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06/22/2010: "Blockade Bane Finger on exodus button The Telegraph Northeast Echoes PATRICIA MUKHIM"



Blockade Bane Finger on exodus button The Telegraph Northeast Echoes
PATRICIA MUKHIM

Finally, it’s curtains for the two-month-long economic blockade in Manipur. This comes ostensibly on the request of the Prime Minister and Union home minister to the Naga Students’ Federation. The student body relented, but not before publicly castigating Union home secretary G.K. Pillai for fomenting discord when he announced some days ago that force would be used to break the blockade. So while one section of Delhi is talking tough, (and I suppose that is what got the Nagas into a huddle about ending the economic cordon), the other is showing its soft underbelly.

Henceforth, those in a position to blackmail the state will be called for talks and “requested” or “appealed” to refrain from breaking the law. The court had earlier declared the economic blockade illegal. And rightly so! No group or individual can hold an entire state and its people to ransom, no matter how weighty the issue. But politically, things have reached a flashpoint. Those with any grievance will now want to talk directly to the PM of this country and no one less.

Hidden variables

Whether the blockade on NH39 was called to protest the hill council elections or as a show of solidarity with NSCN (I-M) leader Th. Muivah who was not allowed to visit his natal habitat has become the current polemics as if the reasons for the act are more important than the act itself.

The Nagaland Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) now blames the media for mixing up the issues. They say the blockade has nothing to do with Muivah’s visit but everything to do with an election imposed on an unwilling people. But were the people really against the autonomous council elections? If so, would over 58 per cent have come out to vote? In the first phase of the polls as many as 72 per cent voted. Are there hidden variables here that we are missing?

It is common today to speak of the hills of Manipur as if those are inhabited by a homogenous group with a common ideology and a familiar homeland. But even as the Nagas take up strong positions, other groups who also have a claim to homelands in Manipur are getting restive at the propensity of a few to punish the many without any regard for the fact that they too might have a viewpoint.

The Nagas of Manipur have every right to demand the revocation of an election they feel is of no benefit to them. But they cannot ignore the views of other indigenous communities.

Claim & reality

The argument that unlike the ADCs created under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, the Manipur Hill Areas District Council Act, (1971) does not provide legislative and judicial powers to the ADCs but merely vests limited administrative powers under the pervasive control of the state government, has its merits.

Further amendments to the 1971 Act empower the ADCs to make recommendations to the state government to legislate on matters concerning welfare of Scheduled Tribes, such as (a) appointment or succession of chiefs (b) inheritance of property (c) marriage & divorce and (d) social customs. The ADCs are, however, not empowered to generate their own revenue but are dependent on grants-in-aid from the state government.

The Nagas see this as a placebo which only mimics a “real” legislation for empowerment of tribal bodies in a manner that grants them sufficient financial and administrative autonomy.

The Bodoland Territorial Council is the model that every minority tribal group living within a geographical territory ruled by a dominant “plains” community, is striving at.

This gives them enough money to play around with and perhaps to create public assets, which at the moment are completely invisible in the hill areas of Manipur, particularly in Ukhrul. In fact, it would have been an eye-opener for Muivah to see his sleepy little hamlet, Somdal, in the very same condition when he left it four decades ago.

Except for the special intervention made by the International Fund for Agricultural Development’s poverty alleviation project for the past 10 years, nothing has changed for the people of Ukhrul, Senapati, Chandel and Churachandpur.

Those in the government counter the allegation by saying that militants do not allow development to happen. This is the typical argument of a political system and a bureaucracy that has learnt to cover up its inadequacies, albeit with a fig leaf.

Development

The way Manipur is administered today gives every militant group the alibi for extortion. So it is possible that the NSCN (I-M) is asking for a cut from development funds. But so do the three dozen-odd Meitei outfits in the valley. The fact of the matter is that development has not been equitable.

As is the familiar scenario in all northeastern states, development funds are cornered by a minuscule ruling elite located in the state capitals, and by those ideologically close to this power centre. Development is simply a process of converting “government” funds into private investments. A meagre amount that can be spared goes towards development.

Hence, when any group perceives it is on a losing wicket because it has no grip on the political economy and virtually no profile to engage in rent-seeking in the manner that those vested with political authority do, they begin to use identity as leverage for greater political and financial autonomy. This is the all-too-familiar story of every “homeland” claim in the Northeast. But as stated earlier, Manipur hills are not the exclusive homelands of the Nagas. There are the Kukis who form a fairly good chunk of the tribal population but who were at the receiving end of the ethnic cleansing by Nagas in the early 1990s. Do they not have a right to articulate their own arguments on the inadequacy or otherwise of the autonomous councils under the present arrangement? While calling for the economic blockade, were the Kukis and other tribes consulted or were they simply bulldozed into endorsing the diktat of Ansam?

Spillover effect

Meanwhile, there is continued exodus of Meiteis, Nagas, Kukis and others from the state of Manipur because it is becoming unliveable. Healthcare has collapsed after the recent blockade. Essential commodities are available at a price no longer affordable to the ordinary citizen.

The neighbouring states of Assam and Meghalaya are bearing the brunt of this exodus. Shillong, with an area of 10 square km is housing a Naga Tangkhul population of nearly 3,000 and counting. Guwahati with a bigger size might have more. Pilangkata, near Beltola, supposedly belonging to Meghalaya but located in the heart of Assam has become an area of domicile for a large number of Tangkhul Nagas.

The population will only grow as more and more Tangkhuls find it easier to live, work and conduct their businesses in these states outside “Nagalim”. But at what cost to the host states? Hardened ideologies and behavioural traits are often hard to jettison. Is it not possible that these new “homelands” might become the next theatres of more contumacious inter-ethnic conflicts?

I have never understood why the Nagas of Nagaland who ostensibly take up the cause of their Naga brethren in Manipur with so much fervour have also served “quit notices” on the Tangkhuls in Nagaland? This is a difficult equation to crack.
(The writer can be contacted at patricia17@rediffmail.com)

NSCN-K against Muivah’s visit to Sumi area Assam Tribune
DIMAPUR, June 21 – While endorsing the decision of Sumi Hoho not to allow NSCN-IM general secretary Th Muivah into Sumi soil, the NSCN-K cautioned that the Naga Army should not be held responsible in the event of any confrontation resulting from his ‘forcible entry into Sumi soil’.
Conveying to the Government of India as well as the Nagaland Government that Muivah’s proposed visit to Pughoboto area in Sumi region on June 21 would amount to gross violation of the ceasefire ground rules, the NSCN-K in a statement said the ceasefire ground rules clearly do not authorise Muivah to loiter aroundNagaland with heavily armed men. The statement said the Government of India, which provides heavy security to Muivah, must realise that Sumi Hoho does not solicit his visit into Sumi region which is a NSCN-K administered area.
Pointing out that the elders of Pughoboto area have assured in writing to prevent his visit, the statement said the Nagas would agree that it is impossible for Sumis to allow the very person who banned the Sumi Hoho.
The outfit also impressed upon all Naga organisations and civil societies that Muivah’s entry into Sumi soil is never for Naga reconciliation process and violation of the Covenant of Reconciliation.
Also, stating that the Sumis have realised the futility of divisive politics nurtured by Muivah for the last 25 years, the release said the decision of the Sumi Hoho not to allow Muivah into Sumi soil is a reminder that every tribe inNagaland retains its ancestral power and authority derived from the people.
Reminding that Naga people question strangers crossing their territory, the NSCN-K said as per tradition once the visitors are told that they are not welcome, no individual in his right frame of mind would travel any further.
Two Nagaland bound buses attacked at Imphal Mizoram Express Nation

Mao bus that was attacked by miscreants at Imphal.
Imphal: Two Mao-bound buses were attacked by miscreants here in Chingmeirong area on Monday just three days after the Naga students lifted their economic blockade.Reports said that the buses were carrying several passengers mostly non-locals traveling from Imphal to Mao (on the Manipur-Nagaland border) and onwards.
“Some miscreants who tried to stop the non locals from boarding resorted physical assault on two persons and damaging the two buses,” a press statement by Naga leaders said. Condemning the incident in which the driver Mr Shekho, a Naga tribe and a Meitei passenger Jamini Devi were “seriously injured” when miscreants attacked them at around 5.30 am, the Naga leaders have demanded immediate “action” against the culprits.
Why Nagas left Imphal Valley Mizoram Express Nation
A straw stuffed image of Manipur chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh being pierced with wooden javelins at Tadubi village. The Mao Nagas believe in the actual destruction of the souls of evil persons thus pierced. Pic courtesy:- Imphal Free Press
By Somi Mashangva, Senapati.
During the 2001 Anti-Ceasefire, Anti-Naga and Anti-Christian demonstration in the Meitei Valley, Imphal, many Naga families left the valley. It’s been over nine years now and the dust have settled down, or so it seems; many have returned to the Meitei Valley.
But many Naga families have decided to stay on in the Naga Hill-districts. You may ask why.
Firstly, we really do not belong to the Meitei Valley. Our Meitei brethren have strongly endorsed this fact. The Anti-ceasefire, Anti-Naga and Anti-Christian slogans of 18th June, 2001 – “Nagas go back to Nagaland”, “There are no Nagas in Manipur” and “Christianity is a foreign religion…” etc. meant exactly that.
Secondly, Nagas and Meiteis are different. Nagas are unique Christian Nation. We never belonged to India. Meiteis are very much Indian ever since the Merger Pact of 15th October 1949. Hence it almost impossible for Meiteis to break free from India. That is why, the MP Thokchom Meinya claimed “Manipur is a hindu state” in CNN-IBN debate (May 20, 2010).
Thirdly, Christianity is not a western religion. It is not a religion for that matter. It is the truth. It is a relationship between Jesus Christ and man. Christians do not worship the created beings or spirits or things. We worship the creator. Whether you like it or not the hard truth is that Jesus Christ is the only Saviour of the world and its future Judge. Majority of the Meiteis follow Sanamahi, Gouradharma and Hinduism etc.
We will therefore stay on in our Naga districts and continue to pray for the victory of the Naga Nation – Nation for Christ!
Delhi’s dream village Mayank Austen Soofi, Hindustan Times
In a city as disconnected from cowbelt India as Delhi, it is poignant to enter Dilli Haat (opened in 1994), the food and craft bazaar spread over six acres in the heart of the city and modelled to look like a North Indian village. The entrance plaque has the image of two belles churning milk into butter. Inside, the brick floor, the thatched roofs, the occasional sarangi players and the open sky give one the illusion of being in a haat, or a village fair.

Perhaps closest to Mahatma Gandhi’s romantic ideas of the rural life, Dilli Haat is actually the very antithesis of Indian villages, where caste oppression, poverty and hunger rule the roost. Dilli Haat has no cow dung on the ground and no one has to relieve themselves in the open (there are clean toilets). If this is how villages are, then why live in Delhi?

Another moving aspect of Dilli Haat is its food stalls, each specialising in the cuisine of one of India’s many states. The cooking is so authentic, the service so efficient and the prices so moderate that you may forget that quite a few of these provinces are wrecked by guerrilla warfare and secessionist violence. There is no better bubble in Delhi.

Take a walk down the chief passageway, avenues, corridors and side courtyards, which are lined with stalls selling colourful handicrafts from different regions. The ethnic attire of the artisans is as colourful. Allotted the selling space for a nominal amount, they come for 15 days, to be replaced by another set.

No matter how much you may be tempted by the cashmere shawls, Rajasthani cholis, Punjabi jootis, Lucknawi chikankari kurtas, kolhapuri chappals, bead necklaces, metal pendants, glass bangles, family-size swings, giant statutes or wicker chairs, make sure to check out Madhubani paintings.

A specialty of Bihar’s Madhubani district, these images of gods and jungles are drawn by bamboo sticks on a base made of cow dung, neem leaves and multani mitti, with colours extracted from flowers and leaves. If you spot a framed Madhubani hanging in an expat household, be sure it must have come from Dilli Haat. Prices range from Rs 50 to Rs 30,000.

Dilli Haat also has theme-based festivals scheduled almost on a monthly basis. Thanks to an eclectic range of artists, you can also get a self-portrait made or have your name etched on a grain of rice.

Refuel at the region-specific food stalls. Try the wazwan meal at the Kashmir stall. Their dum aloo is hot but delicious. Probably the only place in Delhi where you get zunka bhakar is at the Maharashtra stall here.

For the very adventurous, nothing is more daring than trying out curries at the Nagaland stall, which come with raja mirchi, the world’s hottest chilli. The best momos are found at the Manipur stall. For the best fruit beer, it is Nagaland again.

Outside the entrance are the unofficial stalls. Visitors get their hands decorated with henna designs and hair braided with multi-coloured threads by professional women. Chaiwallas go around with kettles, ice cream carts are stationed at the boundary and young lovers coochi-coo in the lamplight. It is the village of our dreams. Almost.
Achungmei Kamei: War correspondent of a different kind Stella
Chaos is ruling today’s Manipur, the hill state in North east India. There’s an economic blockade imposed by armed insurgents. All non-Manipuris have been asked to leave the state or face the consequences. There are gun shots, police actions, shut downs and landslides and flooded roads, because of heavy rain. Among this, an IndiaUnheard correspondent is reporting on issues that concern the common man.
Of all the Indian states reeling under terrorism and violence today, Manipur perhaps has the most curious case. For, this is one state with the most complex ethnic geography. The majority of the population is of the Meiteis who are Hindu Vaishnavites. But beyond this, there are several tribes living in the 5 hill districts with each calling one of these districts their ‘homeland’. There is a Meitei insurgent outfit, calling for a sovereign Manipur today, while the tribes are fighting, albeit separately, for an independent state of their own.
Achungmei Kamei comes from Tamenglong district of Manipur. But she belongs to Rongmei Naga tribe. For decades, National Socialist Council of Nagaland of NSCN has been fighting for independence. The outfit has a vision of their ‘independent’ home which they call ‘Greater Nagaland’. ‘Greater Nagaland’, demands NSCN, should have entire Nagaland, as well as Naga-dominated areas in Manipur. As expected, this demand, which would see breaking of Manipur, has put the Nagas at loggerheads with the Meiteis.

Right now, the entire state of Manipur is under an economic blockade. The blockade, which has unbelievably entered it’s 5rd week, has been imposed by the non-Naga separatist groups, to protest the recent visit of a prominent Naga leader to Manipur. The character of the blockade, however, has been more of a punishment to those who support the Nagas. The food stores are running out of supply, schools are closed, roads are blocked, power cuts are more frequent than ever and over all there is threat of being shot at any time.
Achungmei’s family has always lived in Manipur. She speaks Meitei for all official communication. Outside the state, she is a ‘Manipuri’. Inside the state, however, for the Meiteis, she is an outsider. And for other tribes of Manipur, she is a Naga, a troublemaker who would one day run away with the land they live in.
In Achungmmei’s words – I don’t know how I should view myself. As a Naga, I support the Naga people’s movement. But I don’t know if NSCN is fighting for me or not. I don’t know if it is serious about Nagas outside 14 districts of Nagaland. What I know is that every time NSCN talks about Greater Nagaland, Manipuris react violently. And we, the Rongmeis are immediately seen as enemies of the state.
Labeling the entire tribe as conspirators against the state has resulted in the entire district being at the bottom of the govt’s priority list. Development in Tamenglong is always an afterthought and vanishing of forest and land raise little concern in the official circuit.
‘Manipur govt has been building a dam at Tipaimukh for several years. There are nearly 1 lakh Rongmei families living in Tamenglong and dam has already displaced hundreds of them.We have no other occupation except Jum (slash and burn) cultivation and with our land being lost, we are threatened with starvation. We have no rehabilitation package. In fact we don’t even exist for the officials.
That she is not exaggerating, became clear when I tried to find data on displacement of tribals in Tamenglong. There is no mention of a single Rongmei family being displaced.
Achungmei is one of the 31 people to have joined India Unheard – India’s first ever Community-based News Service, as Community Correspondents, to report on the stories from within their communities that go unheard. So, what kind of ‘Unheard’ stories she plans to bring forth?
Her answer is straight. The only identity her community has had so far is a highly political one. “We are either identified as conspirators, or partisans. Nobody sees us as a normal group of people with normal needs. We need food, land, electricity, education. We need our land, our forest. This is what I want to tell the world. That is why I am reporting on education, livelihood and water. Because these are our everyday stories. ”
The world is listening to you, Achungmei !
IS IBOBI AND THE MEITEIS REALLY SERIOUS ABOUT THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF MANIPUR ? – Article from a moderate Meitei living in a tribal area. Ch. Jugindro Singh, MSW Camp: Senapati

What is territorial integrity of Manipur without emotional integrity of the different communities living in it? Do we really think that the IRB/Police commandos, that have created fissures in the Meitei society will be able to protect the territorial integrity of Manipur by shooting and killing tribals?

Now that the Naga have already gone far away from the concept of a united Manipur, the Chin-Kuki-Zomi group is going to follow suit in no time. If Meiteis can refuse to listen and understand each other in a democratic way, if Meiteis can outrightly insult the Naga tribals by bulldozing over their just demands and treating them like criminals , what can Chin-Kuki-Zomi people expect from a Manipur, which is hopelessly divided emotionally and its territorial integrity held together with plasters called IRB/ Police commandos.

Let us give the tribal its dues. We have shared a common history with them but let us accept that we have different cultures, social values and way of life. But instead, with our superiority complex, we have been saying that whatever tribals are shouting about is harmful to the Meitei society, confident that the table can be always turned and project the tribals as oppressors and deserving of brutal suppression. That tribals of Manipur had always been distrustful of the Meiteis was evident even when the Manipur constitution was being drafted in May 1947, preparatory to the withdrawal of British paramountcy. The hill leaders, including Mr Tiankham, secured the incorporation of a clause on pg 12 that provides for “the right of any section of the hill people to secede at the end of the 5 year period, should conditions within the constitution not be satisfactory.” But the integrated Manipur administration of Hills and valley started functioning on 15th April 1947 with high handedness and thus the Naga tribals launched a “No-tax campaign” in Mao area refusing to pay the hill house tax and demanding the merger of Naga areas with the Naga hills under Assam and in the campaign three Nagas gave their lives on 27th August, 1948 at Mao Gate. This is not the genesis but a landmark in history which continues to be relevant and is being reenacted all through these years since then, the recent sacrifice by 2 students on the 6th May, 2010 at Mao Gate being another one.

At the present moment, the ADC issue explains the continuing distrust and why it is so ? Tribals want greater autonomy of the hill areas and we the Meiteis with our majority 40 MLAs in the house of 60 for sometimes said ‘yes’, sometimes “ with local adjustment” but finally after more than 20 years we manipulate the equation and come out with an act that enables us to take away their lands, override their traditional institutions and customary practices. It was done so very stealthily that the tribals of Manipur in general were unaware of the implications even when it was notified for suggestions and objections. But tribals are no more ignorant and stupid. A vigilant somebody raised hue and cry. The ANSAM and the UNC then took over the lead to protest. Now the tribals are angry not only because their inherent rights are being threatened but are greatly infuriated by the deceitful and subtle engineering to hood wink them into getting the Act passed in the form and content that serves the interest of the Meitei people alone. Even as the protest became visible and organized, the Government of Manipur decides to impose the ADC elections under this very unwanted Act, instead of listening to the demands of the hill people and accommodating their will and wishes. Yes, it is in the interest of Meiteis, mostly our economic interest that the territorial integrity of Manipur must be continued. But as the tribals are getting organized, even with the disadvantage of physical distance between them, absence of a unifying common language, access to media etc., we must not fail to see the writings on the walls.

These confrontations and the contest of strength in terms of force, publicity and media coverage, lobbying with Delhi and national political parties will continue. Then one day, which may not be far away, when the tribals get better organized, better equipped and have mustered their collective strength, what options will be left to us, the Meiteis. As of now we are at leisure callings the shot. Let us think seriously. Can we not change? Is there no other way to address the issue of Manipur integrity, besides using force or trying to divide the tribals by wedging in whenever there are local conflicts among them, setting one tribe against the other or promoting some treacherous tribals, who did not represent the will and wishes of the tribal people as leaders and using them to parrot and campaign the issue of Manipur’s territorial integrity. This is the age-old policy and technique of divide and rule. But all these tricks are evident to the tribals and they are not being taken by surprise.

Immense resources, in terms of fund and manpower are deployed by the Ibobi government to protect the territorial integrity of Manipur. But what about building bridges, both physical and metaphorical , constructing roads or providing electricity or health services ? Where is the fund, the will and the desire to truly provide governance to the people of the state. Look at the inordinate quantum of food supply brought into Manipur inspite of the ANSAM economic blockade to augment the already available stock of food grains produced from the rice bowls of Imphal valley and the artificial scarcity and deliberate price hike that is being orchestrated to defeat the voice of the tribals. The agitation of the tribals for their rights is being judo-ed and made into a humanitarian issue. But will we Meiteis not come together to question Ibobi and his abuse of power to save his seat by using the name of territorial integrity of Manipur. Manipur and its resources are not his personal fiefdom to be used to perpetuate his reign in power. To save his chair, the Muivah mantra is conjured up by Ibobi. But to save Manipur, the rights of the tribals have to be addressed.

The economic blockade has been temporarily suspended with Ibobi seemingly emerging victorious. But will the issue die? The tribals will come back again more resolute, prepared and with greater strength. The point therefore of this article is that tribals have reasons to be dissatisfied with the present arrangement where the 40 MLAs of Imphal valley can decide on any issue any day and willfully ignore, neglect or reject the wishes, will and interest of the tribals represented by their 20 MLAs. See ! the equation is so very tempting and comes naturally to every normal person to capitalize on the advantage that has been built up over the year since 1949 when the integrated administration of the hill and valleys began after the independence of India. Even a good man like Ibobi, who not so long back had stuck to the end to protect his poor commandos who shot dead a youth in broad daylight in the crowded Khwairamband bazaar and skillfully turned Manipur into a failed state., would be compelled by his natural instincts to perpetuate this arrangement.

So without breaking up the territorial integrity of Manipur, let there be a separate administration for the five hill/ tribal districts and another for the four Meitei districts of Imphal valley to administer over areas and aspects that are specific to the respective areas. A common state government that has representation from both the tribal and Meitei administration in proportion to population can be put into place for governance and administration on issues , projects, and programmes that concern the State as a whole with Imphal city continuing as the state capital .This new arrangement will bring about a win-win situation for everybody and all communities in the present state of Manipur. With a contented Naga population, We Meiteis will not need to fear Muivah nor any other.

This is the essence of the only arrangement that will ensure the territorial integrity of Manipur. Otherwise let the Nagas in Manipur, with their land integrate with Nagaland state and the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people and their land join the brethren in Mizoram. The Imphal valley can remain as ‘Sanalaibak’ undefiled with tribal mixtures.

But I do not think that we, Meiteis can live happily with themselves only. Without tribals to put down, we will turn on each other and we can very well imagine that world. Our mental and social upbringing are like that as we are so very unaccommodating of others then our own individual self. Meiteis should end and change their attitude to life and their world view or otherwise the tribals would continue to go away and farther. Consensus must emerged out of a sober and rational discussion on this line so that Manipur and its people can be saved. Muivah is not the issue but the tribal people and their yearning for autonomy and their inherent rights definitely are.

Ch. Jugindro Singh, MSW
at Senapati Dist. HQ,
Nagavoices@rediffmail.com



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