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04/14/2011: "Naga Hoho wishes Myanmar Nagas morungexpress"

Naga Hoho wishes Myanmar Nagas morungexpress
Dimapur: The Naga Hoho congratulated all elected representative members of the Nagas in Myanmar (Burma) chosen by the people during the recent elections. “We are also happy to learn that one of the elected Naga leaders is being inducted to the Union Cabinet,” the Naga Hoho stated in a note issued by its leaders today. Social unrest and deprivation have been looming in the Naga areas of Burma for the past many decades, the ‘hoho’ said. ‘Despite all these odds Nagas have stood firm for the common cause.’ “Against this backdrop, with the induction of many Naga leaders to both Union Cabinet and autonomous body, we strongly hope that the Naga territory shall no longer be retarded, but included in the road map for development activities in all spheres,” the ‘hoho’ said.

The Challenge of Peace for the Nagas Veronica Khangchian Morung Express


In his 2011 New Year message, S. Singnya, the President of the ‘Federal Government of Nagaland/ Naga National Council’ (FGN/NNC) declared,
After several rounds of reconciliation meets and the declaration of unconditional unity, I strongly believe that the present peaceful Naga society will never again be called a fratricidal society, regardless of the past. The Naga society is now genuinely and swiftly moving in the right direction.
This hope was quickly belied, as internecine clashes among Naga militant groups have already resulted in at least 38 fatalities since January 1, 2011. National Socialist Council of Nagaland—Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM) and National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) have been the most prominent groups involved in this fratricidal confrontation. In one incident, intelligence sources disclosed, over 35 cadres of these groups were killed in the night of February 24-25, 2011, on the Tirap (Arunachal Pradesh)-Myanmar border. The IM faction lost 30 of its cadres when their 100-strong armed group, trying to enter Tirap from Myanmar’s Sagiang Division, was ambushed by the rival Khaplang faction. The Khaplang faction lost about five of its cadres.
This was the largest clash in the ongoing conflict between the two groups since December 2010. The conflict in Tirap-Changlang has been ongoing for nearly a decade, as the rivals engage in a contest to secure dominance over the two strategically located Districts in Eastern Arunachal Pradesh. These Districts serve as a transit route for militants from India’s north-east, taking shelter in largely un-administered areas of Myanmar. According to reports, at least two NSCN-IM cadres were killed and another five injured when the NSCN-K cadres uprooted the only NSCN-IM camp at Khamlang village under Changlang District in Arunachal Pradesh on December 27, 2010.
Meanwhile, clashes among these Naga groups crossed India’s frontiers, when severe fighting broke out between them somewhere inside Myanmar on February 26, 2011. At least two NSCN-K cadres were reportedly injured in the fighting.
The bloodshed, moreover, also reaches inwards within these factions as well. ‘Brigadier’ Chipu Menon, the NSCN-K ‘head’ from Tirap, for instance, was killed in the Mon District of Nagaland by another NSCN-K cadre on March 17, 2011. Sources indicated that Menon was summoned from Tirap to Mon by higher-ups, to sort out issues related to ‘organizational management’, which included disciplinary and financial matters. Menon had earlier been warned to “abide by the organizational discipline” but “did not pay any heed.”
Meanwhile, in an indication of rising differences among the ‘champions of the Naga community’, a new outfit, the Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), was floated on February 25, 2011, with a primary aim to protect the interests of the Zeliangrong tribe, with the slogan “Zeliangrong Ringtelo,” meaning ‘Long live the Zeliangrong people’. Police sources believe that the new outfit was formed by around 10 NSCN-IM cadres who deserted the group, along with arms and ammunition, and joined up with some NSCN-K cadres. A ZUF cadre was killed on March 5, 2011, in a clash with suspected NSCN-IM cadres near Khoupum Khunou village in Tamenglong District, Manipur.
Opposition to the signing of the Shillong Accord on November 11, 1975 between the Government of India (GoI) and some representatives of the Naga National Council (NNC), had led to the formation of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) with Isak Chishi Swu as the ‘Chairman’, S. S. Khaplang as the ‘Vice Chairman’ and Thuingaleng Muivah as the ‘General Secretary’. No one could have imagined, then, that this would be the beginning of a serious fratricidal confrontation which remains unabated till date. Factionalism began after April 30, 1988, when a bloody clash between supporters of Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu, on one side, and Khaplang, on the other, resulted in the split of NSCN into two groups – NSCN-IM and NSCN-K. At least 100 people were killed in the clash. Since their inception, both the groups have been constantly engaged in a violent contest to establish their hegemony.
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal Database, a total of 417 Naga militants have been killed and another 97 injured in the internecine clashes since 2001. Fatalities registered an upward trend (barring 2001), till they peaked at 110 in 2008, but fell drastically in 2009 and 2010.
The drop in killings was the result of a ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’ (CoR) signed by the top leaders of three Naga Political groups – NSCN-K, NSCN-IM and FGN/NNC – on June 13, 2009, after a Naga Reconciliation meet was held in Chiang Mai in Thailand from June 1 to June 8, 2009. The CoR, reaffirmed again on September 18, 2010, states that the Naga political groups, in the name of God and witnessed by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation, declared to the Naga people and the entire world resolving to, among others, desist from pursuing territorial expansion so that a conducive atmosphere is sustained for strengthening the Naga Reconciliation Process. Since then, 45 ‘reconciliation summits’ have taken place – 36 rounds in Nagaland and nine in Chiang Mai.
The recent ‘highest level meeting’ of the Naga Reconciliation Committee, which was to be held during the visit of NSCN-IM leaders in March 2011, however, could not take place due to the sudden review of the decision by the NSCN-K.
It now appears that the period of bonhomie is over. Unsurprisingly, the NSCN-K accused the IM of blatantly violating the CoR and ‘ordering military operations’ in eastern Nagaland. On February 26, 2011, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak stated, “What is happening in eastern Nagaland is a unilateral abrogation of the CoR by NSCN-IM,” adding further that reconciliation among different parties cannot happen by holding guns in the hand or by one party considering himself or herself superior to others. A joint statement issued on February 27, 2011, by NSCN-K and FGN, two of the three signatories of the CoR, noted,
Naga people are informed that while Mr. Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah demand sincerity from the GoI, back home in Nagaland, despite being a signatory of the CoR they have miserably failed to be sincere to their own people. The ink on the documents they signed is still wet, yet they are threatening to throw Nagaland into further turmoil. Naga people have the right to know why Mr. Muivah has ordered military offensive in eastern Nagaland.
The NSCN-K has now declared that the reconciliation process was a “closed chapter because of the NSCN-IM… It is not worthwhile to stretch on the interaction on reconciliation if the people you approach are a confused lot and are not prepared to reconcile in true spirit. What is the use of holding reconciliation meetings if we cannot abide by the resolutions adopted?” Tikhak said on February 26, 2011.
Expectedly, the NSCN-IM, claimed that it remained “deeply committed” to the peace process and reconciliation. On February 28, 2011, Muivah however, argued, “But while we are deeply engaged in the works of peace and reconciliation a number of Naga Army personnel (armed wing of the NSCN-IM) were killed by the Khaplang party in different incidents under their declared military offensive campaigns against NSCN in Tirap and Changlang Districts of Arunachal Pradesh. We will never allow ourselves to be sitting ducks when enemies attack us… They (the rivals) are always on the offensive.”
The recent upswing in the factional differences has also impacted on the ongoing talks between the NSCN-IM and GoI. On March 2, 2011, the NSCN-IM held the first round of talks with the Government’s newly appointed interlocutor, R.S. Pandey, at New Delhi, during which the group submitted a list of 30 demands. The next round of talks is scheduled to be held in April. On February 26, the NSCN-K had conveyed to the GoI that it has no objections to the proposed meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and NSCN-IM ‘general secretary’ Th. Muivah in April, since the talks were “merely a bilateral meeting between two parties and not a political talk between GoI and the Nagas”. However, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak, on February 28, declared, “We never supported the peace talks nor will we ever support it.” Moreover, after the conclusion of the first meeting of the Supervisors of the Cease Fire Monitoring Board (CFMB), Wangtin Naga, the NSCN-K Cease Fire Monitoring Board Supervisor, insisted, on January 6, 2011, that his group would only talk when all factions come together under one roof.
Evidently, the Naga reconciliation process, initiated by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in 2009, has run into a rough weather in the wake of the recent turf wars between the rival NSCN groups in eastern Nagaland. The Union Defense Ministry, on March 16, 2011, however, continued to claim that “Violence levels have declined and the inter-factional clashes between NSCN-IM and NSCN-K have reduced.”
The continuing violence in Nagaland is the result of New Delhi’s failure to implement the terms of its cease fire agreements with the NSCN factions, which require their cadres to be restricted within designated camps, and to deposit their arms. If the peace process in the State is to have any hopes of success, and tranquility is to prevail in the region, these terms will have to be imposed on, and accepted by, these armed groups. As long as the NSCN factions – and other militant groupings in the State – continue to build up their armed strength and struggle for military dominance in ‘contested’ areas, there can be little hope of peace for the Naga people.

Veronica Khangchian
Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management
SATP, or the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) publishes the South Asia Intelligence Review, and is a product of The Institute for Conflict Management, a non-Profit Society set up in 1997 in New Delhi, and which is committed to the continuous evaluation and resolution of problems of internal security in South Asia. The Institute was set up on the initiative of, and is presently headed by, its President, Mr. K.P.S. Gill, IPS (Retd).

8 FGN/NNC, 5 DHD-J cadres surrender in Manipur Newmai News Network
Imphal At least 13 cadres of two underground outfits, including 8 cadres of Federal Government of Nagaland/Naga National Council (FGN/NNC) and 5 cadres of Dima Halam Daoga-Jewel (DHD-J) surrendered today before the State government of Manipur in the presence of Inspector General of Assam Rifles (IGAR -South) at a ceremony organized by 12 Maratha Light Infantry (MLI) at Mantripukhri in Imphal.
The 8 surrendered cadres of FGN-NNC have been identified as Khadiba P Sangtam, 21, s/o Rehopi of Lirise village in Tuensang district of Nagaland, Tsusothong Yinehunger, 21, s/o Shokum of Sukiur village in Tuensang district of Nagaland, C Lingpongse Sangtam, 21, s/o L Chokhaba of Phirahi village in Tuensang district of Nagaland, Likhumsing Sangtam, 21, s/o Lingthose of Chungtor village in Tuensang district, Liang Khinjingan, 21, s/o Pungon of Lengnyu village in Tuensang district, Kiuthrongba Yimchunger, 18, s/o Kiuji of Pongrengru village of Kiphire district of Nagaland, Siang Khamniungan, 21, s/o Ngako of Lengnya village in Tuensang district, and Lumtsengse Sangtam, 20, s/o Thsakibgse of Chungter village in Tuensang district of Nagaland. They surrendered with 4 pistols, 1 lethode bomb, 1 G-3 rifle, 1 AK-47 rifle and 1 9 mm SMC.
The 5 surrendered DHD-J cadres have been identified as Somorjoy Jarambusa, 23, s/o Dinesh Jarambusa of Wajao village in Dimahasau district of Assam, Sumit Hojai, 18, s/o Ranjan Hojai of Pura village in Dimahasao district of Assam, Kabinon Longmailai, 17, s/o Harilal Longmailai of Moti Nongmailai village in Dimahasao district of Assam, Sundor Singh Hasnu, 17, s/o Tisul Hasnu of Wajao village in Dimahasao district of Assam and Goponjit Langthasa, 17, s/o Rangendro Langthasa of Hatikhali village in Dimahasao district of Assam. The following surrenderees have lain down between them 3 pistols, 1 lethode and 1 9 mm SMC.
The “home coming” ceremony was attended by Manipur chief minister O Ibobi Singh, DGP Y Joykumar, DIG Kailun, IGAR(S) Maj. Gen. CA Krishnan and other military top brass of MLI.
Speaking on the occasion, the chief minister extolled the approach of the surenderees in choosing the road towards peace and development and said it is “symbolic” of the yearning for peace.
Recounting a peace accord signed between the government of Manipur and a Manipur based group Kangleipak Communist Party last year, the chief minister said that all the 112 cadres of the KCP have been given vocational training in Pune in an attempt to rehabilitate and place them on a respectable position in society.
Stating that all the underground groups have to bring their grievances to the negotiation table within the framework of the Constitution simply because there is no alternative to peace, the chief minister said that the prerequisite to development is peace.
The government of Manipur wants to take the state at par with the developed state of the country but it finds itself unable to do so simply because there is no scope for development in the presence of violence, he said, while underscoring the reason for private players not willing to invest in the state.
“The vast pool of talent, rich natural resources, fertile land, natural beauty etc. lay underutilized because of the preponderance of violence in the state,” he said, adding that the scourge of violence must be uprooted with negative perceptions about Manipur.
Maj. Gen. CA Krishnan (IGAR), said on the occasion that the idea during the transitional period following the surrendering is to help the “misled youths” in their attempt to come back to “mainstream” society.
“When these young people return to their respective villages they are constantly being stigmatized and threatened. They need support from all of us”, he said. “Underground cadres from Assam and Nagaland have surrendered in Manipur today because of the lack of confidence and the fear of repercussion from their colleagues in their respective states,” CA Khrishna added.
My father would be proud of Karen army unity By ZOYA PHAN
Troops from the KNLA and DKBA together at a welcome ceremony for DKBA defectors in December 2010 (DVB)

I can’t remember how many times the Karen National Union and other ethnic political organisations have been dismissed as losing, or being on the verge of defeat. In February 1950 General Ne Win boasted to international media that victory over the Karen ‘insurgents’ would be completed by May that year. The New York Times duly reported: “Defeat of rebels withdrawing to hills would leave minor guerrillas to cope with.”
Fast-forward 61 years and still the Karen National Union (KNU) is on the verge of defeat, this time according to long-time KNU critic Ashley South, writing in a March 2011 report for the Transnational Institute and Burma Centre Netherlands. He said that “the organisation’s future looks increasingly precarious.”
When journalists and self-appointed experts have made these statements on the state of our struggle, there has often been reason to be pessimistic. There are occasions when the situation has looked bad. In 2008, my father, Padoh Mahn Sha, General Secretary of the Karen National Union, was assassinated, and other KNU leaders have found their names on a hit list with assassins searching for them in Thailand. The dictatorship has passed a new constitution in a rigged referendum, one that not only ignored all ethnic demands for rights and protection, but also required all armed ethnic groups under ceasefire to effectively surrender, and hand over their arms. More troops were stationed in Shan state and Karenni state, and in 2009 an important KNU base near the Thailand-Burma border was overrun by Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and Burmese army soldiers.
However, the situation recently has started to look more positive. The DKBA has split, with the old Brigade 5 refusing to become a Border Guard Force under the control of the Burmese army. The main DKBA, now a Border Guard Force, has also been severely weakened, with the Burmese army reducing its size. DKBA soldiers unhappy with Burmese commanders giving them orders are now defecting back to the KNU everyday.
Even more significantly, a new United Nationalities Federal Council has been created, a new political and military alliance of armed ethnic political parties, which for the first time in nearly 20 years unites armed ethnic political parties across the country.
And recently, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldiers were in Manerplaw, the old headquarters of the KNU which fell in 1995.
Many people have asked me what my father would have thought of these two significant developments. I cannot claim to know for sure. He had experience and wisdom that was unique, but I knew the kind of man he was, and how all his decisions and opinions were based on firm principles.
Much of the work my father did for the KNU was promoting unity – unity among the Karen, unity between ethnic nationalities, and unity with all the people of Burma. He knew it was vital we all work together to win our freedom, and that we must not let the dictatorship divide us. He travelled all over Burma, often risking his life, to promote unity between ethnic nationalities. He was also the strongest voice arguing that the KNU should offer shelter and support to students who fled the cities after the uprising in 1988. What he wanted to see is unity; that despite differences, people would work together, be different but equal, living and working for our freedom side by side.
My father always said that there is no problem between the KNU and DKBA – the real problem is between the Karen and the Burmese dictatorship. He said it is the dictatorship that divided the Karen. They set up and they control the DKBA. If the DKBA wanted to come back, if they desert and stop following the Burmese regime, stop dealing drugs, stop hurting civilians, then they can come back any time.
He would undoubtedly welcome what has happened with the split of the DKBA, that many DKBA soldiers are now fighting for their people, rather than for a dictatorship that oppresses the people. The Brigade 5 soldiers and KNLA are cooperating, and he would be encouraging greater unity and cooperation.
But I think he would have some concerns as well. Some people may be pleased to see the rest of DKBA being weakened, with fewer soldiers, and even fewer arms. The DKBA is responsible for committing serious human rights abuses, and acts as a proxy for the dictatorship. However, it is the leadership which is responsible for this, not all the ordinary soldiers. One defector I met recently had so little political knowledge that he was not even aware the DKBA acted for the dictatorship. My father would not want to see people like him swallowed by the Burmese army, only to carry on the attacks against the Karen people. He wanted them to rejoin the KNU, and help protect their people.
My father worked tirelessly for a Federal Union of Burma. He did this through the National Democratic Front. When different ethnic parties broke their agreement as part of the NDF and signed ceasefires with the dictatorship, he was very sad. Many others were very angry, as soldiers released from fighting the Kachin and others descended on Karen and Karenni states, attacking our villages. This has left a legacy of mistrust which must be overcome if the United Nationalities Federal Council is to be successful. He may also have been wondering why a new organisation has been set up, instead of those that had left the NDF simply rejoining. If the UNFC does promote ethnic unity my father would undoubtedly be glad. Ethnic political parties that have not cooperated for many years are now doing so again, but of course there is still a long way to go.
There is a great need for the people of Burma to educate each other about a federal union. We need to know and understand each other’s situation, and be tolerant of each other and our differences, to have mutual respect. This is how genuine unity can be built.
How might my father summarise this current situation? I think he would be cautious, but he would also be hopeful and optimistic. He would be working hard to build on this new unity, and these new opportunities. He would be insisting on linking with Burman-led groups as well, which is, of course, essential to get agreement for a federal union.
And I am sure he would remind those cynics who keep predicting our defeat of the words of Saw Ba U Gyi, first President of the Karen National Union: “For us surrender is out of the question.”
Zoya Phan is Campaigns Manager at Burma Campaign UK, and co-founder of the Phan Foundation. Her autobiography is published as ‘Undaunted’ in the USA, and ‘Little Daughter’ in the rest of the world.
Ethnic boundaries- The Sangai Express Editorial -
Has Phungyar Assembly Constituency MLA, Wungnaoshang Keishing bitten off more than he can chew, in the face of the strong opposition raised against his "brain child," which is the transformation of Phungyar Assembly Constituency to a full fledged revenue district. On the surface, the MLA's stand, backed by the Phungyar Assembly Constituency District Demand Committee, is fine and some of the arguments put forward from their side appear logical, given the fact that this Assembly Constituency comprises four sub-divisions, Phungyar, Kasom Khullen, Kamjong and Sahamphung besides having a healthy population.

Moreover the argument that since this Constituency is located too far away from Ukhrul district headquarters administration has become extremely difficult and the poor road connectivity has only made things worse, seems plausible, if one were to recall the numerous times that student organisations from Kasom Khullen have had to petition the Government to do something about the pathetic condition of the road that connects it with Imphal and other parts of the State.

This is something surprising, if we take into account the fact that the longest serving Chief Minister of Manipur, Rishang Keishing hails from this Constituency, Kamjong being his birth place. However this is how things stand.

Apart from this, what may add muscle to the stand of the MLA and the District Demand Committee is the fact that Phungyar AC is largely dominated by the Tangkhuls and hence there should be no problem amongst the people of the four sub-divisions, which make up the whole of this AC.

The United Naga Council has already made its stand clear and in doing so has opened fire in the dark, without naming any target but which is nevertheless, obvious from its tone and gesture.

Not surprisingly all the Ukhrul based or Tangkhul civil society organisations have backed the stand of the UNC and have come out strongly against the idea of Wungnao-shang Keishing and his men in the District Demand Committee.

This is not surprising, and we are more than sure that the MLA too must have anticipated this and the question of why W Keishing, and it is intriguing to see a man like him, whose political career rests on the foundation of the slogan that all Nagas must be united under one administrative unit, should come out with such an idea, which appears to run contrary to the aspirations of the Naga people.

Perhaps, only the MLA can answer this question, but the timing of the district demand is something too significant to miss. The demand to transform Phungyar AC to a full fledged district did not come yesterday or last week. In fact, if we remember correctly, the demand or the proposal to upgrade this Assembly Constituency to the status of a full fledged district was forwarded before the Chief Minister last year.

It is only now that it has come to occupy centre stage and it is something of a surprise to see the UNC react to the demand at this stage and not earlier. Districts like States should be created along administrative convenience and not due to any other factor, but unfortunately India is yet to shake off the Nehruvian concept of creating States or demarcating the boundaries of a State along linguistic basis.

The linguistic factor may then be turned on its head and identified along ethnic lines, never mind the fact that there is no common form of verbal communication amongst any of the group that make up the ethnic group.

This is the ground on which the seeds of a Greater Lim were sown by the NSCN (IM) and whether one agrees with this idea or not, credit should be given to Mr Muivah and his peers for giving shape and breathing life into the concept or belief of the Naga Nationhood.

So a Poumai from Senapati who has nothing in common with a Zemei from the Zeliangrong tribe in Tamenglong does not hesitate to sing the Naga unity anthem, in Meiteilon !

It is against this emerging culture of ethnicisation of politics that one should view the stand of the UNC and Ukhrul based organisations against the idea of upgrading Phungyar Assembly Constituency to a full fledged revenue district.

The official reason that UNC has given for opposing the demand for a district status for Phungyar is not convincing enough to bowl all the people over and there are examples galore to counter the point laid down by the UNC.

On the other hand, the concern expressed by some civil society organisations from Ukhrul is understandable in the context of the prevailing politics in the State, where everything is seen and viewed through the prism of ethnicity.

It is not for the sake of opposing that some of these organisations have spoken out against, as it could be a genuine concern that bifurcating the district, which is solely identified with the Tangkhuls, is contrary to the idea of a unified Naga family.

Moreover, we also need to ask why Keishing should suddenly appear so keen in upgrading his Home Constituency to the status of a full fledged revenue district now. Remember this is not his first term in office, and he made his debut in the State Assembly as early as 2002 by defeating Rishang Keishing.

The same story was repeated in the 2007 election, with the son of Rishang Keishing being the man suffering defeat at the hands of Wungnaoshang.

If this issue has not been raised in all these years, why raise it now, is a question that definitely needs an answer, and a plausible one at that. Is it just a demand for a district or does it go beyond this ?

Anything is possible, especially in the type of politics that is practised and accepted here and therein lies the most complex point.

On ENPO demand for separate Statehood E.M. Odyuo | Adm: We The Nagas Morung
We are faced with serious obstacle as we strive towards our aim to achieve Independent, and with the demand of “Frontier Nagaland State” by ENPO, now our forefathers aim to achieve Naga Independence is now nothing but a “Dream” and their sacrifices are nothing but are made a total trash.
We are Nagas by blood and with the demand of separate statehood by the ENPO; we are now trying to make ourselves nothing but a puppet of the Indians. I don’t know whether the ENPO is demanding for a separate state with a sense of sensibility but it’s a serious matter and the impact of this demand is going to be felt by every generation of the Nagas in the coming years.
Looking into the matter many of the Nagas feel that the demand of the statehood by the ENPO is nothing but selfishness on their part. The (Nagas) struggle now it is at its peak to bear fruit and we should not let anything hamper nor block our (Nagas) dreams to live as one... a nation.
Not to offend anyone but facing the truth, one thing that is lacking among the Eastern Nagas is lack of good “Leadership Quality”.
Everybody has the liberty to choose the kind of leader they want and where are the MLA that they chose? Are the MLA’s from the so called advanced tribes? We cannot deny the fact that the government does not look after the Eastern Nagas but where is the money that Government sanctions? Ask the MLA of your constituency at to where the money is! He is the representative to the government from your consultancy. Why to blame whole of the Nagas when the leader whom you elected from your own constituency don’t look after you thus hampering whole of the Nagas struggle?
For instance, contract for particular work was given to someone. Obviously it is the duty of the contractor to finish the work well in time but when they don’t do their work whose duty is it to take strict action against them? I’m sure there must be many groups in the Eastern Nagas to raise their voice and strict action against them. But why just raise your voice and not take action? If you frequently fail to do which you said it will affect whole of the work and this would only make people taking you for granted. So a wise and honest leader is the need of the hour.
Other districts doesn’t get a King size treatment but the money that the Government sanctioned are used wisely that’s the reason they are growing up.
Corruption indeed is one of life adversaries and this should be tackled strictly. The Right To Information (RTI) is an important tool which every citizen can use it and at a same time should be put into use. The proposed Jan Lokpal Bill (Citizen’s ombudsman Bill), if amended is going to be a very important tool to keep check on corruption. It’s a modern world and use of modern technology should be put into use wisely by spreading awareness among us in achieving our (Nagas) goal and not use against each other which would only hamper our goal. We should all be wise enough to think about our future and not only think of our present situation. Comparing to our forefathers struggle and our present situation, we are living a peaceful life and we should not make this small struggle hamper everything that has been build, rather we should all reconcile among ourselves and work for the betterment of our future. Don’t think of just an individual, rather we should all think the Nagas as a whole so that we will be able to move forward thus fulfilling the dreams of our forefathers to live as one Nation. Hope that the ENPO and the Government of Nagaland would come into terms soon and work for the betterment of the Naga society.
AZSU 48 hour bandh Kangla on line
IMPHAL April 13: The All Zeliangrong Students’ Union (AZSU), Assam ,Manipur and Nagaland in order to pressurize the government of India to meet certain demands of the Zeliangrong people has imposed a 48 hour bandh in the state.The bandh will commence from midnight of April 17 till April 19 midnight.
A press release by AZSU general secretary Nchaheng Kompong states that the AZSU and the Zeliangrong public are staunch supporters of the Indo Naga peace process, because the solution to bring about a peaceful atmosphere for the state lies on the outcome of the talks.
AZSU will not allow any organization including the Army and other paramilitary forces to disrupt the hard earned Indo Naga peace process, it states.
The reason for supporting the talks is that thousands of innocent Nagas have been slaughtered during the last 60 years of fighting, many women have been violated and maimed, but the warring Naga revolutionary groups have now have entered a ceasefire with the government and there has been peace in the Naga areas. AZSU and Zeliangrong people will oppose any form of disruption to the peace talks including those perpetrated by the Army and the 11 Assam Rifles, it states.
Further, the AZSU charged one colonel of the 11 AR for having failed to whip up support from the Zeliangrong public.