence, intimidation and regrouping while the dialogue is on should not be allowed to wither on the vine. Extension of the Fifth Schedule to states currently not covered by it and its honest implementation alongside the Supreme Court’s Samata judgement regarding development and corporate social responsibility point to the direction in which the country must travel to promote growth with equity and local participation. www.bgverghese .com
The issue, I am told, is the tissue Aheli Moitra
How far away are we from the periphery? Alternatively, how can we ‘peripherize’ spaces that are central to its inhabitants and their ideas? If we don’t understand where our lines must run through, can we run them through wherever it makes administrative sense to us? Hey, what do I know, but the Manipur government is learning to answer these through a difficult debacle. As for me, it took minutes too many to figure out the shape of this iceberg’s tip.
I ran out of official time given to me in the Naga region couple of weeks back. I’d been to a few districts in Nagaland, and the plan was to proceed to the Southern Naga areas (administered by the government of Manipur) towards the end of my time here. But I ran out of it, and wasn’t completely expecting the visit as it came. Boy, am I glad the chance arose because I would’ve missed out on the following points to reflect on:
• Two old men, each with their stories of the 2nd world war, both awed by the sight of planes and their droppings, even if bombs. One of them, through his childframe, was fascinated by how the Japanese gave each family a cow to eat—heck, he thought, the Japanese had much better sense of winning hearts and minds than the British or Indians! Obviously seeing maggot-infested bodies rotting in their forests, after the war came to an end, changed the way they thought of the world.
I have no background in army abuse so it came as a surprise as one of them recalled an incidence of all the men from his village being summoned to the local ground by the Indian army in the 60s, following which their hands were tied behind their backs. Their activity for the day was to jump in half-squats all day looking at the sun, wherever it went. I was surprised not by the story itself, but how the man narrated it with a grin on his face. As he finished, his entire family burst out laughing. Perhaps because this was the least of persecutions they, as persons and collectives, had faced through years, each generation piling a deposit of its own—metamorphosing in a way they might not want to, being pushed further into a nation-state’s ideas of periphery while continuing to remain central to their own lands.
• A woman who had lost much of her family to death and exile as a result of war went through her family album with me in her quietly sunlit room—their history exemplified by her sophistication. Her father was killed by a mortar while he was returning from his field in May 1994 when a paramilitary battalion launched a strike on Ukhrul. He had gone deaf at the time, and oblivious to the attack was returning from his field like on a normal day, perhaps even whistling his way back home. Who knows what he might have felt when he saw the mortar’s trajectory trace his course. His memorial stands on a bend as you chart the road out of Ukhrul town. This is not the memorial of just this man, his daughter and her family. Through instance, it is the history of military occupation as seen from the other side of security.
• And obviously the young ones. In most Naga areas, as in this, it’s been them who showed me (and made me feel) their home. When I came here, I was blind to the concept of a home. Through moonlight, torch and day they showed me what a home is, why they love it and what its vast physicality looks like as they repeatedly stopped and stared at the hillscape with me. None of the Southern Nagas complained or cribbed about their situation. Some of them could articulate meanings of homeland, freedom and justice through words, while others through music. Don’t miss the powerful voice of Theithei Luithui, for instance, singing out her words for the collective pain of Oinam (1987) and Mao Gate (2010)—expression that mere words couldn’t give to rights trampled upon, to the anguish of captivity at home.
• This strange territory has several layers of provisional problems. The current economic blockade in Manipur is the least of them, its burnt-truck face welcoming you into the hills at too many turns, its sadness made worse by paddy fields in the backdrop, in harvest. These hills neither have access to the provisions of 371(a) nor do they benefit from the corrupt state they were administratively made a part of. Not that being part of the Nagaland state itself would’ve made it hugely better, what with the corrupt state of the times. But for the Southern Nagas, it is a daunting challenge to find a place within a future Naga polity, be a part of creating it and still be able to move into a modern world that can at least be kick-started. It is this transition between maintaining old movements and ideating new systems that make for the most difficult zones—the tissue, between one world and the other, is indeed the issue in these hills. Not to say that they haven’t waded through it in style. Where, as in certain cases, they have had to apply their first world training in an alternative world paradigm. I don’t know if the challenge this presents has made these nuts come back home to work, or they have come back here to contribute to political, medical, sociological and other processes despite. When successful, there is no doubt some of them will bring about new equations and structures that will help the world think on alternative terms—freeing themselves (and us) from the winter muck and summer dust.
• The United Naga Council (UNC), Manipur is one of the few Naga organisations that has a woman delegate; not just in her capacity through a women’s consultative body for traditional decision-making units, but as a delegate in it! It is through this active participation of women that organisations like these will be able to find coherent identities and play a better role in addressing the issues their society needs them for.
• I have to narrate this incident, much like a cherry on the damaged cake. On my way back from Ukhrul, I asked an Assam Rifles guy at a check post amidst stringent rummage-through of bags, “What does ‘Sun Down, Sleeves Down’ written on the wall of your check post mean?” “It means when the sun goes down, our sleeves come down. It’s cold here.” I was slightly confused, “Does it apply to all residents of these hills or just the AR? Does sun down mean gun down? Haha?” “Just the AR, it’s our motto of sort,” he said, clearly unamused. “Oh, that’s terrible then! Who wrote it for you?” “It’s not so terrible if you think about it.” “Fine, what do you think about it?” “When the sun goes down, so do the sleeves.” Can you believe this conversation? If you’re going to have a sub army reign, at least smarten them up. Either way, let’s hope we’re able to blake flee!

Aheli Moitra is an independent researcher. She travels to document conflict in personal and collective spaces. (Contact: aheli.moitra@gmail.com)

Armed with Chinese language, Naga students head for dragon country Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR Chinese Institute of Language & Arts and China Study Centre, Dimapur organized its first certificate awarding function on October 20 at the institute for successful pass-outs of the certificate in Chinese language and culture course.

Twelve students would be leaving for China shortly to study courses in medical science (MBBS) and advanced Chinese language at Kunming Medical University and Qingdao Technological University respectively. Other students are learning Chinese language for better job prospects.

Dinesh Kumar IAS, Commissioner of Taxes, Government of Nagaland who was the chief guest at the function congratulated the students and Chinese institute and emphasized the importance of Chinese language in the present scenario and how learning language will be an asset for students and job seekers. He also said entrepreneurs can benefit by learning Chinese language as China is becoming an important destination for doing business and was optimistic that the China bound students would become good doctors and serve the community.

Dr. John Murry, Patron of Chinese Institute congratulated the students and encouraged them to work hard and excel in their careers. He mentioned that history is in the making and the few who have decided to learned Chinese language have made an important decision which would make a difference, he added.
Hui Ying, speaking on behalf of the faculty admired the students’ keen interest to learn Chinese language and culture. She mentioned that China is a fascinating country with rich traditions and the students would enjoy their experiences in the Dragon country.

The students presented a popular Chinese song “Tian Mi Mi” much to the delight of the guests present at the function. Ramachandra Rao, was awarded the best student of the pass-out batch while Erenpeni Yanthan bagged the second position.

Manipur blockaded on road to nowhere Yengkhom Jilangamba The Hindu


A TEST OF TOLERANCE: People waiting in a queue to buy goods in Imphal city. Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar
These protests are the weapon of choice in the expression of rival ethnic claims, are testing the people's tolerance beyond endurance, turning the State into a socio-political volcano that could explode anytime.
Since August this year, Manipur has been under an economic blockade called by the Sadar Hills Districthood Demand Committee (SHDDC). This and a counter-blockade by the United Naga Council (UNC) on the national highways have caused severe shortages of food, medical supplies, fuel and other essential items. There have been reports that hospitals are running short of medicines. Petrol, diesel and LPG are in short supply, and are being sold at exorbitant prices. Onion, potato, rice and dal are similarly scarce and expensive. There have been instances when rumours have set off incidents of small-scale violence. The scarcities have created an atmosphere befitting the description of a humanitarian crisis in a war-zone.
The tolerance of the people in Manipur is being tested beyond endurance. It is fortunate that traditions of mutual exchange and interdependency among all communities have helped ward off major incidents in such trying times. But that is no guarantee that the situation will not worsen.
Surprisingly, neither the State nor the central governments have shown any signs of dealing with this crisis. This catastrophe, as usual, has not caught the attention of the national media or democratic voices in other parts of the country. A blockade has been historically a form or a component of war. In its early incarnations, it would often be deployed between two parties, one belligerent force blockading another power, or between belligerents. Its maximum impact is felt in the everyday lives of the common people who are helplessly caught in the situation.
Driven by ethnic politics
An economic blockade has often been deployed as a form of protest by different groups to draw attention to their cause. Though the intention of those who use it as a form of protest may be to highlight their grievances and wanting it to be addressed by the authorities, it immediately puts pressure on the population. Blockades in Manipur, driven largely by ethnic politics and the geographical circumstances, at times, begin to look more like a form of collective punishment.
The logic of a blockade seems to be that considering the experience of majoritarianism being meted out by the Meiteis against the other communities, a protest against the Government of Manipur should necessarily target the Meitei population. The polity of Manipur is seen to be largely driven and controlled by the Meiteis. Thus, suffocating the supply lines through the national highways seem an unfortunate but unavoidable choice to make the government listen to the demands of the aggrieved party.
Sadar Hills issue
Such smooth political logic is blind to the fact that an economic blockade of this magnitude affects all people, irrespective of ethnicity. Their suffering can often be measured against the rhetoric of sacrifice: the rich and the powerful cut across community boundaries and, more importantly, are not affected as they get around the high prices and scarcities with ease. Rather, they often use moments like this to project themselves as champions of the suffering by carrying out symbolic acts of sacrifice. Such acts are in turn mobilised as propaganda for their ethnic politics. Moreover, moments of economic scarcity are also boom time for traders. Prices are disproportionately increased. Even though essentials are in short supply in the open market, almost everything is available if one is willing to pay in the black market. And there seems to be a thriving market run by crisis profiteers.
This time round, the blockade on the national highways 53 and 39 was first imposed by the SHDDC from August 1. Its demand was the creation of a separate district of Sadar Hills out of the current Senapati district of which it is a part of. This otherwise simple administrative procedure is extraordinarily complicated in the context of Manipur. Senapati district happens to be inhabited largely by different communities of the Kukis, the Nepalis, and the Nagas. Within the district, Sadar Hills is dominated demographically by the Kukis.
A demand for a separate district of the Sadar Hills is resented by the Nagas. They fear it would jeopardise their claim for a ‘greater Nagalim.' Interestingly, the whole of Senapati district is included in the map of “Naga inhabited areas,” a phrase that has gained currency after it was modified from the earlier “Naga dominated areas.” Therefore, the UNC called for a counter economic blockade on these highways from August 21 onwards fearing the possibility of Senapati district being bifurcated.
Given the history of ethnic clashes between the Nagas and the Kukis in the hills of Manipur beginning in the early 1990s when Senapati district was one of the worst affected, the atmosphere has been tense.
In the context of the larger politics of Manipur, the demand for the creation of a separate Sadar Hills district has to be weighed alongside two other vociferous demands — for the creation of Jiribam and Phungyar as separate districts.
In all three demands, there have been fierce contestations from rival ethnic groups, a pointer to how in Manipur's politics, and also more widely in the North-East region, there has been a tendency to fit ethnic identity perfectly on to a particular territory. This is how “homeland” politics is conducted, but fusing ethnic exclusivity with territoriality can create a combustible mix.
That Senapati district has witnessed abnormal population growth rates both in the census counts of 2001 and 2011, has led to its own share of controversies. In some areas within the district it has been more than 100 per cent. This has been interpreted as a move to legitimise one community's claim to being the majority in a particular territory, creating simmering animosity and hatred.
To critique the increasing tendency of ethnic exclusivist politics is not to negate the genuine concerns of the different marginalised groups that get subsumed within a majoritarian ideology, but to open a more progressive form of politics. Manipur today is sitting on a latent socio-political volcano. If all parties concerned do not take action immediately, there is a danger that it might well explode.
(The author is at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in Delhi.)