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02/12/2010: "R S Pandey to be new interlocutor to talk with NSCN (IM) OneIndia"



R S Pandey to be new interlocutor to talk with NSCN (IM) OneIndia

Thursday, ,13:38 [IST] New Delhi, Feb 11 (ANI): Union Government on Thursday appointed R S Pandey as the new interlocutor to facilitate talks with the banned National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM).
Pandey, a 1972 batch Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer, belongs to Nagaland cadre. Pandey has been the Union Petroleum Secretary and retired only recently in January 2010.

Announcing Pandey's appointment Union Home Minister P Chidambaram also welcomed NSCN (IM)'s decision to hold talks with the Government.

"The Government of India welcomes the decision of the NSCN (IM) leadership to visit India and to hold talks with the Government. I am happy to announce the appointment of Shri R.S.Pandey, IAS (Retd.) as the Interlocutor and the Representative of the Government of India to hold talks with the NSCN (IM)," Chidambaram said.

With the appointment of the new interlocutor to facilitate the talks the people of Nagaland are awaiting for an early solution to the long drawn problem.

On Tuesday, addressing the 58th meeting of the North Eastern Council (NEC) Union Home Secretary G.K. Pillai said that the Centre would appoint an interlocutor later this week for facilitating the peace talks.

The peace process with the NSCN (I-M) was started in 1997 by putting in place a ceasefire arrangement. Former Union Home Secretary Padmanabhaiah was appointed as interlocutor in July 1999 initially for a year and his tenure was extended every year till 2009.

Since then, over 50 rounds of talks were held between Centre and Naga groups, but could not achieve any breakthrough. In 2009, the Centre did not extend the tenure of Padmanabhaiah, and held direct talks with the NSCN (I-M) top brass.

According to Home Ministry, on the invitation of the Centre, the NSCN (I-M) leadership has proposed to come to India between April 1 and 10 to hold talks and carry forward the peace process. To that end, the government of India will be appointing an interlocutor to facilitate the talks and to bring about an early solution."

All the three groups - NSCN(I-M), NSCN(Khaplang) and the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) - have been meeting under public pressure on the Forum for Naga Reconciliation platform. They have so far held seven summits in Tahialand's Chiangmai. (ANI)
30 years of turmoil Samudra Gupta Kashyap Indian Express
What is the history of the Naga movement?
The British, who annexed Assam in 1826, constituted the Naga Hills district in 1866 and followed a policy of non-interference towards the hill tribes. As British paramountcy in India ended, A Z Phizo, president of the Naga National Council (NNC) declared independence on August 14, 1947. Since then the Naga Hills have been in turmoil, and despite creation of a separate Nagaland state in 1963, the movement has continued.
What is the NSCN?
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed on January 31, 1980 by Isak Chisi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and SS Khaplang, who were all opposed to the NNC signing the Shillong Accord in 1975. But as differences cropped up, Khaplang moved out to form the NSCN(K) on April 30, 1988, with the original group coming to be known as NSCN (IM).
The NSCN(IM) has a strong international network. In 1993, it was admitted to the Unrepresented Peoples & Nations Organisation (UNPO). In Amsterdam, it has the Naga International Support Centre, intended at making known to the world the Nagas and their struggle. The UK-based Naga Vigil is yet another organisation providing vital support.
The NSCN(IM) movement, often called the “mother of all insurgencies”, is also held responsible for rise of insurgent groups in other states of the Northeast. Its ‘Greater Nagalim’ demand has created problems, with Assam and Manipur refusing to give even an inch of land.
What is the objective of the NSCN?
The primary aim is a Greater Nagalim comprising all Naga-inhabited areas, irrespective of whether they are in India or Myanmar.
The NSCN-IM’s manifesto is based on the principle of socialism for economic development and a spiritual outlook — ‘Nagalim for Christ.’
Incidentally, the Nagaland Assembly passed a resolution back in 1964 supporting inclusion of all Naga-inhabited areas under one umbrella. Since then it has adopted the same resolution four more times, provoking a counter-resolution in Assam and Manipur each time.
Who are the NSCN leaders?
The NSCN (IM) leadership has a dominance of Tangkhuls — a Naga tribe inhabiting Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong districts of adjoining Manipur. Thuingaleng Muivah, a Masters from Gauhati University, is general secretary and ‘prime minister’ of the Government of People’s Republic of Nagalim (GPRN). Isak Chisi Swu is chairman. It has a full-fledged nine-member ministry, the four major ministries being home, defence, finance and foreign affairs.
Where does the NSCN get funds from?
NSCN (IM), like similar insurgent outfits in the area, collects “taxes” from the people in Nagaland and other “Naga-inhabited areas” on a regular basis. The GPRN has an annual budget of Rs 200-Rs 250 million. Intelligence reports also say that it collects portions of extorted funds of other outfits of the region in lieu of training, arms supply and shelter. Intelligence reports also say it earns money through narcotics trade. With an army of about 4,500 men, top NSCN(IM) leaders live outside India, mostly in Southeast Asian countries like Thailand. It also had camps in Bangladesh and Myanmar, but most cadres have shifted to designated camps in Nagaland after it signed a ceasefire agreement with the Government of India on August 1, 1997. Leaders and supporters are said to have business interests in Myanmar, Thailand, Bangladesh and other countries. Its headquarters have also shifted to Camp Hebron in Nagaland.
Has the Centre held talks with the NSCN leadership in the past?
In 1992, the then Governor, M M Thomas, a clergyman from Kerala, made the first successful move to get in touch with the NSCN. On June 15, 1995, then prime minister P V Narasimha Rao first met Muivah and Swu in Paris. A ceasefire was agreed upon with the Government of India with effect from August 1997. Subsequently, former prime ministers H D Deve Gowda (February 1997), A B Vajpayee (September 1998) and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (December 2004) also met them. At least 50 rounds of talks have been held between the two sides at various levels.
The Journey of Common Hope
Naga public meeting Zunheboto Nagaland page
I and the members of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation and the Joint working Group (JWG) greet you in Christ our Savior’s name. We are here on the Journey of Common Hope of the Nagas.
The FNR was born in February, 2008, through the Shisha Hoho prayer ministry, and it comprises of all the frontal Naga organizations, including the Council of Naga Baptist Churches (CNBC), and the support of the Nagaland Baptist Church council (NBCC) and the Nagaland Christian forum (NCF).
Since the formation of the FNR 22 months ago, 24 different meetings both within and outside of Naga areas have been held. In all these meetings and gatherings, the Naga political groups and the Naga frontal organizations and the public have made solemn commitments to the process of genuine reconciliation, unity and peace among the Nagas and with confidence today, the Nagas can say, “there is no turning back.”
In June 2009, the “Covenant of Reconciliation” was signed by the Hon’ble Isak Chishi Swu, Chairman, NSCN/GPRN; Hon’ble SS Khaplang, Chairman, GPRN/NSCN; and Hon’ble Brig. (Retd) S Singnya, Kedahge (President), Federal Government of Nagaland.
In September and December, 2009, the Joint Working Group (JWG), the signatories of the Covenant of Reconciliation, resolved to “Work together in the spirit of love, non-violence, peace, and respect to resolve outstanding issues among us.” Therefore, “We jointly reject any form of conditional package offered to the Nagas by the Government of India.”
With the signing of the Covenant of Reconciliation and the rejection of “any form of conditional package offered to the Nagas by the Government of India,” it is logical that for common interests and actions of the Nagas a united front of sorts is most desirable. One of the fundamental truths of the Nagas today is the call for political reconciliation in pursuit of common interest based on the “Historical and Political Rights of the Nagas.”
Any political model of government has to be focused contextually. Each country has its uniqueness and as such, what may function politically in one country may not be suitable for another country. Therefore, in context, a Naga political model should be envisaged and discussed upon.
Today, contextually, Naga political groups are ‘self-governing in its own right.’ But now, Nagas need to think of a government that would combine the strength of every political group, and this situation most possibly would necessitate the Naga leaders to consider an option with strong provisions for common interests and actions.
Let us be reminded once more that RECONCILIATION implies a new Nagahood. For this, our leaders have pledged themselves before God and the Naga people. We applaud their commitment and sincerity. We must also know that reconciliation is never static; it is a dynamic process. As our Naga political groups and their highest level of leadership and various organizations have supported and are committed to reconciliation of the Nagas, we are called to continually renew our-self to this noble mission by the Spirit of God. Whoever believes in reconciliation is in the first place Christ’s, and only in the second place are members of the group. For some of us, this may be difficult to accept. But from this truth we cannot divert.
In this, we should not shun from the truth of reconciliation - either through a rationalization flight backward or a dictum we often hear saying, “reconciliation is different and politics is altogether another thing.” Only through reconciliation, in its true meaning, can we be free from our neglect and downfall.
We must be vigilant and study the ground reality. Let us not assume nor make believe that the Naga people are behind divisive policies and a divided house. Yes, the average populace of the Nagas takes the word reconciliation with great distaste. Perhaps this is justified if one talks of reconciliation to others but do not themselves practice it concretely. Are we not inhibiting desire and deaden emotional states? To be sure, Nagas are for reconciliation of all and not for a particular group alone. Naga people have learnt the hard way that group-ism is limited no matter how convincing they are and in today’s context it is obsolete. In this let us learn to honor and give due respect to the Naga public.
We must bury many unrealistic hopes which were set in motion by the imagination of our hearts and the self made myths that is enslaving us and in the process, our noble cause is broken. The life of the Naga nation is oppressed by division of our making. The divided world, appeasement and imagination of our makings are no means of reconciliation. It is only a means to survive. Whenever a man/woman leaves their humanity and makes for themselves proud and doubtful idols of themselves and their neighbors, they become inhuman. They have anxiety before themselves and their neighbors. They can no longer love and consider others. They love and consider only themselves and misuse their experiences as absolute. In their anxiety they depend on transitory things that support their self-confidence.
Anyone who is anxious is controllable and can be extorted and exploited. Only liberation as a product of reconciliation can free a person from anxiety, from self made idols, and from hate for others who are different from our-selves. Reconciliation is not a religious cult for the righteous and the pious, to be kept within the confines of secrecy, but a justification of the so called “traitors,” “misplaced,” and “godless,” and the acceptance in the name of God their enemies.
Reconciliation is a grace from God to humanity. God is the subject and we are objects of reconciliation. Therefore, God is the basis and the power for reconciliation between people who are enemies. God is “for us” and therefore, we must be “with one another” and not against one another.
In the context of the Nagas, reconciliation without a change in our broken relationships is a weak consolation. We must learn lessons from history that wanting change without reconciliation leads to witch hunts. Naga revolutionaries should recognize this today. For not until there is reconciliation can the evil circle of revenge be overcome. I have often mentioned, peace and freedom originates out of reconciliation and not of law and order.
The scheme of the divided Nagas has eaten very deeply into our thoughts and feelings. It is our own anxiety which has taught us to hate the opponent. Remember the person who preaches hate has always anxiety. Today, Nagas must resolve not to let this happen among us.
Men and women who hate, and fight each other, are reconciled in Christ. We and our enemies can be changed. Nagas can be changed. The world has itself become changeable world. God has made the impossible appear to be possible. Let us therefore already do today what shall be tomorrow.
Finally, a word is due vis-a-vis “All Naga Political Groups.” The FNR reiterates that reconciliation is a process. The truth is if all are not reconciled, in reality we are not reconciled. The FNR requests all to understand some of the difficulties we each face. All are called to be together. From this, we shall not divert.
We want to respond to this task with credible solidarity. We have to be willing to realize that coming together is not a technique, but a deep personal attitude which makes it possible to receive peace as a gift. Therefore, we are called today, to make a commitment to this task. After all, the voice of the people cannot be ignored nor silenced.
Wati Aier Convener, FNR

Ulfa hails Centre’s decision A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph
Guwahati, Feb. 12: The pro-talks Ulfa today described the government’s decision to drop the arms surrender term for talks as a step in the right direction, which might even prompt the outfit to consider coming forward for talks.
“Ulfa is not like the DHD or the KLNLF. You cannot impose conditions on them,” Mrinal Hazarika, a leader of the pro-talks group, said.
Lachit Bordoloi, the chief co-ordinator of the People’s Committee for Peace Initiatives in Assam, said such moves would create the right atmosphere for the talks to start.
“The government has started showing its sincerity and the possibility of a breakthrough has brightened since there are positive signals from both sides,” he said.
Bordoloi said now the government needs to set the Ulfa leaders in custody free to create the right atmosphere for talks. Several Ulfa leaders, including its chairman, Arabinda Rajkhowa, are in jail.
Union home secretary G.K. Pillai had yesterday said that the Centre had never asked the NDFB or Ulfa to lay down arms but only to abjure violence if they wanted talks.
The move was seen by many as a “horses-for-courses” policy and “one-size-does-not-fit-all” line of thinking.
Sources said the move conveyed to outfits and those who wanted talks to start that the Centre had taken the first step by dropping a key demand of surrendering arms.
“It is kind of a signal to both the groups. There will be relaxation by Delhi and Dispur if the outfits reciprocate. Some give-and-take will always be there for a greater cause,” a source said.
The move may not beget results “overnight” but the ball had been set rolling, he added
Delhi’s peace options for NSCN, ULFA DATELINE GUWAHATI /Wasbir Hussain The Sentinel
“The NSCN-IM has accepted the Government of India’s invitation for resumption of peace talks and Mr (Thuingaleng) Muivah is coming to Delhi in April,” Union Home Secretary Gopal K. Pillai told me this week during a lengthy conversation in Guwahati. He also said the Government would be appointing a new interlocutor for the Naga peace talks, now that long-time envoy K. Padmanabhiah has been eased out by New Delhi. The question that is uppermost in everybody’s mind is the outcome of the talks this time round. After all, since the NSCN-IM’s truce with the Government in 1997, the two sides have held more than 60 rounds of talks at various international capitals, besides New Delhi. ‘Now what’ seems to be the question that everyone following the protracted Naga dialogue process seems to be asking in view of the forthcoming talks in New Delhi.
By all indications, New Delhi has now firmed up its mind on a possible solution formula to bring the curtains down on the six-decade-old Naga insurrection. What could that formula be? As far as the Government of India is concerned, two things are ‘out of question’---a sovereign Nagaland and ‘greater Nagaland’ (or whatever one might call it) that envisages unification of all Naga inhabited areas in the North-east under one administrative unit. While it does not require any debate to conclude that sovereignty is not negotiable, redrawing of inter-state boundaries in the North-east is a near impossible proposition considering the emotions involved at this juncture. Now the question---what is it that New Delhi could offer Muivah and his colleagues when they meet in New Delhi in April?
The sense one gets after talking to various Government and other sources is this: the Government might like to give constitutional sanction to the setting up of a politico-social-administrative body that could look after the Naga affairs in different parts of India. The body, whatever name is given to it, may have its headquarters anywhere in the region or outside within India as desired by the Naga leaders. There are Nagas outside the state of Nagaland, in Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh mainly. This body could be empowered to sanction funds for the welfare of Nagas anywhere in India. This is the thinking at this stage and could be amended or modified in case the idea finds favour within the Naga rebel leadership (read NSCN-IM). Now, New Delhi might like to go a step further: it would not mind (at least this is the thinking now) to allocate funds for the uplift of the Nagas living in adjoining Myanmar. That offer, as and when it is placed before the NSCN-IM, could be something that the rebel leaders might find it hard to reject because the rebel group regards the Naga inhabited areas in Myanmar as ‘Eastern Nagaland.’
It is in this backdrop that the recent visit of Union Home Secretary Pillai to Myanmar needs to be viewed. “We hope to have, in the next few weeks, a joint security operation against the North-east Indian rebels having bases in Myanmar and operating from that country,” Pillai said, indicating that he had discussed the issue with the authorities in Myanmar. But what Pillai or the Government of India may not like to disclose at this stage is whether the two sides have discussed the possible financial assistance from New Delhi for the Nagas in Myanmar. But considering the fact that India has been engaged in infrastructure development projects with its own funding in Myanmar, mainly roads, the military junta in that country should not have objections to such an idea.
In so far as Assam is concerned, New Delhi, it is clear now, is keen on talks with the ULFA under the leadership of its jailed chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa. Pillai has said the Centre may not be too bothered about any letter from the jailed ULFA leaders saying they were interested in starting a dialogue with the Government of India provided they demonstrate their sincerity in holding talks. This is in contrast to Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram who talked about a letter from the jailed ULFA leaders. But yes, the Government may have revised its stand in subsequent days.
Besides, the Centre does not seem to be too worried about the detained ULFA leaders jumping bail and disappearing in case they are set free this time to start the peace talks. Unlike in the past, the ULFA leaders have arrived in India with their wives and children in tow and they (wives and children) have since been allowed to go home by the authorities. Government sources claimed the ULFA leaders had requested the authorities when they were picked up in Bangladesh that their wives and children be taken along with them to India, an apparent plea the authorities conceded. Moreover, the Centre is not bothered whether or not ULFA’s elusive military chief Paresh Baruah takes part in the proposed dialogue.
If the talks start, what is it that the Government and the ULFA could discuss? That is a difficult thing to predict because the ULFA, aside from their ‘sovereignty’ demand, has not really charted out its wish list. But the Government on its part would like to come up with a holistic package for Assam as a whole, offers that the ULFA may find it hard to reject. Constitutional safeguards, prevention of illegal infiltration, an acceptable National Register of Citizens to detect illegal migrants, jobs, infrastructure development, massively enhanced royalty to the state on natural resources and such other things could form part of the offer. This basically is meant to address the demand for maximum autonomy made by at least a section of the ULFA leaders, the section that calls itself the pro-talk ULFA group and is headed by Mrinal Hazarika and others. For the record, this faction of the ULFA has already established contact with the jailed ULFA chairman and other leaders who are in custody. The Government may have firmed up certain ideas or offers, but it will all depend on how these are articulated should there be meetings with the NSCN-IM and the ULFA.
Gogoi tells ULFA, NDFB to give up arms From our Correspondent Sentinel
JORHAT, Feb 12: A day after the KLNLF gave up its arms, State Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi today asked the ULFA, NDFB and other rebel groups to lay down their arms to build a peaceful Assam founded on the ideals propagated by Sankardev.
“The ULFA, NDFB and other terrorist groups of Assam should follow Sankardev’s ideology and humanism to build a peaceful Assam. They should follow the ideals of the great Assamese prophet and lay down their arms in the greater interest of a peace in the State,” said Gogoi while addressing the open session of the 79th annual conference of the Srimanta Sankardev Sangha in Titabor here today.
Gogoi pointed out that the government was ready to welcome the rebels to the mainstream and hold with talk with them, if they gave up their arms.
The next annual conference of the Sangha will be held in Karbi Anglong district.



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