[Previous entry: "Nagas must dare to change: Rev Wati (NPN)"] [Next entry: "Naga Hoho wishes Myanmar Nagas morungexpress"]

04/12/2011: "Khaplang’s men confer with Swu - NSCN homecomers’ number swells H. CHISHI The Telegraph"

Khaplang’s men confer with Swu - NSCN homecomers’ number swells H. CHISHI The Telegraph

Kohima, April 11: Top leaders of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) and the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland/National Socialist Council of Nagaland (GPRN/NSCN) met in Dimapur recently.
The meeting is a positive development in the ongoing Naga reconciliation process.
The GPRN/NSCN sources told this correspondent that the chairman of the NSCN, Isak Chishi Swu, recently met the general secretary of GPRN/NSCN, N. Kitovi Zhimomi, and his commander-in-chief Khole at an undisclosed location in Dimapur to take forward the ongoing Naga reconciliation process.
The peace process was initiated by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) headed by Rev. Wati Aier, a Baptist clergyman, and supported by various Naga organisations, state government and international organisations. Once popularly known as NSCN (Khaplang), the faction’s name has been changed to GPRN/NSCN, while the Isak and Muivah group known as NSCN (I-M) has retained its name NSCN/GPRN.
Deputy kilonser (minister) for information and publicity of the GPRN/NSCN, Vitoshe Sumi, said their general secretary and commander-in-chief had met Swu recently at Dimapur to discuss about the reconciliation process.
“They did meet at Dimapur recently,” he said, but remained tight-lipped about the location and outcome of the meeting even though he claimed the meeting ended on a positive note. He expressed hope that the reconciliation process would move further with the meeting of three Naga rebel leaders after 23 years.
“This is a positive sign,” the spokesman for the GPRN/NSCN said. “We cannot disclose everything because of some reasons,” he added.
Sources said there would be some agencies active to sabotage or derail the Naga reconciliation process. Some members of GPRN/NSCN still dislike Thuingaleng Muivah and his people (the Tangkhuls ) who are a formidable force in the NSCN and accused them of being a stumbling block in the reconciliation and unity effort. Muivah, however, said he was committed to the reconciliation process.
The NSCN could not be contacted for its comment about the meeting.
Last year in September, NSCN general secretary and chief negotiator in the current Naga peace talks with the Centre, Muivah, general secretary of GPRN/NSCN, Zhimomi, and president of the Federal Government of Nagaland (Singnya), S. Singnya, met in Dimapur and vowed to take forward the Naga reconciliation process to put a stop to violence in Naga society.
But the NSCN said the chairman of the GPRN/NSCN, S.S. Khaplang, was opposed to Naga reconciliation quoting sources from the rival group. The NSCN accused the rival group of being non-committal to the reconciliation process.
Naga organisations and the hohos have asked for meeting of top leaders of all Naga factions, but the GPRN/NSCN said its chairman Khaplang has not come out till date because of intrusion of NSCN cadres in “eastern Nagaland” (Myanmar).
But while meetings were taking place between the Naga rebel leaders, there have been reports of defection of cadres from GPRN/NSCN to NSCN.
Recently, around 50 cadres have joined the NSCN and the group has identified them as “homecomers” who have returned to the mainstream Naga nationalism. Sources said at least 10 senior leaders from GPRN/NSCN have defected to the Isak-Muivah group along with cadres and arms and ammunition.
Calling time on the most unsafe state in India Kangla on line
Friends, Manipuris and countrymen; I’ve come to bury ethnic-strife, not to praise it. Gone are the days of lying between the sheets all charred with mendacious happiness, with head over the pillows tainted with romantic dreams. A lesson on a formula of a composite Manipur should be bedtime reading for those who have no time to read.
Gone with the wind are the stories of Meitei/Naga chivalry that no longer fit into the lean, callous Indian news machine. In the existing tumultuous political and social disorder in Manipur where gun-toting youths dictate the community’s life, we should begin bemoaning with flickers of angst, the existing ethnic divide.
Manipur is the most unsafe state in India, unlike Kashmir where its insurgents do not harm their own people. Everybody in Manipur can expect a bullet or a hand grenade any day from any of the various groups of insurgents, particularly KCP.
Manipur has been standing with one foot in hell for a long time with anarchy and seasons of ethnic discontent. It’s time for all the players in the theatre of war, to come to the negotiating table to work out the issue of ethnicity and inequality.
All Manipuris are familiar with the above ballad. It means something to anyone who looks back at the history of Manipur. It’s time for the young and old folks of Manipur to familiarise themselves with its core meaning. The lyricism of this narrative song is a sentimental explication that the chingmees and tammees lived together in and defended Manipur in historical times.
I have been writing to establish with empirical and some archaeological evidence that Manipur belongs to both the hill and plane people and that Manipuri language is not a Tibeto-Burman language. Divided, the Meiteis will survive and so will the Nagas, but just be able to eke out a living with handouts from Delhi every year. That’s not the life for our children. They are preamble to my conviction that Manipur will remain as it is, unchanged by forces of nihilism, as will Kashmir. Who will dare ask the Chinese to hand back the part of Kashmir in their occupation?
India promised plebiscite in Kashmir and Junagard, and then it reneged. The UN is helpless as India says it is an internal matter, which is cogent in International law. India has yet to agree to a plebiscite in Manipur ie a proposal to cede Manipur from India.
In the meantime, all of us in Manipur should join hands to build a strong Manipuri identity and sing “Auld Lang Syne”. Why? Without it we will lose our cultural and ethnic identity and we will remain forever just as “Northeasterners”. Manipur will continue to live under military occupation, curtailing our freedom – not having the same rights as other Indians. Further, the inherent neglect by Delhi will turn into a legitimate excuse for not developing Manipur.
Time changes and with it human nature changes with culture and religion, which have an intense effect on human behaviour. Because they determine how people react to others and express their feeling to others. Manipuris are at a crisis situation, at a point of time when a critical decision must be made. Ethnic discontent and internecine fighting are hampering our progress.
We must have a certain future and a progressive goal as the Americans have – known as ‘American dream’. We need a dream – a ‘Manipuri dream’ and a plan for our posterity. We cannot leave their destiny in the lap of gods.
A few school children from Manipur sent me emails asking for guidance as ‘they are confused’ about their future. A Naga doctor from Dimapur sent me an email, equally confused about his origin.
The scenario I am proposing is not predictions or depictions of a desirable future, which I wish to promote. It is designed to help people understand the major trends that would shape our Manipuri identity. The aim is to challenge, inspire and excite so that people feel motivate to plan for a better, more sustainable future for Manipuris.
We need to form a “federal” Manipur, based on the Swiss Federation. The word “federation” is loosely used here, in the sense that all the ethnic communities resolve to build a prosperous Manipur despite the variance in culture, language and religion.
Evidence as the foundation of history will show the chances of an independent Manipur vis-à-vis the Government of India and the possibility of forming a greater Nagaland vis-à-vis the Meiteis. But good luck to those who are still struggling for an independent Manipur or wanting to integrate parts of Manipur with Nagaland.
The insurgency is quiet on the northern front (Nagaland) and inside Manipur. Even the anti-AFSPA movement is as quiet as a mouse. Everyday a few insurgent cadres are getting “nabbed” by the security forces, and a few surrender intermittently. In view of the total number of insurgent cadres, the fighting force will soon decimate to only a few effete Kalashnikov holders.
In the case of the ‘Nagas’ of Manipur (not an eponym I would like to use for Manipuri tribal peoples who have different respectable names), they should now look into their conscience and reformulate the old plan for building a ‘Naga nation’ mainly because of economical disparity and other legitimate grievances along with better prospects that might accrue from joining Nagaland. The grass is always greener on the other side.
It is not clear who are the “Nagas” and who are not in Manipur. Generally, by Nagas it seems to mean Tangkhuls, Mao-Maram and Kabuis. What is the future for the rest of the 36 different tribal groups in Manipur?
Mixing theory with practice is not always compatible. Theory gives us framework for analysing a problem while practice gives us experience. Theoretically, the Nagas must, by now realise that in Manipur they are Manipuris but in Nagaland they are outsiders and will always be treated as such.
The NSCN(K) faction openly says that Muivah is a Tangkhul not a Naga and Tangkhuls are not Nagas. It further says (September 2003) that “The Tangkhuls were Meiteis and joined the Naga National movement only after Nagas entered ceasefire with the Indians just to create misunderstanding.”
The leader of the NSCN (IM) at the moment is Muivah – a Tangkhul and there are many Tangkhuls in this faction. It’s a matter of worry what the outcome would be when Muivah is no longer the leader. As an advance notice, some NSCN (IM)) killed many Tangkhuls at Dimapur on May 5 2008. This sort of events does not occur in Manipur – their state. On March 5 2011 NSCN (IM) killed a cadre of the Zeliangrong United Front in a gun battle at Khoupum Tampak.
There is also disillusionment among the Phungyar Tangkhuls as they see the reality that because of ethnic-strife their villages would be left behind in the Stone Age. They are rightly demanding the creation of a Manipuri district of their own by dividing the present Ukhrul district into haves, pouring cold water on the UNC’s separatist policy.
Large numbers of Kabuis live in the Imphal plane scattered in fifty odd villages. They have undergone microevolution differing from their counterpart Zeliangrongs in the hills, in looks, culture and habits. They have already expressed their views of staying put in Manipur, as they feel closer with the Meiteis.
History will imitate itself. We know the plight of Bihari Muslim immigrants to Muslim East Pakistan in 1947, and the atrocities they suffer since 1971 when they were forced to go to Pakistan from Bangla Desh. They are contemptuously treated as mhajir (immigrants). They now wish they never left India where fellow Muslims enjoy equal rights and opportunities of any Indian.
During the Calcutta Hindu-Muslim riots in 1947, some Meitei Pangals took shelter with Meitei students. They are descendants of Meitei mothers ie blood relations.
ATSUM and ANSAM should be aware that dissatisfaction is not one sided. For example: the Meitei youths are far from happy that all the top jobs are given to tribal people because of the quota system and that they pay no taxes for their large remunerations. They would also like a bit of land on the beautiful Siroi ranges in Ukhrul, or near the Barak Water Falls in Tamenglong, but they are denied due to “protective racism”, while every community is welcome to the Imphal valley.
The post-modern and liberalised Meiteis believe that there is no institutional discrimination against any ‘tribe’ in Manipur though discrimination and prejudice on a personal scale exists anywhere in the world. I do appreciate these young “Nagas” struggling for economic prosperity except that their demands are always vitriolic saying “how the majority Meitei imposes unwelcome rule on the minority tribal people, which in fact is political rather than economical.
Having posited a dismal future for all of us, my thesis is aimed at finding an amicable solution for all the Manipuri communities. That’s where our prosperous future lies.
Manipuris are marching to an unheard drum in an arid political clime. It’s time for mothballing the old history of Manipur; it’s time for burying the hatchet; it’s time for the creation and reinforcement of a collective identity for Manipuris.
We need an increased share of a common language of Manipuri and an equal share of our economy, and willingness to celebrate a plural and secular society. We have to forge ahead in the larger interest of Manipur for Manipuris.
We have a common language that does not affect the right of ethnic minorities of other languages to use their native languages. Speaking the same language makes one feel belonging to the same community.
Message from the writer: I appreciate what many readers are saying about my name. In fact, I wrote an article in a Manipuri daily this year that all Meitei youngsters and children should do without the pseudo -Rajput name of SINGH and DEBI; because we feel as if we are living in somebody’s body when we go abroad. But for old people like me it is too late. My name is legally bound in my passport, driving licence, banking, credit cards, and electoral register and so on.
The Challenge of Peace By South Asia Intelligence Review /IBNS

In his 2011 New Year message, S. Singnya, the President of the 'Federal Government of Nagaland/ Naga National Council' (FGN/NNC) declared, ‘After several rounds of reconciliation meets and the declaration of unconditional unity, I strongly believe that the present peaceful Naga society will never again be called a fratricidal society, regardless of the past. The Naga society is now genuinely and swiftly moving in the right direction.’

This hope was quickly belied, as internecine clashes among Naga militant groups have already resulted in at least 38 fatalities since January 1, 2011. National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM) and National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) have been the most prominent groups involved in this fratricidal confrontation. In one incident, intelligence sources disclosed, over 35 cadres of these groups were killed in the night of February 24-25, 2011, on the Tirap (Arunachal Pradesh)-Myanmar border.

The IM faction lost 30 of its cadres when their 100-strong armed group, trying to enter Tirap from Myanmar's Sagiang Division, was ambushed by the rival Khaplang faction. The Khaplang faction lost about five of its cadres.

This was the largest clash in the ongoing conflict between the two groups since December 2010. The conflict in Tirap-Changlang has been ongoing for nearly a decade, as the rivals engage in a contest to secure dominance over the two strategically located Districts in Eastern Arunachal Pradesh.

These Districts serve as a transit route for militants from India's north-east, taking shelter in largely un-administered areas of Myanmar. According to reports, at least two NSCN-IM cadres were killed and another five injured when the NSCN-K cadres uprooted the only NSCN-IM camp at Khamlang village under Changlang District in Arunachal Pradesh on December 27, 2010.

Meanwhile, clashes among these Naga groups crossed India's frontiers, when severe fighting broke out between them somewhere inside Myanmar on February 26, 2011. At least two NSCN-K cadres were reportedly injured in the fighting.

The bloodshed, moreover, also reaches inwards within these factions as well. 'Brigadier' Chipu Menon, the NSCN-K 'head' from Tirap, for instance, was killed in the Mon District of Nagaland by another NSCN-K cadre on March 17, 2011. Sources indicated that Menon was summoned from Tirap to Mon by higher-ups, to sort out issues related to 'organizational management', which included disciplinary and financial matters. Menon had earlier been warned to "abide by the organizational discipline" but "did not pay any heed."

Meanwhile, in an indication of rising differences among the 'champions of the Naga community', a new outfit, the Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), was floated on February 25, 2011, with a primary aim to protect the interests of the Zeliangrong tribe, with the slogan "Zeliangrong Ringtelo," meaning 'Long live the Zeliangrong people'.
Police sources believe that the new outfit was formed by around 10 NSCN-IM cadres who deserted the group, along with arms and ammunition, and joined up with some NSCN-K cadres. A ZUF cadre was killed on March 5, 2011, in a clash with suspected NSCN-IM cadres near Khoupum Khunou village in Tamenglong District, Manipur.

Opposition to the signing of the Shillong Accord on November 11, 1975 between the Government of India (GoI) and some representatives of the Naga National Council (NNC), had led to the formation of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) with Isak Chishi Swu as the 'Chairman', S. S. Khaplang as the 'Vice Chairman' and Thuingaleng Muivah as the 'General Secretary'.

No one could have imagined, then, that this would be the beginning of a serious fratricidal confrontation which remains unabated till date. Factionalism began after April 30, 1988, when a bloody clash between supporters of Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu, on one side, and Khaplang, on the other, resulted in the split of NSCN into two groups - NSCN-IM and NSCN-K. At least 100 people were killed in the clash. Since their inception, both the groups have been constantly engaged in a violent contest to establish their hegemony.

According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal Database, a total of 417 Naga militants have been killed and another 97 injured in the internecine clashes since 2001. Fatalities registered an upward trend (barring 2001), till they peaked at 110 in 2008, but fell drastically in 2009 and 2010.

The drop in killings was the result of a 'Covenant of Reconciliation' (CoR) signed by the top leaders of three Naga Political groups - NSCN-K, NSCN-IM and FGN/NNC - on June 13, 2009, after a Naga Reconciliation meet was held in Chiang Mai in Thailand from June 1 to June 8, 2009.

The CoR, reaffirmed again on September 18, 2010, states that the Naga political groups, in the name of God and witnessed by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation, declared to the Naga people and the entire world resolving to, among others, desist from pursuing territorial expansion so that a conducive atmosphere is sustained for strengthening the Naga Reconciliation Process. Since then, 45 'reconciliation summits' have taken place - 36 rounds in Nagaland and nine in Chiang Mai.

The recent 'highest level meeting' of the Naga Reconciliation Committee, which was to be held during the visit of NSCN-IM leaders in March 2011, however, could not take place due to the sudden review of the decision by the NSCN-K.

It now appears that the period of bonhomie is over. Unsurprisingly, the NSCN-K accused the IM of blatantly violating the CoR and 'ordering military operations' in eastern Nagaland.
On February 26, 2011, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak stated, "What is happening in eastern Nagaland is a unilateral abrogation of the CoR by NSCN-IM," adding further that reconciliation among different parties cannot happen by holding guns in the hand or by one party considering himself or herself superior to others.
A joint statement issued on February 27, 2011, by NSCN-K and FGN, two of the three signatories of the CoR, noted, ‘Naga people are informed that while Mr. Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah demand sincerity from the GoI, back home in Nagaland, despite being a signatory of the CoR they have miserably failed to be sincere to their own people. The ink on the documents they signed is still wet, yet they are threatening to throw Nagaland into further turmoil. Naga people have the right to know why Mr. Muivah has ordered military offensive in eastern Nagaland.’

The NSCN-K has now declared that the reconciliation process was a "closed chapter because of the NSCN-IM. It is not worthwhile to stretch on the interaction on reconciliation if the people you approach are a confused lot and are not prepared to reconcile in true spirit. What is the use of holding reconciliation meetings if we cannot abide by the resolutions adopted?" Tikhak said on February 26, 2011.

Expectedly, the NSCN-IM, claimed that it remained "deeply committed" to the peace process and reconciliation. On February 28, 2011, Muivah however, argued, "But while we are deeply engaged in the works of peace and reconciliation a number of Naga Army personnel (armed wing of the NSCN-IM) were killed by the Khaplang party in different incidents under their declared military offensive campaigns against NSCN in Tirap and Changlang Districts of Arunachal Pradesh. We will never allow ourselves to be sitting ducks when enemies attack us. They (the rivals) are always on the offensive."

The recent upswing in the factional differences has also impacted on the ongoing talks between the NSCN-IM and GoI. On March 2, 2011, the NSCN-IM held the first round of talks with the Government's newly appointed interlocutor, R.S. Pandey, at New Delhi, during which the group submitted a list of 30 demands. The next round of talks is scheduled to be held in April.

On February 26, the NSCN-K had conveyed to the GoI that it has no objections to the proposed meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and NSCN-IM 'general secretary' Th. Muivah in April, since the talks were "merely a bilateral meeting between two parties and not a political talk between GoI and the Nagas".

However, NSCN-K spokesperson P. Tikhak, on February 28, declared, "We never supported the peace talks nor will we ever support it." Moreover, after the conclusion of the first meeting of the Supervisors of the Cease Fire Monitoring Board (CFMB), Wangtin Naga, the NSCN-K Cease Fire Monitoring Board Supervisor, insisted, on January 6, 2011, that his group would only talk when all factions come together under one roof.

Evidently, the Naga reconciliation process, initiated by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in 2009, has run into a rough weather in the wake of the recent turf wars between the rival NSCN groups in eastern Nagaland. The Union Defense Ministry, on March 16, 2011, however, continued to claim that "Violence levels have declined and the inter-factional clashes between NSCN-IM and NSCN-K have reduced."

The continuing violence in Nagaland is the result of New Delhi's failure to implement the terms of its cease fire agreements with the NSCN factions, which require their cadres to be restricted within designated camps, and to deposit their arms. If the peace process in the State is to have any hopes of success, and tranquility is to prevail in the region, these terms will have to be imposed on, and accepted by, these armed groups.

As long as the NSCN factions - and other militant groupings in the State - continue to build up their armed strength and struggle for military dominance in 'contested' areas, there can be little hope of peace for the Naga people.
(The writer-Veronica Khangchian- is Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management)
Militarism and the Future of Democracy in Manipur: Impressions from the Field Namrata Goswami IDSA
While most of the states in Northeast India are slowly but steadily edging towards the resolution of the multiple armed conflicts that have plagued them for decades, Manipur continues to remain unstable. In Assam, the dialogue process is underway with the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). In Nagaland, peace talks between the Union Government and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim--Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) have witnessed significant progress in recent months. In Manipur, on the other hand, while Suspension of Operations (SoO) have been signed with the Kuki armed groups, the Meitei armed groups like the United National Liberation Front of Manipur (UNLF), the Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) and its armed wing the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) and the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) have not signed any ceasefire or SoO with the Union government and continue to operate with impunity in the state. Added to this is the Naga-Meitei divide, with the NSCN-IM staking claim over 90 per cent of the state’s territory.

Against this backdrop a national seminar was held in Manipur University in March 2011. Different stakeholders including local policymakers, civil society actors, security forces personnel, journalists and academics provided their perspectives on the conflict in the state. Critical issues were discussed in detail including Manipur’s history, the Indian state’s national security discourse and its rationale, growing militarism and the impact of violence on society and especially on women, ideological issues, counter-insurgency and the politics of development, and the challenging task of upholding democratic norms and institutions.
Six critical propositions that merit serious attention from the policy perspective can be identified based on the seminar’s proceedings and the author’s field experience in Manipur. First, there is the compression of democratic space in Manipur due to the existence of multiple armed groups as well as the presence of a large counter-insurgency force. Second, ‘ethnic assertion’ limits the space for inclusive democratic politics. Third, the overwhelming feeling of ‘under-representation’ in national policy making structures adversely impacts the local perceptions of India. Fourth, people genuinely believe that the Union government is interfering in almost all local issues. Fifth, the absence of efficient local state structures creates a ‘fearful psyche’ with regard to physical wellbeing among the people of the state. Sixth, central development schemes are viewed as counter-insurgency measures instead of being viewed as efforts by the Indian state to meaningfully uplift the local people.
The overall tenor of discussions in the seminar, which was dominated by voices representing the Meitei community and to a lesser extent the Naga community, indicated a number of policy options that merit consideration.
First, it emerged that there was an urgent need for a balanced discourse on the issue of militarism in Manipur. Most speakers argued that the growing militarism was due to a psychologically oriented ‘mindset of militarism’ fuelled by the visible presence of the security forces personnel and non-state armed groups in such large numbers among the civil society. This leaves a deep seated negative impression on the minds of the younger generations, thereby blocking out values that are intrinsic to democracy like inclusiveness, pluralism, individual rights, and the impression of a public welfare oriented state.
Second, there exists an ideational gap between the ‘idea of India’ as a pluralistic, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, inclusive and vibrant democratic entity and the perception of the actual behaviour of the Indian state in conflict prone states like Manipur. Therefore, while there is expressed hope in the idea of a democratic India as envisioned by Gandhi and Nehru, there is need for a concerted effort to bridge the democracy deficit.
Third, ethnic communities in Manipur should reconsider their own perception of ‘victimisation’, which was described by a local scholar as the “psyche of a defeated people”. Hence, while political discourses within Manipur tend to be located within two overarching conceptual parameters, British India and post-colonial India, where Manipur is portrayed as a victim of discrimination, little serious effort has been made by local actors to construct an elegant rational discourse on how to create a pluralistic, multi-ethnic and democratic Manipur. Once this new inclusive discourse is crafted, even the Naga discourse of so-called historical ethnic exclusivity will appear self-defeating and non-progressive.
Fourth, centre-state relations and democratic norms were the central focus in local discourses. A lot of political anxiety was noticeable with regard to the presence of military personnel in the state, lack of a responsible government, and the state’s inability to gain monopoly over organised violence. People wish to move beyond the narrow prism of armed groups and armed conflict to a non-violent public sphere. Fifth, local political communities argue that the political destiny of the people of Manipur is decided by national elites with little input from local elites. A larger visible presence of able local politicians and public intellectuals in the national decision making process and representative structures will help to assuage these grievances. A central message that emerged from the seminar was that while the two core national security objectives of India, territorial integrity and sovereignty, stand the country in good stead, individual progress and overall societal happiness, especially of its ethnic minorities, would help achieve these objectives. Therefore, local grievances and the perception in Manipur of India as a mechanical bureaucratic state should not be taken lightly. It is critical that continuing extortions, intimidatory tactics and kidnapping by the armed groups in the state be controlled through strict law enforcement measures. There is also an urgent need for greater democratic outreach with the local population which is living in a militarised zone, by putting in place responsive, accountable and humane state structures.
A chance for peace in Assam Livemint
For the first time in recent history, the separatist United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was quiescent, neither supporting nor opposing the electoral process
The peaceful conclusion of polling in Assam on Monday marks the end of an era of secessionism in the state. The second phase of voting witnessed an impressive turnout of more than 70%. For the first time in recent history, the separatist United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was quiescent, neither supporting nor opposing the electoral process.
This is both a matter of satisfaction and is also a challenge. The history of various insurgency hit states—from Jammu and Kashmir to Nagaland—bears little comparison with each other. But each province that has been pacified has had a powerful demonstrator effect on other such states. Mizoram, Punjab, and, to an extent Nagaland, have traced a trajectory of peace one after another. Now, finally, Assam, too, has bid goodbye to separatism. There is no doubt that Paresh Barua, the leader of ULFA’s armed wing remains recalcitrant to the idea of peace; but one person alone matters little: almost the entire leadership of the outfit—from chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa downwards—have been reconciled.
The challenges ahead are, however, of a very different order. Leaving aside the so-called ‘BIMARU’ states, Assam is one of the more poor Indian states. In per capita income terms, it is much behind the national average. So too in terms of human development indicators (life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rates per 1,000 births, to give two examples). Much of the population of the state continues to eke out its existence from agriculture. Industrial development is non-existent.
This cannot be changed overnight. While the Tarun Gogoi government may claim some success for turning the corner on the insurgency problem, that is only a partial success. In fact insurgency was already on its way out: the people of Assam had concluded that separatism doesn’t pay. It is on the development front that Gogoi’s reign has been lacklustre. True, attracting investment in states that have been through insurgency is difficult, the issue is about the serious inadequacy of the government’s efforts. The failure on this count is for all to see. How future governments tackle the development question will determine how fruitful the return of peace has been in Assam.
What should be done to speed up Assam’s development? Tell us at views@livemint.com
ENPO firm on ‘frontier Nagaland’ State goal morungexpress
Dimapur, April 10 (MExN): The Eastern Naga People’s Organization (ENPO) has said it is “firm on its stand in achieving the goal till the end” regarding the demand for “separate frontier Nagaland.” A note from the president of ENPO Mangko Phom appealed to “all concerned Naga citizen” not to “provoke and get confused” and queried “who can guarantee that the ENPO demand cannot be achieved?”
The ENPO appeals to all concerned Nagas “not to provoke and get confused over the demand for separate frontier Nagaland state by misleading people over the movement.” According to the ENPO, ‘some concerned citizens had admitted’ that the demand is genuine and its fully in between Government of India and ENPO and the same people are interpreting by saying that the demand of separate frontier Nagaland state has weakened the Naga peace process.’
“So we would like to question them whether they are trying to provoke by sowing hatredness towards ENPO? We never stood against any group or hinder the peace process,” the organization representing the eastern regions of Nagaland stated. “The movement is a people’s movement and the ENPO is firm on its stand in achieving the goal till the end,” the note added.

Warm welcome for Jamir on homecoming OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph


S.C. Jamir in Mokokchung. Telegraph picture
Kohima, April 9: The return of veteran Nagaland politician S.C. Jamir to Aonglenden constituency yesterday to contest the byelections slated for May 7 evoked a tremendous response.
As emotions ran high, people lined the route waving Congress flags right up to his ancestral village Ungma near Mokokchung town, cheering their beloved leader. “Long live S.C. Jamir, we love you”, people chanted in unison. Women were almost on the verge of tears, vouching support for Jamir as he entered Aonglenden constituency with hundreds of supporters from Kohima and Dimapur.
“Please extend support to S.C. Jamir, irrespective of political affiliations. He is our leader,” they pleaded. Addressing the public gathering at Ungma in the evening, the former Maharashtra and Goa governor and ex-chief minister said he has been steering Naga politics for the last 60 years after being baptised into politics in 1958 from Ungma.
The veteran Naga politician entered Naga politics by joining the erstwhile Naga People’s Convention (NPC), the architect of Nagaland state. He was then appointed joint secretary of the NPC. Recalling his speech in the first convention of the NPC at Ungma, he said there are three different kinds of animals — ape, donkey and tiger. While ape represents primitives that do not listen to anyone, the donkey never moves until the load is heavy and the tiger represents violence. He said tigers continue to exist in Naga society though people want to live in peace.
Jamir said the Nagas have enough leaders to work for the welfare of the people but they were deterred by fear. But he vowed not to be intimidated or deterred by any force in his mission to speak the truth. Jamir urged his people to catalyse his rebirth in politics so that he could serve the people of Nagaland. He said that he was contesting neither to become a chief minister nor governor again, but to serve the people.
The veteran Naga leader has urged people to bury the past and move ahead with new issues. But the Naga People’s Front (NPF), the main constituent of the ruling democratic alliance of Nagaland said it would dig out the old issues like “the Bedrock of Naga society” — the booklet which was allegedly authored by Jamir had stated that statehood had compromised the Nagas’ demand for sovereignty.
Speaking at the rally, leader of Congress legislature party (CLP), Tokheho Yepthomi and former president of Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) and Congress lawmaker, K.V. Pusa described Jamir as a “great leader”.
Yepthomi said the former chief minister has been a national figure since the time of late Prime Minister Nehru adding that God had chosen Jamir to be a torch and pillar for the Naga people. The CLP leader said the former chief minister could have been a Prime Minister had he been from states, which have many MPs in Parliament. Yepthomi said his leader has the quality and calibre to become the Prime Minister of India. “Nagas need his service, send him to the Assembly,” the CLP leader appealed to the people.
He said Naga people need Jamir to lead them and prayed that God give him a long life to let him lead the Nagas. Pusa said since the formation of the Nagaland state in 1960, the destiny of Naga people was laid in Ungma village and till today Ungma village is politically alive. He said Jamir is a Naga leader and is respected by leaders of India and urged people of Ungma to retain the pride by electing him in the byelections.
“The pride of the Naga people would be retained by sending him to the Assembly again,” the Congress leader said. Among others who spoke in the rally were MLAs H. Chuba Chang, Kongam, Sentichuba Ao, vice-president of NPCC, Nillo Rengma and Congress leaders from Mokokchung district. Congress top leaders, former chief minister and MLA, K.L. Chishi, former president NPCC and MLA, I. Imkong and former president of NPCC and MLA Chingwang Konyak did not attend the rally.
Is the younger Naga generation losing touch with their history? morungexpress

Some of those who voted YES had this to say:
• Yes, the younger generation is losing touch with their history. This is a increasing fact, no one can deny it. But the issue is who is to blame. Can we blame the younger generation? I dont think so. The older generation has no doubt messed up the Naga issue and the way the older people are behaving is making the younger people sick and tired. Just look at the Naga movement. The older generation has only created factionalism and instead of making amends and reconciling, they are sticking to their guns. The younger generation is completely fed up with the older generation.
• Younger naga generation are searching for greener pasture in more peaceful atmosphere outside ..............??????
• Their texts contain only other histories!
• Yes, very much. This is obvious by the fact that we’ve began to neglect, rather discard, our once revered practices, habits, customs and culture. Of course knowing them or having in-depth knowledge about ourselves doesn’t imply that we should live like some stone-aged men in traditionally vibrant colors with equally aged practices, but it definitely instills and kindles a sense of unflinching oneness lifelong, with room enough for that humane instinct. The best option to let the younger generation learn of our history maybe through homes and educational institutions in a systematic process.
• All are care free
• To avoid the present situation, they opt to study and stay and work outside.
• When the Govt. of Nagaland in collaboration with some Café is promotion the Korean culture, it certainly will have a drastic effect on the mindset of the youths and the end- product is there for all to see. Nowadays, we find many duplicate college going Koreans roaming the streets of the neighborhoods. Nagas prefer watching Korean movies to English movies. Some section of the Nagas profess to have found salvation in the form of illusion from the preaching of new age guru, Rev. Ban Moon Sun. They insist that he preaches only in Korean lingo. That’s speaking in tongue. The only common linkage that I find between us and the Korean is that, we, both, love Dog Meat. Slurp !!!.
• They are happy with Indian money...
• They dont even care 2 learn their own dialect and not even ready to visit their village n learn their culture..maybe the parents dont care or the children are still sleeping.
• Influence by the external factors.
• The Western-culture's Influence on the Naga youths is one thing and the lack of teaching about the Naga history is another thing. Instead of teaching and learning about the historical heritage of Naga history, our people have been spending too long time on fighting and killing each others
• No one will deny that the younger Naga generation is losing touch with their history, culture, tradition and even language. But I would not blame them completely. I think the Naga elders also need to take responsibility for the mess that we are all in. The rigidity in which the Naga elders are operating is just unethical.
• Yes, tell me how many of today’s youngster know about the legends, histories or the works of the great leaders of the past who really struggled for us? Well forget about the history of the Nagas, I bet they don’t even know the history of their tribe.
• Because many of the Naga's history were not recorded and many students forget to learn them.
• We don't have to look far. Just take a peek at our lifestyle.
• Yes unfortunately in many ways and measures. The saddest part is losing our respectable identity.. I am scared!

Some of those who voted NO had this to say:
• I am saying NO cautiously because the younger Nagas know only what they have been taught in schools, homes and in the society. I dont think they know any less than what they are being told. So the problem is not that the Naga youths are losing in touch with their history, but that they are being taught very little about their culture, tradition and history. So eventually, if they are not being taught well, the Naga youths will lose touch with their history and I dont think they can be blamed for it. Also let us not forget that the so called Naga overground and underground leaders have no vision for the young people. When there is no strong leadership that is in a position to provide a sense of direction and vision for the people, than what can we expect from the younger generation. They will only want to detach as much as possible with their history. Something radical must be done if we are to save Nagaland. The leaders must take responsibility for their actions and get their acts together. Finally, the underground groups must reconcile and put forward a common agenda for negotiation with the Indian government. If the UGs can agree to put forward a common agenda for negotiation, I am sure all Nagas will support it.
• No because history of Naga is now studied as a subject is included in academic curriculum.
• No. The Nagas, with the passage of time, are advancing and more aware of the importance of history. So, Naga history can never be lost.
• The thoughts of younger generation and older generation are different but has the same Goal..work for the people of Nagaland
• We are reading and accessing a lot more of history than our older generations. Thanks to technology, newspaper, books, magazines, internet, etc. Now i know my histories and im able to tell it to the older generation.

Some of those who voted OTHERS had this to say:
• The younger generation is stuck between the old and the new. Of course it is common sense that the new must come out of the old, but the problem with the old is that it is not allowing the new to come out and shine. The old has become the problem, it is just refusing to give room to the new. The younger generation is in a pitiable state.
• The world has progressed so much. The world is talking about the latest technological advancements, and here we are in Nagaland talking about land encroachment in fast disappearing Intangki forest.
• tere is no question of losing or gaining touch wit naga history . coz we were never taught about our naga history in literature form even in high school . the present state of mind of a naga individual is tat knowledge abt naga history is nil and knowledge abt nagaland geography 100%. due to this imbalance we r livin in confusd n distrustful society.
• we dont have a history. what is naga history??
• With changes and progress in the world, the young people have to change too. But in terms of cultural values, they are copying all the bad ones the see from their parents' generation.
• As the younger Naga generation with no exception being part and parcel of this global village replete with fierce competitions in every field of discipline, no matter how forward-looking and progressive it may be, no elite educated Naga can afford to ignore his/her rich and unique history preferably not contemporary one but the one during the period of our forefathers though illiterate and noble savage, some of their finest qualities are still relevant to our present day and draw inspiration and guidance from their exemplenary way of life and deeds. Its honestly sobering for me to sheepishly admit that I am also one of them who only has a smattering of our own Naga history, let alone the culture, heritage, traditional custom out of sheer ignorance or take it for granted as it is or perhaps for both reasons on my part. However, better late than never, as my answer to your poll quest put me in quite a retrospective state of mind.