[Previous entry: "Peaceful NE situation highlight of 2010: PC Eastern Mirror"] [Next entry: "Northeastern states hail PAP withdrawal (IANS)"]

01/07/2011: "PEACE AND CONFLICT: A TENUOUS LINK Wallstreet Journal"

PEACE AND CONFLICT: A TENUOUS LINK Wallstreet Journal

There are compelling weather systems developing in India’s east. The release on bail of United Liberation Front of Asom (Ulfa) chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa in Guwahati this past week is one such. Rajkhowa has asked for the release of several jailed colleagues in both India and Bangladesh for the peace process to move ahead conclusively.
If it were to, it would bring to an end one of eastern India’s most violent and embedded insurgencies. And it could help transform Assam into a robust economic engine.
On the face of it, it might seem odd that Rajkhowa is putting on a show of bravado when, as a leader of a cornered, even discredited, group he ought to be on the defensive. But it shows the complicated nature of peace and conflict in these parts. A significant point is that the government of Assam did not oppose Rajkhowa’s bail. It is an acknowledgement that issues of underdevelopment and fear of the Assamese identity being swamped, which birthed Ulfa in the first place, are yet to be resolved. And the Assamese wish to sort it out to their own satisfaction.
This would be only the first significant step in Assam; the Bodo development and autonomy issue is yet to be resolved; Bodo rebels hold out.
In Nagaland, the two largest rebel groups, National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu, and a rival faction headed by K. Khaplang, have been in long-stuttering ceasefire talks with the government. Over the past two years, representatives of the two warring factions and lesser Naga rebel groups have met in civil society- and church-led peace and reconciliation talks. The political establishment in Nagaland is alive to this dynamic. The logic is straightforward: for the Nagas to meaningfully engage with Indian authorities and bring closure to the tragedies and ignominy since 1947—when Naga rebels opposed an arbitrary merger with India, leading to retaliation by Nehru—they must first reconcile contradictions among themselves.
It will be unwise at this point for India’s security establishment to crow about victory, that it has after decades managed to grind down several major rebellions in Assam, Nagaland, and the multi-ethnic cauldron of Manipur—which has recently seen the capture of Raj Kumar Meghen, chairman of a leading Meitei organization, United National Liberation Front; and some Kuki groups signing “suspension-of-operation” agreements with the state government. The reasons for grinding down range from scaled-up anti-rebel operations to rebels falling prey to the rigour of maintaining operations at high pitch, to losing initial idealism, to an India-friendly government such as the one led by Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh denying anti-India rebels sanctuary and even helping in the arrest of several.
In no case has it taken place exclusively on account of better development, lessening of kleptocracies, and the acknowledgement by the Indian government—and various political formations that run it—that regional and sub-regional identities in what is erroneously called North-east India have needs and minds of their own. (Mizoram is the exception, and that, too, bribed out of rebellion with an overly generous provision for government jobs.)
The reasons that led to the region’s myriad rebellions continue to exist—peace, intended peace, or not. Moreover, I have heard from several bureaucrats and police officers tasked with administering the Indian government’s will and testament at the grass roots in this region that, more often than not, those in-charge of the “North-east” in New Delhi—whether in the home or defence ministries, the key satrapies—are either disinterested or clueless about the complexities in this region beyond keep-China-out, and Delhi-knows-best. The relative spread of federal powers and responsibilities in what is known in these parts as “Mainland India” continues to be largely absent here. The driving imperative is that of an economy of conflict—a treasure trove of siphoned government funds and unfulfilled projects. The civic wrecks that are Guwahati, Kohima and Imphal offer only a passing—though significant—feel of the malaise.
There are several fine reports, such as the Vision 2020 document, that detail prospects of prosperity in India’s eastern extremity; of it being India’s bridge to South-east Asia. The region’s mineral and human resources are spoken of in seminars as the next big thing for India. From 1 January, the government of India has relaxed permit regulations for foreigners visiting Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram, to draw tourists. Such laudable exercises are unlikely to get far until the basic causes of alienation and resentment are addressed.
Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in South Asia. He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a column alternate Thursdays on conflicts that directly affect business.
Telengana Effect? Divide Nagaland demand intensifies Rahul Karmakar/HT Correspondent, Hindustan Times
The Telengana movement appears to have eaten into the Greater Nagaland dream of the Isak-Muivah faction of the rebel National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM). Inspired by the statehood stir in Andhra Pradesh, the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organization (ENPO) on Friday launched its movement for the creation of Frontier Nagaland inhabited by six Naga tribes including Konyak, Chang and Sangtam.
Frontier Nagaland is envisaged to be carved out of Tuensang, Mon, Kiphire and Longleng districts of eastern Nagaland as well as Tirap and Changlang districts of adjoining Arunachal Pradesh.
This statehood demand undermines the idea of Greater Nagaland, something the NSCN-IM is trying to bargain for since declaring truce in July 1997. Greater Nagaland seeks to bring all Naga-inhabited areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur besides Nagaland under one administrative set-up.
“We organized simultaneous rallies in four districts today, and this is just the beginning,” said ENPO general secretary Toshi Wungpung from Tuensang, 250 km northeast of Nagaland capital Kohima. “Our demand for the creation of Frontier Nagaland is based on historical facts.”
Wungpung added, this organization has also sent a memorandum to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh outlining the reasons why the ‘eastern Nagas’ need to chart a geo-political course different from other Nagas.
“For decades, gross injustice has been done to eastern Nagaland by successive governments. This part has almost half of Nagaland’s total population but the area continues to remain extremely under-developed. Only 3% of the population in this area has government jobs,” the ENPO general secretary said.
The Neiphiu Rio government in Nagaland has chosen not to react to the ENPO movement. But the Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee has appealed to eastern Nagas to reconsider their demand.
“At a time when Nagas have expressed their willingness and taken concrete steps to reconcile with one another and unite for a lasting Indo-Naga political solution, we appeal to you to reconsider your stand,” the NPCC said.
Reconciliation refers to the move to unite the warring factions of the NSCN as well as the Naga National Council, from which the former had evolved.
“FRONTIER NAGALAND STATE” Thepfulhouvi Solo Morungexpress

The Former Nagaland Finance Minister Mr. K. Therie has described the demand of the ENPO for a ‘FRONTIER NAGALAND STATE’ as “heart breaking”. How true it is; the separations of Husband and Wife, of Brothers and Sisters, of Parents and Children or even of Friends are always a Heart rending experience. The Writer however does not know whether the demand is a “no trust vote against the DAN Government”. That view may be political and this Writer has no intention of entering into political contentions on the Issue; he only feels the Issue is indeed of very serious implications for all of us Nagas.
The demand of a separate Frontier Nagaland State of Tuensang-Mon Area would mentally and unconsciously affect all Nagas. It was the Pioners of the NNC at great cost unified Nagas into one Naga Mind and later, the Naga People’s Convention integrated Tuensang-Mon Area with Naga Hills into NHTA -Naga Hills-Tuensag Area and then into one NAGALAND State.
Today, some Nagas are still separated in Arunachal, in Assam and in Manipur States; Nagas have vehemently opposed this and have even gone to the extent of fighting and of course blaming everything under the Sky, from the greatest Colonial Power the world has ever seen -the so-called British Imperialists- to the designs of Agents of the Indian RAW et cetera. Nagas naturally want to stay together –who in the world would not- under one and the same political Unit, but now one of the most endearing Groups of Nagas themselves, the ENPO, is moving exactly contrary to the mainstream Naga Ethos. May God in his own good time gather all Nagas into one Nagaland.
Let us transparently express ourselves in reality and in all honesty:
i. Is the ENPO really serious of their Demand? Are they behaving like the Naga Hoho or the other Naga Civil Organizations the ENPO has distanced themselves from?
ii. If not why should the ENPO request the Chief Minister of Nagaland to recommend the dismantling of the Chief Minister’s own State?

No self respecting Chief Minister would ever agree to the dismembering of his own State. It is said the Chief Minister has replied he will neither “Oppose nor Recommend” the Case. The Chief Minister has replied for all of us. What an apt nice and delicate sense of Naga Democracy reply!
The Majority of the 60 Members of the Assembly of Nagaland do not want to separate from the other 20 Member Tuensang-Mon Naga brothers and in a Democracy, the voice of the Majority should hold. But Naga Democracy being it is as it is, the Chief Minister has replied for all of us.
If the Tuensang-Mon brothers want to go away from Nagaland, let them be. May God bless them; hand them over a generously packed lunch bundle for the journey.
Naga Brothers do not know whether the ENPO represents the Tuensang-Mon People in reality or is just like other NGOs of Nagaland, rhetorical mouth of some extinguished politicians, or some disgruntled position-seekers. The 20 MLAs from the Area -whether one likes it or not- have the mandate of their people, they legally and constitutionally represent their People.

But:
i. Why have they chosen to remain silent on an issue of such vital importance to their People?
ii. Why are the Naga Hoho mute on this?
iii. Why has the NSF quiet on this?
iv. Where are all the wise Naga Elders?
v. Why have the Naga National Leaders silent spectators on this?

The Writer’s fallible feeling is that the demand for a separate State is more to do with Economic dissatisfaction than astute Political Vision, though every great and troublesome Political Vision stem from a minute core of political sense of favorable self-advancement.
Let us be very honest; true, in terms of Government Employments -not just through the NPSC but through the pliable Appointing Authority of the Head of the Department, in terms of Government Contract Allotments, and in terms of current manufactured Economic Systems in the State, all Governments of Nagaland –not just the UDF or the Congress or the DAN alone, but all Governments of Nagaland, had an edge in favor of the more advanced Tribes; everybody feels the highly Agriculturally Expert and Economically Advanced Chakhesang Community, some of them in Leadership Position of World and Asian Organizations even, is claiming the Backwardness Right! For God’s sake, let the more fortunate Christian Communities search their own hearts.
Tuensang-Mon Area was under SPECIAL STATUS for 10 years at the time of creation of the State of Nagaland in 1963; and to uplift the less f
UNITED NAGA COUNCIL
Tahamzam: Senapati
Email: uncnagalim@gmail.com, Phone: +9138571222523


STATEMENT ON ALTERNATIVE ARRANGEMENT FOR NAGAS IN MANIPUR
6th January, 2011

In view of the war that was waged upon the innocent and unarmed Naga citizens at Mao on the 6th May, 2010 by the Manipur State Government the Naga Hoho on the 8th of May, 2010 issued a statement that “…henceforth, we derecognize any artificial boundary lines drawn across our ancestral lands in the so called Manipur State”.

The Nagas in the present state of Manipur declared the severance of all political ties with the GoM in the Naga Peoples’ Convention which was convened at Tahamzam on the 1st of July, 2010. This declaration was based upon the unmistakable fact that it was impossible to protect our right to life, land, time-honored institutions, customary practice and values under the administration of the dominant and communal Government of Manipur (GoM), and that our history with it, has clearly confirmed the harsh reality that the GoM has never recognized and respected the identity and dignity of the Naga people. The vacuum in governance and administration created thereby, it was further declared, must be filled with an alternative arrangement by the Government of India in consultation with the Naga people at the earliest possible time.

This declaration was endorsed by the Naga Hoho in the 18th June, 2010 declaration at Kohima and subsequently confirmed in the 3rd Federal Assembly of the Naga Hoho, dated Mokokchung, 16th July, 2010.
&nb sp;
Although the Naga inhabited areas was arbitrarily sliced off and annexed by the British in 1891 to Manipur, which was then only the Imphal valley, the Britishers, recognizing the distinctiveness and separateness of the Nagas, administered the Nagas and their lands through the Crown’s political department. Before India’s independence, the Nagas were never subjected to the rule of the Maharaja of Manipur. After India’s independence, Naga areas were arbitrarily transferred to the Maharaja of Manipur without the consent of the Nagas, through acts of subterfuge and deception. The story of the Nagas in Manipur since then has been one of complete marginalization, victimization, discrimination and Meitei domination. The entire system of governance is conceived, designed and engineered towards systematic degradation and obliteration of Naga history, culture and identity. The Nagas in Manipur have suffered loss of rights and privileges, loss of due share in economic development, and most materially loss of their honor, dignity and identity.

It is only in the indivisible common destiny that the history, identity and honor of the Nagas would be safe. It is with this clear conviction that the Nagas in Manipur have embarked upon the historic mission to secure an alternative political and administrative arrangement independent of Meitei domination and subjugation. In accepting this responsibility, we have neither sought direction from anyone high or low nor has anybody named or unnamed given us instructions. We the Nagas in Manipur who are compelled to seek for the alterative arrangement have no ulterior motive other than the firm conviction that all avenues for rapprochement for meaningful and peaceful co-existence have been exhausted and therefore the best way forward for the Nagas and the Meiteis is to part as good neighbors. It is a wake-up call to every self-respecting Naga whether or not we pass on to posterity a legacy that is fragmented and disfigured, shamed and pained to no end.

The demand for alternative arrangement is for an emergency intervention to change the unbearable and intolerable conditions under which the Nagas in Manipur have been compelled to subsist on, so that we may live as a people with our dignity, identity and fundamental rights intact. The intervention must be urgent and interim in nature so as to accommodate our immediate administrative needs without any prejudice to the legitimate political aspiration of the entire Naga family. It shall not and cannot undercut and upstage the larger Naga national issue. What the Nagas in Manipur are seeking, with the blessing and goodwill of all Nagas at large is to save and protect our future and identity and to ensure our survival with honor and dignity.



(SWORD VASHUM) (L. ADANI)
Chairman Member Secretary
Committee for Alternative Arrangement Committee for Alternative Arrangement