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10/15/2010: "Shing remand extended - NIA to probe NSCN-IM leader’s arms deals"

Shing remand extended - NIA to probe NSCN-IM leader’s arms deals NISHIT DHOLABHAI The Telegraph


Anthony Shing
New Delhi, Oct. 14: NSCN (Isak-Muivah) leader Anthony Shing has been remanded in the custody of the National Investigation Agency (NIA) for two more weeks as a probe into allegations of arms procurement is expected to expand to Bangladesh and Thailand.
“He probably has an account in the HSBC bank in Bangladesh and a major Thai bank,” a source said.
Shing, who is also known as Ningkhan Shimray, is the “head of foreign affairs of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim”. The key functionary of the Naga rebel outfit travelled from Thailand to Nepal on September 27 and was apparently held by the Nepalese authorities.
Officially, he was picked up a few days later from the Indo-Nepal border in Bihar and later produced in a court in Patna. The court gave the NIA his custody for a fortnight before he was produced in a special NIA court in Delhi on Tuesday.
Sources said investigation into Shing’s alleged arms procurement deals might now involve the Thai and Bangladesh police forces. He is alleged to have several bank accounts in these two countries perhaps in the names of other people as well. The ministry of home affairs is likely to write soon to authorities in Bangkok and Dhaka to investigate into the matter.
The NSCN (I-M), which has been holding peace talks with New Delhi since 1997, feels betrayed. The outfit has claimed that Shing was on his way to India to attend the next round of peace talks, scheduled for September 29, when he went missing after landing in Kathmandu on September 27, 2010.
He flew from Bangkok with Royal Nepal Airlines flight number AR 402 reportedly after being deported following the lapse of his resident visa in Thailand.
“Right now, we would not like to comment on the issue as we have taken up the matter with the government officially,” a senior NSCN (I-M) functionary told this correspondent.
The sources said since Shing was to participate in the round of talks and the NSCN (I-M) is in a ceasefire agreement with the Centre, it was unfair on part of the government to have arrested a senior leader of the group.
Over the past 13 years, both the government and the rebels have travelled some distance in the peace process. The hurdle, however, has been the insistence of general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah to talk beyond the purview of the Constitution. That is unacceptable to the government and the talks have been stuck.
With the arrest of Shing, the rebel outfit is in a quandary over how to handle the situation in the midst of peace talks because Shing is a key functionary and his arrest prevents the NSCN (I-M) from taking a high moral ground.
Following the development, the Centre has managed to win a bargaining chip it may now use to alter the course of the peace talks.
Nagalim: Arrest Sows Doubts About Sincerity Of Peace Process
Unpo
The arrest of an NSCN peace negotiator in Kathmandu has caused some to question India’s sincerity in the Naga peace process.
Below is an article published by The Telegraph:
The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) has questioned the Centre’s sincerity in the Naga peace process which has been dragging on for the past 13 years without any tangible results.
The outfit’s remark came after the arrest of its leader, Anthony Shimray, from Kathmandu by a joint team of Indian and Nepal intelligence agencies on October 2.
The NSCN has directly blamed the Research and Analysis Wing for the arrest.
Joe Anal, the secretary of information and publicity of the government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim, slammed the “double-standard” policy of the Centre.
Maj. Gen. Phungthing Shimrang, convener of the ceasefire monitoring cell of NSCN, said the outfit has been keeping in touch with the Indian officials so that Shimray is released soon.
NSCN general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah has also lodged a complaint with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
The arrested NSCN leader was questioned by the National Investigation Agency yesterday and remanded for 14 days again. He has been accused of conspiring with arms dealers in China and Thailand to carry out war against India.
The intelligence agencies have recovered incriminating documents, including foreign passports, national identity cards of multiple countries, including Bangladesh, the Philippines and Thailand, an Indian passport, driving licence in fictitious names and other related documents.
During his arrest, Shimray was travelling on a foreign passport, and was on his way from Bangkok to New Delhi to attend the next round of Naga peace talks.
Torture unacceptable: GPRN/NSCN DIMAPUR, (NPN):
The GPRN/NSCN has said that even before the ink on the paper signed by leaders of three Naga political groups at the September Summit had dried, one NSCN(I-M) activist identified as ‘Lt.Col’ Yarteo Tangkhul physically tortured ‘Khapur’ Ahoshe of Tokugha village on October 14.
According to the GPRN/NSCN, Ahoshe was dragged by ‘Lt. Col’ Yarteo Tangkhul on Thursday at around 7.30 a.m. while on “govt duty” at Chumukedima .
It alleged Yarteo inflicted hours of “inhuman torture” on Ahoshe and allegedly “cursed and accused” Sumi tribe in particular and the GPRN/NSCN, using “most demeaning expletives”.
It said Ahoshe was also forced to sign a “bond of agreement” that he ceased to work for “the nation”, and warned that a huge fine would be imposed if he rejoined “national service”.
The MIP declared that “ any agreement forced under death threat stands null and void.”
Questioning Yarteo as to why he was “determined to destroy the covenant of reconciliation” among the Nagas, the MIP said men like him were “harbingers of misfortune to their own families, relatives and community”. It regretted that such “desolate men with barren human feelings” still claimed to be officers serving the nation.
Stating that the Joint Working Group (JWG) had met again on October 9 , to further strengthen the “covenant of reconciliation”, the MIP said that the GPRN/NSCN had so far exhibited “great patience and commitment” to the covenant.
In this regard, it appealed to the FNR to verify whether a group within the NSCN (I-M), oblivious to the “covenant of reconciliation” existed.
The MIP said if FNR was accepted by all rank and files of NSCN (I-M), then “Lt. Col.” Yarteo Tangkhul be brought to justice for hurting the sentiments of Nagas who were committed to the “covenant of reconciliation”.
It also appealed to the Tangkhul Naga Long and various Tangkhul civil societies in and outside Nagaland, to act against those who continued to “tarnish the image and integrity of peace loving Tangkhuls”.
Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi to Naga society underlined EMN
Our Correspondent | KOHIMA, OCT 14: “We must become people who will be more interested in the health of the Naga tree than in the fruits of the tree,” said Dr. Niketu Iralu today while indicating that the Naga society is in danger.
Speaking as Resource Person at the one-day programme that extensively deliberated on “Mahatma Gandhi’s concept on religion: A humanistic perspective” at ATI today, he said that Gandhiji is becoming an increasingly important subject all over the world. Stating that his philosophy on life is very timely for the Naga Society as well, he dwelt on his doctrine of ends and means while advocating the quote “Be the change you want to see in the world”.
Iralu said Gandhi’s ideas are very great but that that they are do-able and exhorted the huge gathering of students, teachers, lecturers and people from various walks of life to emulate the life of Mahatma Gandhi.
Dr. Pangernungba, Lecturer of CTC Mokokchung, maintained that the Naga society is going through a momentous time in the history referring to the decades-long Naga political issue and said “working for peace is the most important task in Nagaland”. Stating that a predominant force in Nagaland can be singled out to be “conflict situation”, he necessitated peace basing on Gandhi’s principles. He asserted that peace is the only way and hope for securing shared humanity in the 21st Century and went on to state that Gandhi’s understanding of truth, non-violence, love and human interdependence can help us understand our violent situation today.
Dwelling on Gandhi’s recognition of peace education, he called for the system of education in Nagaland to advocate holistic and non-violent principles to students. He held that our system of education is a huge producer of violence in one sense and strongly pointed out that “if we do not teach our children peace, someone else will teach them violence”.
He also told the students that “to be a true student means striving to be a peace student”.
Dr. Venusa Tinyi, Joint Secretary of the Overseas Naga Association, said “there is much to be learned from great man like Gandhi who experimented with ‘truth’ all through his public life” while impressing that his commitment to truth in life was stronger than the fear of opposition and death, a virtue uncommon in our contemporary world and found wanting even amongst our top leaders today.
Dwelling extensively on Gandhi’s religious goal, which he said is liberation, he said that it should not be expected simply from without or from within but that it should come from the realisation of who we are in conjunction with our pursuit of who we ought to be.
Dr. Arenla Mollier, while citing various instances from the life of Mahatma Gandhi during her talk on “Mahatma Gandhi’s Concept On Religion: A Humanistic Perspective” said Gandhi found God amidst his creation which was not confined to India but consisted of men belonging to different lands and different religions. She said religion to him binds man to God and importantly, man to man. She advocated Gandhiji’s principles and added that according to Gandhi “there is no religion higher than truth and righteousness”.
James Swu. EAC Tuensang, who was also one of the resource persons, dwelt on the priority that Gandhi gave to means rather than ends and while referring to his religion of truth, he said Mahatma’s religion was truth religion of love and tolerance, based on truth and non-violence.
Altogether, 11 Colleges and Higher Secondary Schools from Kohima along with 500 students and teachers took part in the programme.
UNLF chief held in Bangladesh, extradited to India: BCC By Subir Bhaumik kanglaonline

Calcutta: A prominent separatist leader from the north-east Indian state of Manipur has been arrested in Bangladesh and handed over, senior Indian officials say.
Rajkumar Meghen, who leads the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), was held by Bangladeshi police earlier this month, the officials said.
Meghen, whose alias is Sanayaima, was flown out of Bangladesh recently in an Indian aircraft, the officials said.
The UNLF is the oldest separatist group in India`s north-east.
Formed in 1964 to fight for Manipur`s liberation from India, the group is estimated to have 5,000 armed fighters. It is the only group which has managed to retain territory in some areas of Manipur`s borders with Burma, despite repeated military offensives by the Indian army.
Bangladesh has handed over more than 50 top leaders and activists of Indian separatist groups since a crackdown began in 2009.
Indian officials said Mr Meghen had moved to the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka, from his hideout in Burma`s Sagaing Division to line up an arms deal.
His movements were tracked by monitoring his communication with the arms dealers, they said.
Analysts say India may be trying to influence the UNLF leader to start negotiations.
But he has steadfastly refused to talk with India.
Meghen told the BBC six years ago that India must hold a plebiscite in Manipur under the aegis of the UN to ascertain whether Manipuris wanted to stay in India or not.
He was reportedly arrested in Burma in 2000 but released, prompting Indian protests. The Burmese authorities remained silent.
The Naga journey of common hope: The way forward E T Sunup Morungexpress
The hard work put in by FNR, the courage and vision of the Naga national leadership, and Divine favour facilitated by prayers of many around the world, which culminated in reaffirmation of the ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’ on September 18, 2010, on Naga home soil, has both synergised the difficult Naga journey with some desperately needed rays of light on an otherwise gloomy road, and also infused a rather tiresome 13-year long dialogue engagement with a healthy dose of elixir.

On the other side of the Table:
Advantage Delhi:
As long as the Naga national Organisations remained at loggerheads with one another, Delhi had a strong, valid point to keep asking for ‘unity’ on the Naga front as a prerequisite condition to be worked on first, before the much anticipated settlement dialogue could get into ‘more substantive’ issues, and thereby, in the meantime, secure critical time on its side to gradually edge towards tactical advantage,- such as, for instance: (i) trying to mellow down the sharp edges on the dialogue engagement process;
(ii) allowing sufficient time to feel the diametrical difference by the Naga public between a peaceful, normal atmosphere and the abnormal situation of prolonged disruptive violence they had suffered over the years, so that public support for peace gets stronger and more vocal; (iii) mapping out the ins and outs of the strategies, strengths and weaknesses of the opposite camp for use in the dialogue process and exploitation in the event of a total collapse of the ‘peace process’; (iv) work on making more effective anti-militancy arrangements with neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal, Bhutan;
(v) boost up the strike capability of the security forces in sensitive areas through detailed planning in case the need should arise, and so on. Also, during the 13-year period, Delhi’s gradual emergence as a global power, cementing of stronger ties with the West and deterrence capability build-up has rendered far more remote the possibility of some foreign power directly intervening in the affairs of Naga politics. Viewed from this perspective, the 13-year long stretch of protracted dialogue engagement has been to Delhi’s considerable advantage. Now, however, that there has been a breakthrough on reconciliation at the very top level of Naga national leadership, the way forward is set on much more solid and stable ground.

Constraints of Real Politick:
India has great leaders with vision, understanding, moral integrity and courage. Many of them have recognised and acknowledged the uniqueness of the Naga political issue. However, look at the highly mixed baggage that is Indian politics today! In the kind of democratic polity that India is, every leader’s public posturing and decision making in crunch-time politicking is severely regulated and dictated by the count of numbers, both in the ballot box as also, eventually, in the two Houses of Parliament. No leader would dare dissociate himself or herself from this reality except at the cost of one’s own political peril. Also, no Indian political party or Central Government would plunge into national security and integrity related risks, howsoever genuine, at the possibility of its own demise. Extreme strategic importance of States like J&K, Nagaland and some other North Eastern States to India’s defence and national security interests requires no emphasis. Expect Delhi to, therefore, stonewall and fight tooth and nail against any proposition for any of those strategic States including Nagaland to break away completely from the Indian Union. Keeping the ‘historical and political rights of the Nagas’ in perspective, a fundamental question then becomes inevitable: ‘If Delhi’s concern for a peaceful, secure North-East is truly serious enough, would it also then have the vision, determination and courage to go the extra mile to articulate a political arrangement with the Naga national leaders that is realistically ‘honourable and acceptable enough’ to all concerned?’ The reality is that without some concessions on one’s own rigid stand and reciprocal accommodation of the other side’s points of view, no final resolution is expected to be forthcoming. A rigid stand by both or either side could only mean a certain collapse of the on-going ‘peace process’ and a return to violent conflict.

In Perspective:
Certain undeniable facts can be recalled while trying to put the issue in proper perspective:
• The Naga national movement commenced and the Naga desire to be left alone in their own age-old traditional ways of life when the British left colonial India was expressed clearly much before India’s independence on 15th August, 1947.
• Creation of Nagaland State which eventually caused a chain reaction, changing forever the political landscape of North-East India was a by-product of the Naga national movement. Had there not been a Naga national movement, Nagaland State would not have been created and would have remained as a hill district of Assam. But, rather than extinguish it, creation of Nagaland State on sheer political considerations only enflamed the Naga national movement to greater intensity.
• In Delhi’s effort to crush Naga militancy, unimaginable atrocities of different kinds committed on innocent Naga villages, men, women and children by the Indian security forces have been documented by various research writers. If pursued seriously enough, there could be sufficient ground to take many of those cases to the International Court of Justice for prosecution of the concerned perpetrators for commission of heinous crimes against humanity. Such cases of inhuman treatment suffered by the Nagas have been silenced, blind-folded and ‘legalised’ through various undemocratic and draconian laws framed under different Acts like,’ The Assam Maintenance of Public Order Act’, ‘Assam Disturbed Area Act’, ‘Nagaland Security Act’, ‘AFSPA’, which in effect could be termed as State sponsored terrorism unleashed on innocent people in the name of fighting militancy. Has all this succeeded in ‘killing’ the Naga national movement?
• Historical developments have clearly proven the fact that post-creation of Nagaland State, and since formation and surrender of the Revolutionary Government and subsequent signing of the capitulation Accord of 1975 at Shillong, which could all be perceived as serious efforts to dismantle the Naga political issue, the Naga national movement rose from virtual ashes to what it is today,- necessitating the signing of two separate Ceasefire Agreements and an on-going political dialogue.
• The argument here is that whether it was the Memorandum of 1929 submitted to the Simon Commission, or the 9-point Hydari Agreement, or declaration of Naga Independence on 14th August 1947, or the plebiscite of 1951, or formation of a Naga Independent Government in 1952, the steps so taken by the Naga national workers were not mere symbolic or propaganda stunts, but that all of this and many more steps so taken by them thereafter arose out of certain engrained political aspirations and inextinguishable convictions, which obviously cannot be satisfied by some half-hearted offer of what could be perceived as an appeasement gesture.
• After six decades of this protracted issue, and a 13-year long ensuing dialogue, Delhi certainly needs to search deeper and come up with a solution package that goes beyond the status quo political box of what Nagaland already is today, to make a final resolution possible and honourable enough for the Naga national leaders and their Organisations to accept.

Outside the Box:
Short of Sovereignty, for example:
(i) A separate Constitution for Nagaland with some more special provisions is not an impossibility, since a precedence already exists in the case of J&K under , Article 370 of the Constitution.
(ii) Creation by Delhi of a greater Nagaland comprising contiguous Naga territories would be a mere revival and honouring of Clauses 12 and 13 of the 50-year old 16-Point Agreement. And, read together with the special provision made for J&K in respect of territorial alteration of the State, it may be understood that the Indian Parliament can bring this into effect under Article 3 of the Constitution even without the specific approval of the concerned State Legislatures, provided the requisite political will does exist.
(iii) Increasing the seats in the State Legislature and enhancement of the State’s representation in Parliament can surely be worked out.
(iv) A complete restoration, in spirit and letter, of Clause 11 of the 16-Point Agreement, which got diluted since 1989-1990 and making it into law, would provide adequate scope for addressing the various financial, administrative and developmental needs of Nagaland as part of the special political package.

On this Side of the Table: The way Forward
People’s Confidence and Support:
Who are the support base, and for whom have the Naga National Organisations been fighting, now for six decades? Very simply, the Naga people. The people are the arms and legs of the national movement, and without their active support and participation, there can be no going forward. Can one suggest that articulation of open Naga public support and voice from all the Naga territories for taking the Naga political process forward was never more important than at this critical juncture? Such a public movement can come forth when the Naga national leaders and the organisations led by them can bolster Naga public confidence in them *as worthy national leaders on a united front,*through their more dignified conduct of national affairs, *and by effectively presenting to the Nagas everywhere a national vision, post-settlement, that is well-grounded, realistic and worth fighting for. ‘Historical and political rights of the Nagas’ is indeed the very foundation and reason for the entire political argument. But to keep reiterating it without simultaneously presenting a hard look at the circumstantial realities within which this could be articulated towards a realistically attainable Naga future, would instil little inspiration to common folks who have been used to long periods of waiting in hope that only ended up in deadlock, frustration and more violence. Let people have a good look at what can be theirs in reality.

The Unity Factor:
While dealing with such movements, it is seen that Delhi has shown the tendency to only accommodate strength and depth of the opposite party, and the usual tale has been to react with alacrity only when some crises situations develop. This is another strong reason why Naga unity on the issue is absolutely essential, which can only be brought about through the wise initiatives of the Naga national leaders.
The leaders alone know what precisely are their differences and how to resolve them among themselves. One’s humble view is that from the present position of reconciliation on the ‘historical and political rights of the Nagas’:
(i) There should be a movement forwards, towards according to the present Naga national negotiators, the NSCN(IM), the mandate and endorsement of all the other groups to speak on behalf of the Nagas, after detailed internal discussions. The mandate given should be unconditional for the simple reason that neither the NSCN(IM) nor any other groups can possibly wrest a settlement from Delhi that is totally one-sided and that does not accommodate the genuine strategic and political concerns of Delhi.
(ii) From a position of full endorsement, preferably, they could/should move forward to an arrangement of ‘coalition’ under whatever neutral name they decide upon, maintaining their individual identities, so that representatives from the other groups can also become official participants in the dialogue process, under NSCN(IM)’s leadership. This will ensure critical collective responsibility.
(iii) Ideally, if they could merge together, under a single chain of command in all the departments of their organisations, such an integration will lend enormously to their own strength, generate more enthusiastic public support and open the way for much faster political as well as socio-economic healing in Nagaland.
(iv) Leaders and cadres in the Naga national Organisations hail from different Naga tribes and Naga territories. Their demand for a greater Naga homeland is quite understandable. Is it not a tragic irony of history that an international boundary should run through the middle of a Naga Ahang’s house? We do not, however, hear a lot of voice or see much visible political initiative from the public and civil societies of those living outside of present Nagaland, making known their expressed desire to become part of a greater Nagaland. It seems the Naga national leadership and other Naga organisations have much more to initiate in this respect, if a final settlement is to be truly inclusive.

The Rule of Law:
The picture, perception and experience of Naga society during the last many years, until very recent times, have been one of unabated lawlessness,- marked by kidnappings, hijackings, killings, lootings, extortions, forcible land-grabbing, gun-point imposition of multiple ‘taxes’, throwing to the wind the rule of law, justice and human values, blatant scuttling of democratic values and norms,- indeed, quite a bloody, chaotic and violent time verging on near anarchy. True, criminal elements also exploited the prevailing situation to their full advantage, bringing blame and discredit to the national organisations. Restoring public confidence and genuine respect for the national organisations and making Nagaland a well disciplined, peaceful and desirable destination is a huge challenge at this point in time. The image of Nagaland needs to be restored, reconstructed and re-projected. Then, perhaps, the Nagas of the neighbouring States might all become more enthusiastic and vocal in wanting to become part of a greater Nagaland. Theories, slogans and ideologies can inspire, but it would take character, morality and discipline in public life, vision and dedicated hard work to transform our land. All of us, together, can turn Nagaland into a homeland that we can be rightfully proud of.