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06/14/2010: "Muivah to visit Phizo’s village Newmai News Network"

Muivah to visit Phizo’s village Newmai News Network

Dimapur |: NSCN-IM General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah will head for Bara-basti in Kohima on June 16. From Kohima, the NSCN-IM leader will head for Khonoma, the native village of late A.Z Phizo, said NSCN-IM sources. From there, Muivah will head for Pughoboto in Zunheboto district of Nagaland likely on June 21, said the NSCN-IM source. According to information received from NSCN-IM sources, Muivah will leave Pfutsero under Phek district on June 16 for Bara-basti of Kohima.
However, the sources from the NSCN-IM refused to divulge further programme of Thuingaleng Muivah. “We will chalk out our programme after our Ato Kilonser (Prime Minister Muivah) and his entourage comes to Pughoboto,” said the NSCN-IM sources.
It is worth noting that Thuingaleng Muivah after having camped at Viswema for a month long stay there had gone to Phek district of Nagaland bordering Ukhrul district of Manipur. Muivah was supposed to visit his native village Somdal in Ukhrul district from May 3 but due to the bar put up by the state government of Manipur on Muivah from entering Manipur and also numerous appeals made by various social organisations and the government of India, the NSCN-IM leader is still camping in Nagaland.
Centre to use force to lift Manipur blockade CNN-IBN
New Delhi: The Centre has finally decided to use force to lift the economic blockade of Manipur by Naga groups almost two months after the confrontation started. "We will use forces to remove the blockade. From tomorrow (Tuesday) we will move Central forces," Union Home Secretary GK Pillai told CNN-IBN. However, the residents of Manipur and the media have been criticising the Centre for allegedly taking too long to respond to the crippling two-month long economic blockade of Manipur by Nagas.
"It is too little too late. Sixty days of blockade wouldn't have been possible in any part of the country but the Northeast. The Centre was apathetic to the situation. So long it has taken by Centre to mobilise its forces to break blockade. Friends in Manipur say valley and hills both are suffering because they also need essential commodities that come through NH 39. This is a violation of human rights and humanitarian crisis of a large scale," said Shillong Times Editor Patricia Mukhim.
Pradip Phanjoubam, editor of the Imphal Free Post, said the blockade has crippled life in the entire state.
"The blockade has been on for two months so it is bad there are two highways. One is partially open. NH 63 is partially open that is a little bit of a relief. The people are still stunned and are just waiting for it to get over. There was a counter blockade as well preventing essential stuff from going to the hills as well. The valley is a target, the hills were also suffering as the same lifeline serves both the hills and the valley," said Phanjoubam.

The economic blockade is essentially the fall-out of a standoff between Naga groups, the Manipuris and the Centre. The NSCN-IM is leading an agitation and wants four hill districts of Manipur - with Naga population - to become part of Greater Nagaland.
But the so-called project called 'Greater Nagaland' is being opposed by the Manipuris and the Centre. The NSCN-IM along with a few Naga groups began the economic blockade on April 12 to protest Manipur's decision to hold autonomous district council polls in Naga-dominated areas.
Their agitation intensified when NSCN-IM leader Muivah was denied permission to visiting his native village of Somdal in Manipur's Ukhrul district.
Central forces to take down Manipur blockade One India

New Delhi, Deciding to send Central forces, the government has finally stepped into the rescue of Manipur, which has been cut off from the rest of the country for over 60 days due to a blockade launched by protesting Naga groups.
Speaking to a news agency, Home Secretary G K Pillai on Monday, Jun 14 informed, “We have decided to send Central forces to remove the blockade."

He also added that the chief secretaries of Nagaland and Manipur are scheduled meet on Wednesday, Jun 16 to review the situation.

The 65-day long blockade of the National Highways 39 (Imphal-Dimapur) and 53 (Imphal-Silchar) has lead to shortage of essential commodities in Manipur.

Naga groups blocked the National Highways passing through Nagaland and connecting Manipur to protest against Manipur government’s refusal to allow NSCN leader T Muivah’s entry into the state.

The blockade was launched on Apr 11 and intensified on May 3 after the State refused entry to the NSCN (IM) general secretary.

Manipur was severely hit by the blockade with essential commodities such as food and medicines quickly depleting.

IS THE IMPHAL VALLEY BASED MEDIA INADVERTANTLY LEADING THE DISINTEGRATION OF MANIPUR ? Dr. A. Kateipfona
Because of state wide readership, the Imphal based media enjoys the rare privilege of being objective in its perception and understanding of issues and transmitting the same to the readers in the entire state of Manipur for their consumption. It is also business sense actually, to be impartial when sections of its readership are placed on different sides of the issue. The Imphal based media has not capitalized on the fact that there are no tribal or Naga based media which has a state wide readership Thus assuming upon itself the responsibility of projecting only the dominant Meitei perspective, the valley based media have become a party to the debate, a respondent to the charge of being persistently partial and biased and so have in a way been responsible for fueling the so called paper war .That the news and views that they carry are the tools with which the public forms “the informed opinions” must be the major consideration and social obligation of media. They should therefore not muffle or filter the views of one party to the issue while highlighting that of the other side alone. From the divergent views the general public has the faculty, at least grant them that, to discern the truth from among the many untruths that invariably creep into both sides whenever there is a ”fight.”
At the present moment, a simple cross check of Imphal valley papers and Nagaland based papers will stand proof to this contention. Important and time sensitive statements of UNC and ANSAM and other important Naga organizations are either not published in the Imphal dailies or delayed even when there are visibly no space constraints as borne out by the news content of the day. The media therefore has become a tactical tool for muffling up the voice of the Nagas, whose voices are not heard in Imphal valley. It is important that the views of Nagas, however angry or hurt (or “venomous” as Imphal editors would have it) should be heard in Imphal. Then only will understanding dawn on the general public to make space for the voice of sanity to emerge.
It is the tribals and the Nagas who are angry and hurt because their rights to their land and the primacy of their traditional institutions and customary practices, which gives them their identity, are being stealthily diluted through the imposition of the District Council(Hill Areas) 2008 Act. This Act, to all intent and purposes had been rejected by the hill people of the state for the last twenty years and for which reason there had been no self governance in the hill areas during that time. In stark contrast, there are 18 Nagar Panchayats and 9 Municipalities fully operational in the Imphal valley. This time around, sensing an opportune moment of a divided tribal house (tribal MLAs) and the bad blood between Nagas and Kukis and the Kuki and Paitei who had been in the recent past engaged in ethnic conflicts, the Govt. of Manipur after years of assuring that the 6th schedule would be extended to the hill areas of Manipur with some local adjustments, came up, with the same act that had been rejected 20 years back. When the Act was introduced in the Assembly, the tribal and Naga MLAs protested and staged a walk out. This Act, which concerns the hill areas and the tribals had to be approved by the Hill Area Committee comprising of all tribal MLAs as per the provision of 371 C of the Indian Constitution. To circumvent this, a 5 member Select Committee on the Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District council, 2008 was instituted with 2 tribals MLAs including the Chairman of the Hill Area Committee and 3 non tribal MLAs. The design of this move of the State Government became obvious and Mr Thangminlien Kipgen, the Chairman of the Hill Area Committee resigned from the Select Committee. The Select Committee went ahead with its recommendation and got the Manipur(Hill Areas) District Councils(third Amendment) ordinance promulgated by the Governor on the pretext that the Assembly was not in session. That the constitutionality of this Act and the way it was enacted is being challenged in the law court is another matter. The way it was rushed through when for 20 long years it was delayed with manipulations, was by itself indicative of anxiety to clinch the issue, with the dominant community’s interest addressed and this was further confirmed when the State Government with the same pace proceeded to impose the ADC election under the 2008 Act in the face of protest of the tribal people. The tribal people are no more simplistic and ignorant and have felt very insulted at the blatant disregard for their expressed opinion. Thus the fear that if given autonomy, as per provision of the constitutions, the tribal would drift away and identification with Manipur become reduced in them, has been the guiding factor for the Manipur Government in handling this particular issue.
What is wrong if the fact that tribal have a strong desire for autonomy for the hill areas is acknowledged and accepted as natural by the Imphal valley people, who holds the State Government with the 40 MLA majority ? What is wrong in accepting the fact that the Naga movement has been there since the late 1940s and that Nagas, wherever they may be, present state of Manipur included, have been active stake holders in that movement all through this period ? What is wrong in accepting the fact that the beautiful culture, literature and history of the Meitei people have all positively impacted upon the tribals of the state and were a civilizing influence on them but that it is not natural, fair or justifiable to subsume them and their inherent rights under the interest of the dominant Meitei people ?
When these things are understood and accepted, then the possibility of peaceful co-existence will emerge. The mutual benefits that appeals to both the parties involved in such an arrangement must become the bond that uphold and strengthens the union. Even if that union cannot be mutually upheld and fences have to be raised to demarcate ownership, good neighbourliness must be secured with understanding. The nature of political, social and economic intercourse which will be sustainable and meaningful to all will emerge from that frame of mind putting an end to the land, benefit , privelges and opportunities grabbing rat race that has engulfed the communities in the troubled water of the State of Manipur. Meiteis and tribals alike must think now outside the box.
If this is not recognized and the only actions of armed forces alone is relied upon to quell dissensions, Manipur will always be a time bomb. Tribals will block the highways in the north, south, east and west. Imphal valley, sadly cannot be connected with super flyovers to the outside world. It is just not possible even with the genius of the Meities minds and skills. “Chingna koirabanina”. Muivah may go away. The issue of ADC may cease to remain relevant. But others will come and refuse to remain silent. The issue have to be addressed squarely and fairly. The message must dawn clearly and unmistakenly on all the stakeholders and in the true spirit of give and take, the new sustainable and viable arrangement must emerge so that posterity will inherit a new page in history. To this end, the Imphal based media and also in Nagaland and every concerned citizen who pens his or her opinions on the present crisis in Manipur have a special responsibility and moral obligation.
Dr. A. Kateipfona,
Tahamzam(Senapati District H.Q)
12th June, 2010.
Nagavoices@rediffmail.com
India's Nagaland: Intractable Talks - South Asia Intelligence Review Sandipani Dash Satp
The 15 year old process of negotiations to solve the Naga insurgency in India’s Northeast – the earliest and longest insurrection in the country – appears to be as intractable as the trajectory of the conflict itself.
The Union Government has, so far, held at least 70 rounds of peace talks within as well as outside the country with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM), the principal militant formation in Nagaland. The NSCN-IM has been under an extended cease-fire agreement with the Government since July 1997, though talks were first initiated by then Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao in Paris on June 15, 1995. Nevertheless, the issue of sovereignty and the demand for the creation of a ‘Greater Nagaland’ (Nagalim) comprising Naga-inhabited areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, remain bones of enduring contention after all these years of negotiation.
In February 2010, the Union Government appointed former Union Petroleum Secretary R.S. Pandey as the new interlocutor to negotiate with the NSCN-IM. The Government had earlier decided not to extend the term of former Union Home Secretary K. Padmanabhaiah as interlocutor with the Naga outfit. Padmanabhaiah had been appointed for one year as peace interlocutor in July 1999, but had continued to hold this position till his replacement by Pandey. He was preceded by former Mizoram Governor Swaraj Kaushal, who was appointed as the first negotiator for the Naga talks in May 1998.
Since the appointment of the new interlocutor, three rounds of negotiations (two in New Delhi and one in Kohima) have been held between the Union Government and NSCN-IM. The first of these lasted two days in New Delhi, on March 2 and 3. While the NSCN-IM delegation led by its general secretary, Thuingaleng Muivah, submitted a list of 30 demands, including sovereignty for Nagaland and territorial claims over portions of neighbouring States, the Centre had prepared a 29-point counter proposal for the discussions, which included financial sops and greater autonomy. The NSCN-IM leaders also met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram. The NSCN-IM’s demand for integration of the Naga-inhabited areas for creation of Nagalim and a separate constitution to protect the ‘unique identity’ of the Naga people were, unsurprisingly, rejected by the Union Government, and were turned down on the second day of the first round of negotiations in this phase.
The Union Government was, however, willing to discuss the issue of expanding the scope of federalism to give greater powers to the State of Nagaland for the management of natural resources, within the framework of the Constitution. On the allegations of violation of cease-fire ground rules by NSCN-IM cadres, two new committees were instituted to monitor implementation. One committee was entrusted with the responsibility of monitoring the situation within Nagaland, while the other, headed by a Special Secretary of the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), was to deal with any violation outside Nagaland. Allegations leveled against NSCN-IM cadres for violation of ground rules are taken up with the outfit’s leaders from time to time. According to one official source, "On some occasions, the NSCN leaders simply deny the allegations, and on others they give an assurance that they will discipline their cadres."
Subsequent to the first round of negotiation, NSCN-IM general secretary, Thuingaleng Muivah, visited Nagaland where he had held consultations with community groups, political leaders and Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Pandey, the Centre’s interlocutor, also undertook a tour to the State to get feedback from ground level. Earlier, the Nagaland Assembly had adopted a resolution hailing the Centre’s move to give fresh impetus to the Naga talks by appointing an ‘appropriate interlocutor’.
Nevertheless, addressing the '30th republic day’ celebration of the NSCN-IM at Camp Hebron, Dimapur, on March 21, Muivah declared that the "Nagas will not accept Indian Constitution", and that there could be "no imposition on us". Commenting his meeting with the Prime Minister and Union Home Minister, he said, further, that both leaders had tried to push for a settlement within the Indian Constitution:
But we categorically rejected the imposition or pre-condition put before us… We have told both the Prime Minister and the Home Minister during our meetings in no uncertain terms that a permanent solution cannot be found within the Indian Constitution, since the Naga problem is unique it needs a unique settlement…If they don't respect the rights of the Naga people, then there cannot be any solution. If India respects the rights of Nagas, they will respect them 10 times more.
Muivah argued, further, that asking the Nagas to accept the Indian Constitution was in total contradiction to the pre-ceasefire agreement, which clearly stated that talks would be held at the Prime Minister’s level, in third countries without pre-conditions. He accused Indian policymakers of ‘backtracking’ from earlier agreements.
Meanwhile, Pandey stated that India has a concept of ‘shared sovereignty’, which could satisfy the Nagas. In some matters, he asserted, States are sovereign, while in others the Center is. The State List, he said, could be further augmented, keeping in mind the uniqueness of Naga society: "That is where we have to explore to settle the problem."
Another round of talks with the Union Government followed in New Delhi on April 17. The NSCN-IM had proposed a federal relationship with the Indian Union with additional financial and legislative powers, while the Center offered a financial package for socio-cultural development of the Naga people. Among the issues in the charter of demands presented to the Centre, the NSCN-IM pointed out certain taxation matters and preservation of cultural heritage.
If there were any substantive gains here, they were quickly dissipated by Muivah’s plan to visit his native village, Somdal, in Manipur’s Ukhrul District. [Tamenglong, Senapati, Ukhrul and Chandel Districts of the neighbouring State figure in the NSCN-IM’s projected territory of Nagalim]. The visit was indefinitely deferred as a result of widespread protests and the Manipur Government’s decision not to allow him to enter the State, and a subsequent intervention by the Union Government requesting Muivah to delay his visit. Substantial damage had, however, already been done, with ethnic polarization in Manipur worsening and a transport blockade in Naga dominated areas choking off supplies – including essential commodities – to Manipur. Even as Muivah insists he will go ahead with his visit at an undefined date, violent protests and counter-protests have virtually paralysed normal life across Manipur. The State Irrigation Minister and Government Spokesperson N. Biren Singh, on June 9, disclosed that Manipur was facing an acute shortage of food and medicines, with supplies of essentials cut off for the 60th day, following the indefinite economic blockade: "The food crisis is simply acute and also there is a severe shortage of life saving medicines with the blockade entering the 60th day and still no chance of breaking the deadlock." Meanwhile, at the time of writing, Union Home Secretary G. K. Pillai said that additional Central Forces would move in on June 15, to break the 65 day-old Manipur blockade.
The crisis in Manipur could not be resolved even after a third round of talks with the 12-member NSCN-IM team, led by Muivah, at Kohima in Nagaland on June 1. The joint Press Conference, at the end of the talks disclosed zero progress, with statements worded in vacuous generalizations about the "sensitive" problem, and the agreement to "find solution to the Naga issue that is honorable and acceptable on the basis of the uniqueness of the Naga history." Pandey refused to comment on the impasse in Manipur and, when questioned by the media, retorted, "You ask Mr. Muivah."
Muivah, on the other hand, declared, "The sovereignty of the Naga people lies with the Naga people and not with others", and insisted that the crisis in Manipur was created, not by Nagas, but by the Manipur Government and it should be solved by them with the Government of India (GoI). He accused the Armed Forces of Manipur of using force on a Naga ‘peace procession’, killing two students and injuring about 100 others, at Mao Gate in Senapati District on May 6: "The Naga people rallying for the right cause were just smashed out and hundreds of them were wounded. That is a big mistake."
Subsequent to the third round of negotiations, Muivah shifted to Pfutsero in Phek District in Nagaland on a ‘goodwill mission’, after camping at Viswema in Kohima District, bordering Manipur, for nearly a month. Sources indicate that the NSCN-IM leader has plans to enter Manipur from the Kohima-Jessami Road, and the Manipur Government has rushed additional State Forces to Ukhrul and Senapati Districts to prevent any such attempt.
Meanwhile, the NSCN-IM’s bete noire, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K), under an extended cease-fire agreement with the Union Government since April 2001, has rejected the GoI’s negotiation process with the NSCN-IM as a ‘localized issue’ revolving around ‘an individual’s visit to his native village in Manipur’, and not representative of Naga aspirations. The NSCN-K has infact accused the Naga Hoho, the apex council of Naga tribes, of escalating tensions in Manipur. The Khapalng faction stated that the Hoho, once regarded as the epitome of Naga ingenuity, maturity and statesmanship, has suddenly turned into a group of ‘wanton boys throwing flaming balls into the neighbourhood in accordance to the script written by Muivah’.
Despite the fractious rhetoric, however, there has been a significant decline in factional clashes among warring Naga groups in recent years, at least in part due to the reconciliatory efforts of the Church-led Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR). According to the SATP database, internecine clashes escalated sharply through 2005-2008, but have registered a dramatic reduction thereafter.

Internecine Clashes in Nagaland: 2001-2010

Year Clash Killed Injured
2001 4 13 2
2002 8 22 0
2003 6 14 0
2004 23 21 2
2005 14 28 6
2006 54 69 31
2007 56 82 29
2008 75 110 14
2009 11 9 6
2010* 1 1 0
*Data till June 13, 2010
Source: South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP)
Nevertheless, the decline in Naga fratricidal clashes coincides with little evidence of compliance with the cease-fire ground rules, which stipulate that the militants stay in designated camps, ban their movement in uniform and with arms, and prohibit extortion. The Naga National Council (NNC), another armed group in Nagaland, for instance, recently alleged that around 30 to 40 armed NSCN-IM cadres had been roaming around in uniform ‘in combat gesture’ in the Khiamniungan region since May 28, 2010, adding that such ‘antagonistic’ action of the NSCN-IM was against the will of the Khiamniungan people, and would only invite armed conflict ‘once again’.
Significantly, the MHA has ordered the National Investigation Agency (NIA) to probe allegations by Central intelligence agencies that the NSCN-IM was rearming. The Intelligence Bureau (IB) has claimed that the outfit was procuring sophisticated weapons, arms and ammunition — mostly of Chinese origin — and getting clear support from a ‘neighbouring country’. An unnamed senior NIA official stated, in March 2010, "We have registered an FIR against some NSCN members and started the investigation. The IB report clearly points to the outfit’s nefarious designs to destabilise the Northeast. We are also probing the extent of their links with China."
In further and sustained violations of the Ground Rules, the NSCN-IM has been extorting huge sums of money from individuals and organisations involved in implementing development projects. The Naga group has, in fact, openly declared that, as per the decision of its ‘tatar hoho (parliament) budget session’, the ‘annual ration tax’ has been fixed at INR 200 per household for fiscal year 2010-2011. In a Press note issued on April 21, 2010, the NSCN-IM ‘chaplee (finance) affairs secretary’ Q. Awomi asked ‘all responsible’ to ‘cooperate’ with its ‘officials/staff’, who would be deputed for the purpose: "This rate of ration tax comes into force with immediate effect."
A spillover of the Naga insurgency also afflicts territories lying beyond the borders of Nagaland. The SATP Database indicates that at least 143 persons were killed in 181 NSCN-IM related incidents across the Northeast, outside Nagaland, through 2001-2010. While 114 insurgents were killed, civilian and Security Force fatalities were 17 and 9, respectively, during this period.

Fatalities involving NSCN-IM in Northeast out side Nagaland: 2001-2010
Year Incidents Civilians Security Forces Insurgents Total
2001 7 4 0 5 9
2002 16 0 3 22 25
2003 19 0 0 6 6
2004 18 2 3 8 13
2005 21 0 0 17 17
2006 12 0 0 0 3
2007 38 6 3 25 34
2008 28 0 0 13 13
2009 13 5 0 16 21
2010* 9 0 0 2 2
* Data till June 13, 2010
Source: SATP
On July 28, 2009, Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram had also expressed concern in Parliament over the violation of cease-fire agreements by the NSCN-IM and NSCN-K elements active in the Tirap and Changlang Districts of Arunachal Pradesh noting that, "despite cease-fire arrangement with insurgent groups, violations do happen and we have taken a grave notice of this." Fratricidal violence between the Naga groups also carried over into Arunachal Pradesh, where the Assam-based United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the Manipur-based United National Liberation Front (UNLF) had become party to area domination exercises by the NSCN groupings. ULFA and UNLF had reportedly aligned with the NSCN-K in its fight against the NSCN-IM, for competitive recruitment in the Naga populated regions of Arunachal Pradesh. The neighbouring State’s territory had also been used by the Naga groups for gun running across the India-Myanmar border. Similarly, the NSCN-IM’s increasing activities in Assam’s border Districts of North Cachar Hills, Karbi Anglong, Golaghat, Jorhat, Sibsagar and Tinsukia were confirmed by Assam’s Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi, at Guwahati, on February 13, 2010.
The NSCN-IM’s belligerent intrusions into the Naga populated areas of the Manipur Hills continue, supported by the patronage the militant organization consistently receives from community groups and Government officials working in the region. In February 2009, an attempt by the NSCN-IM to establish a permanent camp at Siroy in Ukhrul District was foiled. After a two-week standoff, the insurgents, who had already set up the camp, were provided safe passage out of the State by Assam Rifles personnel, and the camp was dismantled. However, another three unauthorised camps – established prior to the 1997 cease-fire between the NSCN-IM and the Union Government in Nagaland – at Bonning (Senapati District), Ooklong (Tamenglong District) and Phungchong (Chandel District), continue to exist in Manipur. Amidst the current violent protest over Muivah’s proposed visit to Manipur, a suspected NSCN-IM cadre was killed when the bomb he was planting under a bridge along the stretch of the Imphal-Mao section of the National Highway-39 in Senapati District blew up on May 18, 2010.
The continued cease-fire violation in Nagaland coupled with expanding area domination exercise of the Naga armed groups across the Northeast leave little scope for negotiations in good faith for an end to the Naga insurrection. The charade of talks, however, can be expected to go on, even as each party to the conflict continues to seek to alter the distribution of power on the ground.