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10/08/2011: "Nagaland on the verge of disintegration: HM Nagaland Post Richang Imchen,"

Nagaland on the verge of disintegration: HM Nagaland Post | Richang Imchen,

Dimapur, (NPN) Home Minister, L. Imkong Imchen on Tuesday said that Ao population was growing rapidly in Dimapur and believed the Ao’s going by the size of the population must shoulder the responsibility for all the Nagas. He said this while addressing the Ao Students Union Dimapur sports meet at DDSC, Dimapur with as the chief guest.

Imchen encouraged the partakers from the 6 houses participating in various disciplines to give their best, as he believed that only the best and talented have been selected for the meet and that their participation would benefit the people by way of showcasing their talent at the state, national level in true sportsmanship spirit. He also called the various tribes of Nagaland to be united as Nagas are inter-dependent in nature.

Among the 16 tribes, Imkong said Ao’s were ahead in terms of literacy which was a blessing from God. On the job reservation for the backward tribes, Imchen said since the 1970’s, the policy of reservation had been in practice in Nagaland to elevate the backward community.
UNC issues 20-day ultimatum to Centre Nagaland post Pamreiso Shimray,
UKHRUL (NPN)
Taking serious note of the stalled “Tripartite Talks” on the issue of “Alternative Arrangement,” the United Naga Council (UNC) has issued an ultimatum to the Government of India for an early intervention by October 19.

In an official communication with the Government of India (GoI), the UNC had submitted a “concept paper” on September 29 and urged “the GoI to initiate the process of intervention with an alternative arrangement outside the Government of Manipur for the Nagas in Manipur within 20 days.”

UNC’s communiqué with the New Delhi was facilitated after the latter’s request for the “concept paper” for the consideration of the GoM, and was reportedly the first after the three rounds of “Tripartite Talks.”

The apex Naga body is apparently peeved with the GoI’s silent stance since the last round of “Tripartite Talks,” which resulted in categorical rejection of the former’s demand by both the Centre and the State government.

In a press statement the UNC warned that “…should the same (demand) be not forthcoming, the Nagas will have no option but to revert back to sustained agitation till our demand for an alternative arrangement is met.

This stand has been taken because the demand for alternative arrangement cannot be a matter of consideration by the GoM and to urge for an early intervention by the GoI.”

Further, it asserted “When the tripartite talk of the Government of Manipur, GoI and the Nagas in Manipur under the aegis of the UNC was initiated by the home minister of India in Sept. 2010, the agitation programme launched by the Nagas in Manipur to demand for the intervention of the GoI with an alternative arrangement outside the GoM was withdrawn as a confidence building measure for all concerned.”

However, the Naga body argued that after more than one year of submission of the memorandum in demand for alternative arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur and three rounds of tripartite talk, there has been no forward movement in addressing the core issue of the demand. It also alleged that the democratic process of dialogue has been subjected to the comfort, approach and position of the communal GoM.

On the current situation in Manipur, the UNC expressed concerns on the fragile, sensitive and delicate situation have “grave potential for communal confrontation and violence which could possibly lead to catastrophic consequences.”

“The democratic process of tripartite talk had kept in check the injured sentiments of the Nagas in Manipur with the expectation of a peaceful negotiation.

But now the Nagas are of the considered view that nothing positive can come out of the tripartite talk. But the suppression and exploitation of the Nagas in particular and the tribals in general by the communal GoM cannot be allowed to continue any further,” it stated.

Handloom expo inaugurated in Nagaland’s Mokokchung town (India) Fibre2fashion News Desk - India
A special handloom expo has been inaugurated in Mokokchung, a town in the Indian State of Nagaland.

About 40 stalls from various districts of Nagaland, and also from neighbouring States of Assam and Manipur, have been put up at the handloom fair.

The fair sponsored by Development Commissioner for Handloom, Ministry of Textiles, Government of India, is being held under the aegis of Nagaland Handloom and Handicrafts Development Corporation Ltd. (NHHDC Ltd.), Dimapur.

Last month too, NHHDC had organized a special handloom expo in Dimpaur in its bid to promote handloom sector in the State.The handloom expo will go on till October 13.
Bearing Witness: A new report on women in conflict zones Swarna Rajagopalan India, Internal Conflict & Crises.
The Centre for North East Studies & Policy Research, based in New Delhi and Guwahati, and the Heinrich Boll Foundation, have just released a report on the impact of conflict on women in Nagaland and Assam, two states on India’s northeastern frontier. The study is based on intensive field work and documentation in these areas.
The researchers set out to speak primarily to victims of trauma and PTSD. But in Nagaland, they identified seven kinds of trauma, and found it hard to restrict their conversations to respondents that primarily fit their research design. Their listing of seven kinds of trauma brought home just how profound the impact of conflict can be and how long this impact can last (pages 10-11). Apart from the trauma experienced by individual women when they themselves were assaulted, they also experienced the trauma that others in their family, clan or village suffered or that they witnessed. Moreover, hearing of assault and traumatic experiences, either across generations through family stories or as researchers, also had an impact. Those interviewed experienced the hopelessness of their cause, however righteous, as trauma. Displacement, the loss of place and history, was another source of trauma. Being forced to interact with and adapt to the ways of others—even the ‘other’—contributed to traumatisation.
In Nagaland, the research team found that given the nature of Naga society, trauma was experienced by the village collectively, and people were hesitant to identify themselves individually, as if to suggest their own experience was somehow worse. Naga women drew sustenance from the support system provided by their traditional structures and institutions like the church. Whether or not women knew about the different laws that governed their region, they spoke to the brutality of the Indian security forces.
“All women respondents had stated that conflicts had affected all aspects of daily normal life whether they were socio-economic, health, education, etc. People cutting across class, clans, villages, gender, age, etc., had suffered tremendously over the years due to different conflicts… There were also many discords and tensions in society. There were divorces and broken homes. Conflicts had generated an atmosphere of mistrust and suspicion as well as fear.” (page 27)
What the researchers stress is the need for counseling and legal services and for education about the same, so people could seek help. This is borne out by what they learnt in Assam too, except that the research team adds the need to generate and make available livelihood and educational opportunities, the absence of which was identified here as leading to trauma. Timely relief and rehabilitation was also stressed. Where Naga society already has such platforms, it is recommended in Assam that, “Women committees must be formed in conflict affected villages which check any sort of physical or structural violence against women and human trafficking issues.” (page 44)
The importance of this study is two-fold. First, it is based on really sound field research—thoughtful conversations sensitively reported. The report is full of stories that the research team heard and they are the heart of this report, bringing to life the experience of multiple generations living with a conflict that is sometimes with the state and sometimes (or at once) internecine. The research team has used photographs, film and research notes to capture and communicate the experience of women in Nagaland and Assam. This is an unusually comprehensive effort. Second, Nagaland and Assam are important Indian states, but even so, underreported and understudied in the Indian context. A project that begins to look at the marginalized in a marginalized region thus acquires tremendous importance for researchers and policy-makers, but also for other citizens of the same state. And so does the multimedia documentation and communication effort. The research team explicitly points to the limited scope of this project and states that more studies of this sort are needed; they are absolutely right. In the meanwhile, it is important to make this study widely known. Again, it may be accessed at the C-NES website: http://www.c-nes.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/09/The-final-report-of-HBF.pdf
Delhi immobilized by Manipur blockade By Sudha Ramachandran Asian times

BANGALORE - India's northeastern state of Manipur is under siege. A blockade of two vital highways for over two months now by rival ethnic groups pressing territorial claims has resulted in a serious shortage of essential commodities, causing immense hardship to the Manipuri people.

On August 1, the Kukis began their blockade of National Highway (NH) 39 and NH 53, to press their demand for a Kuki district in the Sadar Hills region of Manipur's Senapati district. An ethnic group that is scattered across India's northeast, the Kukis are a majority in the Sadar Hills.

Nagas, who form the majority in the Senapati district, are opposed to a Kuki district being carved out of Senapati. They claim the Sadar Hills region as part of a Greater Nagaland or Nagalim, their traditional homeland. Nagas have been waging an armed struggle to integrate into Nagaland the Naga-dominated areas of neighboring Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh as well as Myanmar under one administrative unit.

Anxious over a division of the Senapati district proposed by Manipur's Meitei-dominated government, the United Naga Council, the main organization of the Nagas in Manipur, responded by blockading the two highways from August 21.

The Kuki-Naga conflict over the Sadar Hills region goes back at least two decades. They have engaged in bitter fighting, resulting in the deaths of thousands of people.

The two blockaded highways are Manipur's only road links with the rest of India. The third highway, NH 150, connects Manipur through Mizoram with the rest of India is in a decrepit condition and unfit for trucks and other heavy vehicles.

Manipur is not new to economic blockades. Militant outfits, civil society organizations and political groups blockade roads routinely. The state has been wracked by insurgency for almost four decades and counter-insurgency operations have fueled the violence.

In April last year, Naga student bodies and nationalist civil society organizations blocked NH 39 to protest against the Manipur government's decision to hold elections to the Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District Councils. Smelling opportunity in the mounting crisis, Naga leader Thuingaleng Muivah announced in May that he was going to visit his birthplace in Manipur's Ukhrul district.

Fearing that Muivah's entry into Manipur would provide a spurt to the Naga campaign for incorporating parts of Manipur into the proposed Nagalim, the Manipur government denied him permission to visit the state, prompting Muivah's National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) (NSCN-IM) to join the blockade. The 2010 blockade, which lasted for 67 days dealt a severe blow to Manipur's already fragile economy and brought administration to a grinding halt. The ongoing blockade is the longest experienced by Manipur.

Violence by militants and security forces, strikes and bandhs (closures) have made daily life hell for Manipuris.

The controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which confers extraordinary powers on the armed forces, has been in effect in all of Manipur since 1980. Scores of innocent civilians have been killed or arrested under this draconian legislation. There are frequent mass protests calling for the repeal of the AFSPA. In 2009, bandhs over the cold-blooded killing of 27-year-old Chongkham Sanjit, a former militant, stretched over several months halting education and economic activity.

According to Open magazine, between 2004 and 2007, Manipur experienced 110 bandhs and 234 economic blockades, the total loss of which was around US$ 268 million - 40% of Manipur's budget for 2006-07. Over the past 15 years, NH 39 has been blockaded an average of six times per year and each of the blockades have lasted around five days.

The losses due to the ongoing economic blockades have been pegged at around $51 million so far. The impact of blocking roads would not have been as crushing if road infrastructure in the northeast was better. Not only is Manipur geographically distant from Delhi but also its people like others in the northeast have felt alienated, neglected and discriminated against by "mainland India".

Protests elsewhere in India capture media attention and usually evoke a response from the federal government. Not so the protests in Manipur. Activist Irom Sharmila has been on a hunger strike for 11 years but Delhi has remained unmoved by her protest against the AFSPA. A nasal drip administered to her by the Indian armed forces in a prison hospital keeps her alive.

The inaction of governments in Delhi and Manipur to break the blockades has evoked an angry response among Manipuris. They want the government to use force to end the standoffs. An editorial titled "Govt's profound absence" in the Imphal Free Press called on the government to "crack the whip and break the blockade".

"Let the agitation carry on democratically and let an amicable settlement be reached too in the course of time, but it is time for the government to say in definitive terms that certain styles of public protest which indiscriminately hurt the people, men, women and children, cannot be allowed under any circumstance. A symbolic strike of the nature for a day or two is pardonable, but one that extends over two months is something which should not be allowed under any circumstance by any government with spine," it says.

"India doesn't hesitate to use force to quell peaceful protest by Manipuris," a Manipuri student in Bangalore told Asia Times Online. "Why is it reluctant to use the security forces to force an end to the two-month-long blockade," he asked, pointing out that "an entire state was being held hostage to bullying by Naga and Kuki groups".

India's reluctance to use force to break the blockade is widely attributed in Manipur to Delhi's "excessive sensitivity to Naga sentiments".

The federal government is engaged in talks with the NSCN-IM aimed at ending the decades-long Naga insurgency. "It fears that the 11-year-long ceasefire with the NSCN-IM will collapse if it deploys the army or paramilitary forces to break the blockades imposed by the Naga groups," the Manipuri student pointed out. "We are paying the price for ensuring the survival of Delhi's fragile ceasefire with the NSCN-IM," he said.

The federal government is trying to reduce the impact of the blockade by providing security to truck convoys carrying supplies into Manipur. Meanwhile calls for removal of Chief Minister's Ibobi Singh's government in Manipur are growing.

Manipur will remain vulnerable to economic blockades so long as it is fed by supplies brought in through just two highways. Delhi will need to accelerate its road building in the northeast, particularly in Manipur, which is vulnerable to Naga pressure.

But more importantly, India needs to show more flexibility and imagination in its approach to conflict resolution in the northeast. Hitherto it has focussed on territorial solutions, which include carving out of states and districts to meet the demands of the region's multitude of ethnic and tribal groups. However, territorial solutions do not provide lasting solutions as they create unhappy minorities within the new territorial arrangements, triggering new conflicts and endless wars.

India would need to be more imaginative in its conflict resolution and consider non-territorial solutions so that clashing claims such as those between the Kukis and Nagas in Manipur do not provoke blockades that hold an entire state hostage.

"Imaginative and creative solutions are available," observes political commentator B G Varghese. "Some already exist; others can be enabled by constitutional amendment."

Delhi needs to draw on these creative solutions rather than persist with an approach that has kept the region restive.

Sudha Ramachandran is an independent journalist/researcher based in Bangalore. She can be reached at sudha98@hotmail.com

(Copyright 2011 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
When Manipur Disintegrates, India May Disintegrate Imphal Free Press
By Lt. Col. H Bhuban Singh (Retd.)
Author is a Former Chairman Manipur Public Service Commission (MPSC)
When the Second World War ended, there was a change of political climate all over the world and resultantly, Britain understood that they could not colonies India any more. They decided that rather than continuing with colonization and facing agitation and even open revolt (example, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s INA – Indian National Army), it would be for better to withdraw peacefully in a friendly atmosphere. Even then, if they had to leave, they planned to break-up India and make India weak.
Thus, they instigated Mohomed Ali Jinnah to demand (creation of) Pakistan and that Pakistan should be made as big as possible. Therefore, Sylhet area of Assam, and Arakan Hill Tracts (where tribal peoples like Reangs, Chakmas etc dominate) were made to be part of Pakistan (East Pakistan, now Bangladesh).
In Punjab, the city of Lahore, which was more populated by Hindus and Sikhs, was made over to Pakistan by Sir Cyril Radcliffe’s Boundary Award after instigating communal riots. All these happenings revealed that it was the policy of Britain that an independent Bharat should be made as small and weak as possible. Therefore, creation of Bharat that is India (for all communities) and Pakistan, – Pak (sacred) – stan (Homeland), for Muslims was the decision (of Britain).
Meanwhile, Professor Coupland (of the University of Oxford) came out with an idea for creation of a Third (Christian) Dominion for all Christians of NE States of India, in late 1946. The learned Professor’s idea was perhaps based on the premises that if India could be divided into India (Hindustan for Hindus and Hindu alike religions like Buddhists, Sikhs, Jainas etc – refer Article 25 of the Constitution of India) and Pakistan for Muslims, why not a Christian country? The proposal was turned down primarily because the Christian areas like the erstwhile Naga Hills District now Nagaland, the erstwhile Khasi and Jayentia Hills District now Meghalaya, the erstwhile Lushai Hills District now Mizoram (all of Assam Province) were geographically disconnected. So, trifurcation of India was abandoned by the British Government. However, the motive of the British to divide India into bits was clear.
Lord Louis Mountbatten, the Governor General and Viceroy of India meanwhile fixed 15 August 1947 as the date of handing over power to India and 14 August 1947 to Pakistan since he could not present at both places in India and in Pakistan at same time. A bit earlier in June 1947, in order to drive the wedge of disturbance to India in future times to come. Sir Akbar Hydari I.C.S., the then Governor of Assam signed the Hydari Agreement, Article 6 of which stated that all the Naga inhabited areas would be merged into Naga Hills Districts. Therefore, the British made sure that the Naga problem would become a perpetual problem to India.
About that time on the instigation of the British Deputy Commissioner of Naga Hills District, Mr. (later, sir) Charles Pawsay, the Naga leader A.Z. Phizo declared Naga independence on 14 August 1947. It was a strange transformation of the Kohima Club having a dozen or so, members in 1929 (Simon Commission days) into a nation in August 1947. The British instigated the Nagas to declare independence and they are still doing it. It was a superb performance of the British. Only the British knew how to transform a trading company, known as East India Company formed by 5 or 6 peoples on the night 31st Dec 1599 – 1st Jan 1600, into a Empire Building Company.
Representatives of East India Company landed at the sea-port of Surat in the Present-day State of Gujarat in early 1600 with presents. They offered obeisance to Emperor Akbar at Delhi and presented gifts to the Emperor and requested for permission to indulge in trading between England and the Mughal Empire. Permission was granted by the grace of the Emperor. East India Company established a factory at Surat and engaged local labour to run the factory.
Very soon, go-downs were built for storage of raw materials and finished products. To guard these store houses, office complexes and factory premises, East India Company engaged watchmen and guards, who were armed with muskets. The armed guards were officered by the British only. The armed guards ultimately became British Indian Army. Robert Clive who defeated Nawab Siraj-ud-daulah at the Battle of Plassey in 1757 was a clerk in East India Company. Clive was made a Lord and the district of 24 Pergannas was made his jagir. Thus Clive became a famous general in India and also a Lord, though he was looked down upon by the blue blooded nobles in England. Clive led a forlon and neglected life in England. Field Marshal K.M. Cariappa was the first King’s Commissioned Indian Officer (KCIO), when Indians were allowed to become officers.
It will be pertinent to point out that Manipur was the last kingdom conquered by the British after the Battle of Khongjom (23 -25 April 1891), since the Tipu Sultan, the Tiger of Mysore had died fighting in the Battle of Seringapatnam in Feb 1799, the Maratha Empire had disintegrated after the Third Maratha war in December 1817 and the Sikhs had been humbled in the Battle of Gujrat now in Pakistani Punjab in February 1849.
After the conquest of Manipur in the Battle of Khongjom and after it became a part of the British Indian Empire, Reverend William Pettigrew of American Baptist Church, who was an expert linguist and who spoke German, French, Latin and also about three African languages, soon learnt Manipuri language, that is Meiteilon with a view to convert Meiteis into Christianity and established Pettigrew School at Singjamei, Thokchom Leikai, Chingamathak, Imphal around 1894. My father, the late Haobam Atoyaima Singh who was two years old when the Battle of Khongjom was fought, attended Pettigrew School at Thokchom Leikai, Imphal since he was five years old in 1849.
The laborious Pettigrew wrote Manipur Primer text-books wherein words and sentences like ‘Ojah Lakyee, Phan Thao’; ‘Tada Lakyee, Chak Pap-pu’ meaning ‘Teacher has come bring a stool’ and ‘Brother has come, make food for him also’ appeared in the Primer. Since teaching and writing of alphabets require the child’s hand to be guided by the teacher, William Pettigrew had to make physical contact with my father and his younger brother (Amuba Singh).
So, Grandpa kept a basket of bamboo or of cane at the northern corner of the verandah known as Nakatha, and my father and my uncle would take out a Khudei (loin cloth) one each and change their khaki-school dresses and put these inside the basket. Then, they would go to Pukhri (pond) and take baths and change into dry clothes. Touching a Malecha (foreigner) was not permitted during those days of extreme orthodoxy. So, a disappointed Pettigrew very soon learnt Tangkhul language, which is very close to Meiteilon and established a school at Ukhrul.
Pettigrew school at Ukhrul now has become a college and I went to attend the centenary celebration of pettigrew College, Ukhrul as I admired Pettigrew for introducing English education in Manipur. The Manipuri Primer text books introduced by Pettigrew are almost extinct now in Manipur, but these are still available in the British Imperial Museum, London. Incidentally, the southern corner of a Meitei verandah is known as ‘Phamen’ where the head of the family sits on a thick straw-mat with a hookah for smoking with his close friends who were allowed to share the thick straw-mat.
Unfortunately, leaders of India in New Delhi like Pandit Nehru and Sadar Patel, the Iron man who became the mud-man of India, did not realise the Naga problem. Now also, (Aug 2010) leaders of India and bureaucrats do not understand the Naga problem as illustrated by the recent innocent looking visit of Mr. Thangmeilen Muivah to his home village of Somdal in Ukhrul District of Manipur, not knowing the fact that Mr. Muivah and his NSCN was responsible for the massacre of six to seven thousand Kukis of Manipur. Also, Delhi leaders do not realise that there are many murder cases against Mr. Muivah pending in various courts of Manipur for killing innocent Kukis. He wanted now to foment communal riots in Manipur, using his ‘Z’ Category security entourage, in the guise of visiting his village in June 2010.
By 1950, Mr. A.Z. Phizo started open revolt. At that point of time, Naga Hills District (less Tuensang) was about half the size of the Manipur (22,347 sq. kilometers). At the instigation of the Church, Phizo spilled over insurgency to neighbouring Tuensang. Then, the Government of India added Tuensang Frontier Tract from NEFA (North East Frontier Agency) to Naga Hills District, on the plea that the Military command and control would be better from Kohima, where the Army’s Divisional Headquaters were located in order to fight Naga insurgents. This kind of appeasement policy was always perpetrated by the muddled brains of Delhi’s top political leaders and senior bureaucrats. They never consulted Chief Ministers of States neighbouring the then Naga Hills District. New Delhi simply steam-rolled their decision.
Later, when counter-insurgency operations became intense, Phizo ran away to London. The Brits gave shelter and bore all the expenses of Phizo. Even though there was mutual extradition treaty between Britain and India, Phizo could not be brought to India. On the other hand, the Brits supported the cause of Phizo openly.
In the 1957 Lok Sabha Elections{according to the late Thokchom Chadrasekhar Singh, the then Praja Socialist Party (PSP) MLA of Singjamei} Rishang Keishing used to advise the innocent Marings and Anals of Chandel District to identify themselves as Nagas, which they did not know and were surprised by the word ‘Naga’. The then 37 years old Rishang could not have visualised about Greater Nagaland, unless taught so, by some foreign brain. To form Greater Naga hegemony, Rishang attempted to expand Nagaism to Marings, Anals, Koms, Kabuis etc. Therefore, it can be concluded that the idea of establishing an independent Naga country was the brain-child of the West and the Church. Even now (Feb 1999 at the time of writing this handout) the idiotic Government of India, run by Bharatiya Janata Party could not visualise this. They did not understand that if Manipur disintegrates, India would also disintegrate and the whole of NE India will break-away from India on Christian net-working. Readers of this article will realise
this Christian net-working all over the world, as you read on please.
On 1st December of 1963, Naga Hills and Tuensang District was elevated to Statehood after naming it as Nagaland and its border with Assam known as Nichughat over the river Dhansari got shifted into non-Naga areas (Assamese areas) up to around thirty kilometers of Assam’s Dimapur Railway Station as the Nagas insisted on a rail-head. Insistence of a rail-head for Nagaland was Western brain and Nagas could not have been that far-sighted. In addition to these land areas, Assam lost land in Bokajan (for road connectivity perhaps within Nagaland State only). These were all Western (church) brain, and idiotic Government of India did not know. But I do know, though I have a brain of pea-nut-size only, simply because I am one of the many sufferers on the ground.
Now, the State of Nagaland has an area of 16,488 sq. kilometers but is still smaller than Manipur’s 22,347 sq. kilometers. Nagaland got raised to Statehood on 1st Dec 1963 around nine years earlier than Manipur, Arunachal, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura which all got Statehood on 21st Jan 1972. This appeasement policy to the demands of the Naga insurgents was Delhi’s lop-sided thinking and history is the evidence. Let us now have a look at the map of NE India, as prevailing in 1972. Please see Map 1.
In 1964, Indira Gandhi declared SOPA (Suspension of Operations Agreement) in order to hold Peace Talks. Why Peace Talks after grant of Statehood to Nagaland on 1st Dec 1963 and also gifting away of huge non-Naga land areas up to Assam’s Dimapur Rly Station (the Nagas were tutored by Western clerics to insist on a railway outlet) and also other areas of Assam in Bokajan. The Nagas insisted that SOPA to be called Cease Fire. The Indian Government refused SOPA to be elevated to CF as this nomenclature is normally used between two warring independent nations.
The Peace Talks of 1965 was headed by Sarva Neta Jai Prakash Narayan with Bimol Chandra Chaliha, former Chief Minister of Assam and Rev Michael Scott as members. I was a Major at Zhakhama in 1965 and had a Grand Stand view from the pavilion end and I knew what all happened. If Rev. Michael Scott could be made to represent Nagaland, I think India should have been represented by Bhakta Swarupa Tulasi Das Sharma or Giani Banta Singh just to insult the Western countries and the Nagas. The then leaders of India at Delhi were very, very unwise.
Michael Scott was putting forth all impossible demands and he was spying also. The kind-hearted Government of India extradited him as persona-non-grata. From my point of view, GOI should have arrested Rev. Michael Scott for spying against India and he should have been punished. During Second World War, the world famous Indonesian spy, Ms. Mata Hari was caught red-handed spying for the Axis powers and she was shot dead. Rev. Michael Scott deserved a punishment of the kind as was inflicted on Mata Hari.
When Rajkumar Birachandra Singh, the then President of Manipur State Congress wrote to Indira Gandhi that the territorial integrity of Manipur would be in jeopardy like Assam’s, Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi replied that though India’s security was important, however the interest of Manipur would not be jeopardized.
In 1972 Rishang Keishing after getting defeated in State Assembly Elections formed his own party known as UNIC (United Naga Integrated Council) and signed an agreement for merger of his party into Congress (Indira). In that Agreement signed by Sheel Bhadra Yajee and Hemam Nilamani Singh representing Congress (Indira) with Rishang Keishing, it was stated that land areas of Manipur, Arunachal and Assam should be merged into Nagaland.
Truly speaking, Congress Party is enemy of Manipur and entire NE India. Why Arunachal should lose land to Nagaland? Inhabited by Bhutias, Lepchas, Apa-Tanis, Daflas, Adis, Monpas etc. they are Buddhists or Hindus or religionless, irreligious and even Godless people. Their lingua franca is Hindustani. Christianity is becoming a big force now in Arunachal, because of Missionaries. Dr. Manmohan Singh may be an Oxford University doctor and P. Chidambaram may be educated in Harvard, but their knowledge of internal security is of Primary School standard. When I am making this remark, I am not disparaging P.C., but sincerely telling the truth. In Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand areas, Maoists and Naxalites are doing target practice by killing CRPF jawans and the dozens, again and again. H’ble P.C. may please consult counter-insurgency experts.
In 1989 elections, Congress lost. However, due to the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi at Perambatur, Congress got revived to some extent in 1991. In 1996, Prime Minister Shri Deve Gowda initiated preliminaries for Peace Talk with Nagas. Before the Talks could be started, his government fell. The next Prime Minister, Shri Inder Kumar Gujral confirmed the holding of Peace Talk and continuance of Cease Fire.
On receipt of the news in Imphal, AMUCO (All Manipur United Clubs Organisation) reacted with a massive rally on 4 Aug 1997 wherein about five lakhs of the valley peoples converged on Imphal Polo Ground. All prohibited areas and restricted VIP areas could not be saved due to the waves and waves of peoples. Dharnas (sit-in-protest) were organised all over Imphal city wherein hill-peoples also took part. However, UNC (United Naga Council) claimed that hill-peoples were forcibly dragged out. Muivah, Khaplang and Rishang supported the theory of forcible dragging out of people particularly tribal peoples residing in the Imphal valley.
Delhi’s bureaucrats also misguided the politicians. Former Home Secretary, Shri P. Padmanabiah who ultimately became India’s interlocutor at Peace Talks, openly said that there was no harm in ceding away some areas of Manipur in order to safeguard the integrity of India. He did not realise that this appeasement policy will be beginning of break-up of India. General VP Malik, the then Chief of Army Staff (COAS) also echoed the same song, which was none of his business. After all, he was not a politician or a bureaucrat. He was a serving Army man and should keep his mouth shut.
Also the demand of UNC to extend CF to Juribam was also raised. The question in 1/2why’ when even the Ground Rules are yet to be formulated? This shows UNC’s support to NSCN and proves that UNC are the overground wing of NSCN (I-M).1/2
Landmark event of Naga insurgency history are:- (1) the June 1947, Sir Akbar Hydari Agreement, (2) The unlawful 1947 declaration of Naga independence on 14 Aug 1947, (3) 1952-53 open revolt by Phizo, (4) 1963 saw the creation of Nagaland and grant of Statehood, (5) the 1972 Integration of UNC into Congress and (6) 1997 Peace Talks with Padmanabhaiah as interlocutor. These events clearly revealed that GOI had not learnt any lesson from history. All these happenings in Nagaland clearly showed that the seeds of insurgency and of secession were planted by Britain and the USA through church.
Even when the bravest of the brave, the Khalisthani rebels were subdued, why was and is GOI not able to suppress or bring a solution to Naga problem till now, though 63 years (1947-2010) had passed by? Is it and was it because the USA and the UK and other Western Christian countries support the Naga cause with their brain, money, weapons and providing of shelters? These are known even to the blind, the deaf and the dumb peoples. What kind of GOI is this BJP-led GOI (Feb 1999)?
Insistence on Peace Talk without Cease Fire for one and half years was a strange happening. The Nagas put forward five conditions. These were:-
(a) Talks outside the Constitution of India.
(b) At P.M. level.
(c) Third country observer to be present during Talks.
(d) Talks to be held in a neutral country.
(e) Talks to be finalise within a time frame.
The then GOI agreed the conditions (a), (c) and (d) but did not agree to (b) and (e). My understanding and interpretation of GOI agreeing to Naga proposal at (a) that is, outside the Constitution of India, might be from the J&K experience when Shiekh Mohamad Abdullah was designated as Prime Minister of Jammu & Kashmir with a separate J&K Constitution and flag etc without real significance and meaning. Now, the State of J&K has a Chief Minister. The post of Sadar-e-Riyasat has become Governor of J&K. For obvious reason of encouraging the Nagas, GOI agreed to point (a) since India can easily create a post of Prime Minister of Nagaland or a separate easily create a post of Prime Minister of Nagaland or a separate flag etc like as was done in J&K.
India agreed to condition (c) and (d), provided the NSCN (I-M) arranged the third country observer and the neutral country. Condition (b) was not agreed to because the P.M. of India could not waste his time on the blahblah talks of Muivah lasting for several days or even weeks. GOI also rejected condition (e), simply because fixing a time-framed is the joint responsibility of GOI and NSCN (I-M). Obviously, a sincere give-and-take approach was the essential requirement.
Thus, NSCN (I-M) held talks without any meaning or achievement till they are ready for the big push to India. Then, as desired and agreed by the Congress (I), also supported by bureaucrats and by Army, a Greater Nagaland as picture in map (2) shown will be created. United States of America well use intimidation tactics and India will surrender. This second Avatar of Greater Nagaland will swallow about two-thirds of Manipur, also more land areas of Assam and also of the State of Arunachal. NSCN (I-M) demanded the inclusion of Naga areas of Myanmar for which India has to fight war with Myanmar to please the NSCN (I-M). Incidentally, Mr. Khaplang, the NSCN (K) leader is a Myanmarese Naga. He is a foreigner. Please see Map no. 2 as visualised by my team. Mr. Khaplang demanded inclusion of Naga areas of Myanmar. To please Khaplang, India has to fight a war with Myanmar now. So terrible indeed.
In a magnificent show of good will, this Greater Nagaland will still be a part of India. Also the USA will take all the credit for bringing peace in India, though we all know that International Naga Support Centres exist at London, the Hague, Berlin, Cologne, Geneva, Atlanta, Washington etc. But the hostile and nascent volcano of Nagaland will be maintained at low level ebb till its sudden eruption.
After about 20/30 years, the USA and the UK will or may tame the Mizos of Mizoram on Christian-net to join the idea of a Christian Dominion. Even now, the logo of GPRN (Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland), shown at the side says Nagaland for Christ! Since this is not permissible in Democratic India, NSCN (I-M) cadres should be banned immediately and punished in the toughest manner. In fact, all the top leaders of NSCN must be severely harassed so that they run away from India and die like Phizo in various foreign countries.
After two or three generations, when the present generation of peoples in Mizoram disappear from this world, the new generations of Mizos could be persuaded to join Greater Nagalim on Christian net-working. My team predicted the Mizos joining Greater Nagalim, though the Mizos enjoy highest literacy percentage and most liberal views like the Goanese Christians. Well, Western Church pressure is limitless. So, the most educated and civilized Mizos may yield to Church pressure. Please see map 3, after Mizoram joins Nagaland.
Another 30 or 40 years will roll down. Meanwhile insurgent activity will spread to Arunachal Pradesh, though Bhuddhists in Kameng, Aubansiri and Siang will oppose the idea of joining the Nagas for a Christian Kingdom.
In Arakan and Chittagong areas of Bangladesh, the USA will instigate the Chakmas and the Reangs to start war of independence by arming the innocent tribal, meanwhile India may protest feebly. Bangladesh supported by India will be of no avail. Smuggled AK Rifles, mortars, hand grenades etc. will be available almost free. Once the sea-port of Chittagong is captures, American air-craft carriers and military naval ships will arrive sooner than later. Please see map 4. Nagaland like England, Ireland, New Zealand etc will declare independence and perhaps call the new country as Christland.
Thus, Imphal valley, Cachar and Tripura would be cut-off. What will be left of India may be Bramhaputra valley of Assam, and western part of Arunachal Pradesh, and Union territories of Imphal Valley (Manipur), of Cachar and of Tripura. All these UTs well be swallowed soon, since these parts of India are landlocked by Nagalim.
Most of the Meities will become refugees and settle down at Brindavan, Nabadwip, Hojai (Assam), Guwahati etc. and they will be refugees like Parsis, Iranians, Sindhis etc. Meities are likely to lose their identity since they would be the minority community wherever they choose to settle down. For example, if Meities settle down at Nabadwip, they will become Bengalees and if they settle down at Brindavan, they will become Uttar Pradishis etc.
This future scenario can be visualised by the example of the British who came to India during the Mughal Emperor Akbar’s time in 1600 AD, as a trading company called East India Company and ultimately swallowed India, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Please refer to paragraph 8 above.
However, the silver lining in our (Manipur’s) case is that Tangkhuls, Kabuis, Koms, Kukis, Mizos maintain good relation with Meities. Some of them also worship Sanamahi, Leimaren and celebrate Ningol Chakouba etc., as done by Meities. Linguistically also, all Manipuris-tribal and non-tribal peoples, for example, Tangkhuls, Maos, Marams, Kabuis, Kukis, Manipuri-Mizos, Paites, Manipuris Muslims, Punjabis, Banglalees, Marwaris, Jainas, Biharis, Rajasthanis etc, etc, all speak Manipuri, that is Meiteilon.
Truly speaking, (a) the June 1947 Hydari Agreement, (b) merger of Tuensang into Naga hills District and (c) declaration of Nagaland Statehood on 1st Dec 1963 with Dimapur Railway station as railway outlet etc. were all Western brain, because the Nagas could not have thought so deeply.
Also the Naga Peace Talks of 1964-65 under the Chairmanship of Jai Prakash Narayan with Rev. Michael Scott (of Church) representing the Nagas was to mystify the Indian eye and brain. Why a leader of religion (church) was allowed to represent the Nagas and thus mix religion with politics? The logo of GPRN displaying “NAGALAND FOR CHRIST” does not fit in with Indian democracy, where there is freedom of religion, irreligiousness and even Godlessness.
The breaking up of Assam and NEFA (now Arunachal) did not bring peace in Nagaland, but rather brought more hostility. Therefore, further break-up of Assam, Manipur, Arunachal etc to appease the Nagas is a futile endeavour. NSCN (I-M)’s dream project of NAGALIM (Lim means land) is an area of about 1,20,000 sq.km. This demand of a Nagalim adds up as under according to our team’s reckoning:-
(a) Manipur (after leaving Imphal Valley) - 20,112 sq.km.
(b) Nagaland - 16,488 sq.km.
(c) Meghalaya - 22,137 sq.km.
(d) Eastern Arunachal (about) - 20,000 sq.km.
(e) Mizoram - 20,979 sq.km.
(f) Assam (for connectivity with Meghalaya) – 2,000 sq.km.
(g) Bangladesh (about) - 20,000 sq.km.
Total - 1,21,716 sq.km.
This area of about 1,21,716 sq.km. is the demand of NSCN (I-M). Hence, granting of 1,21,716 sq.km. as demanded by NSCN (I-M), will be like Adolf Hitler’s demand of ‘lebensraum’ for German peoples. It is a preposterous demand. Also, after biting off about 20,000 sq.km. of land area from Bangladesh’s Arakan and Chittagong areas, Bangladesh will be reduced to 1,22,776 sq.km. and thus about the same size as the Naga country, fit to be elevated to a sovereign and independent country with her own sea port for the Navy, Army and Air Forces, unlike many land-locked countries like Afghanistan, Mongolia etc.
GOI must understand very clearly that the breaking up of the erstwhile NEFA (now Arunachal Pradesh) and of Assam and the future and contemplated down-sizing of Manipur area will only bring more problems to India and to Delhi, ultimately leading to break-up of India as the Nagas enjoy Western support and they will be encourage to demand more and more. India must always remember that Manipur is the bulwark of Indian solidarity in all fields.
The above thinking may not please be ignored as lunatic ideas by a bunch of ignorant peoples. We must not forget that India lost POK (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir) area permanently when India refused J&K issue to UNO (United Nations Organisation) at the instigation of Lord Louis Mountbatten of Burma, the then Viceroy and Governor General of India. We may be blamed by our future grandchildren for our stupidity.
If Manipur disintegrates, it will be beginning of disintegration of India. GOI must impose FRAO (Foreigners’ Restricted Area Order) and FERA (Foreign Exchange Regulation Act) and above all disallow mixing church with politics like “Nagaland for Christ”. Allowing Michael Scott to represent the Naga rebels for political dialogues was a stupid idea. Similarly, Imam Bukhari of Jama Masjid or the orthodox Sunnis or Shias should not be allowed to mix politics with religion. On the other hand, the world should glorify Nobel laureate Ms. Sirin Ebadin of Iran, Or Ms. Taslima Nasreen of Bangladesh, writer of ‘Lajja’. India should not allow the Western countries to do an East Timor to India.