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11/11/2009: "The Making and the Un-Making of the Naga Nation Impung Chang"

The Making and the Un-Making of the Naga Nation Impung Chang

A Lotha Naga warrior performing a dance during the celebration of Tokhu Emong, a post harvest festival of the Lotha tribe at Dimapur, on November 7. (Photo/Caisii Mao)

I have always felt a sense of sheer joy and pride in claiming the name NAGA, and I often wonder what is it that propelled a collective of tribes who hardly knew each other almost a century back to come together and call themselves a Naga Nation. Surely, there are some underlying factors that heralded this process of nation building. Another question that I often ask myself is – what is it that makes me a Naga? Is it something in the blood or is it something in the shared culture, or are there some external factors that came about through colonialism? Moreover, how do I know that I am a Naga? Is it up to certain tribes or political groups to decide who is and who is not a Naga, as certain groups tried to claim in the case of Southern Nagas a few years back?
Although there is no doubt that it was the colonial anthropologists who first coined the term Naga and made it part of the common usage, it was with the formation of Naga Club in Kohima that the term took on a social and political dimension that was integral to the subsequent formation of a Naga identity. Through rest of the 20th century, as the Nagas witnessed and experienced their land and way of life being systematically occupied and subjugated, the idea of a Naga nation became more firmly rooted as an idea worth aspiring and fighting for. However, today, as a result of tribalism, the compromising posture of the Naga elite, the divisions created by the state and the indifference bred into the minds of people through years of colonial occupation, the concept of a Naga identity is increasingly facing the threat of disintegration.
“Nations” do not just exist; rather they emerge and evolve like many other social institutions through a difficult and rather inconsistent process. Various social, cultural, economic and political factors go into the making of a nation. Benedict Anderson talks of the rise of ‘print capitalism’ as a quintessential factor in imagining a national community. Jochen Hippler talks of nation-building as “a process of socio-political development, which ideally – usually over a longer historical time span – allows initially loosely linked communities to become a common society with a nation-state corresponding to it”. In the case of Nagas, certain cultural factors related to the coming of colonial modernity among the Nagas, such as modern education and print culture had an important role in providing resources and tools for imagining a nation. The growth of a Naga middle class and exposure to global events and processes also did not fail to contribute towards this imagining. However, the principle factor behind the emergence and formation of a Naga identity was political. In other words, the nation had been found and built on the basis of political resistance to imposition of colonial rule over the Nagas, whether it was the British or Indian. It is in the context of this political struggle that many tribes have come together and have articulated themselves under the umbrella of a common identity known as Naga.
The initial articulation of a Naga national identity came from a group of men in Kohima called the Naga Club. They were all beneficiaries of modern education and a newly emerging print culture. They had opportunities to travel beyond their villages into places and lands far away. Some of them even went to France during the First World War, thereby expanding their geographical and political horizons. The Naga Club had representatives from Angami, Zeme, Liangmei, Kuki, Sema, Lotha and Rengma tribes. As the Naga national movement gained momentum from the 1940s, the concept of Naga nation expanded to include many more other tribes aspiring to be independent of colonial rule. In the 1950s, several tribes from Tuensang and the hill tracts of Manipur joined the Naga national movement. This was largely a result of the early efforts of Naga national leaders like Phizo and T. Sakhrie. They travelled extensively, from village to village, bringing disparate groups of tribes within the fold of the Naga nation, with the objective of fighting the yoke of colonial rule. It was the political aspiration of all these tribes to be independent that was instrumental in them coming together as a nation. The nation-building process among the Nagas at the time was understood to be inclusive and any Naga tribe who agreed with the political goal of independence was brought into the fold of the Naga nation and all of them contributed a great deal towards the national movement.
From the beginning, there were always attempts on the part of the state to break this inclusive character of the nation-building process. From the 1950s, the state utilized not only its armed forces but also its extensive intelligence apparatus to divide the unity among the various Naga tribes and nurture suspicion and fear of each other. One of the first attempts in this direction came when in 1957 the Intelligence Bureau of the Indian government brought together some of the Naga bureaucrats and elite to form the Naga People’s Convention, which subsequently created the Nagaland state. The creation of Nagaland state pushed the efforts made by our national leaders to forge unity among all the Naga tribes backwards. Large majority of the Nagas inhabiting what is today Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Burma were excluded from the Nagaland state that was formed. Moreover, funds began flowing from the Indian government to the Nagaland state, thereby pampering a sizeable section of Nagas living in the Nagaland state and leaving the Nagas outside the Nagaland state under-developed, not to say the more disheartening situation of the Nagas living in Burma. This creation of developmental inequality over the last fifty years further separated the Nagas of the Nagaland state from the rest of the Nagas.
The counter-insurgency measures of the Indian government have also not failed to generate fear and suspicion among the tribes. The state has always found in tribalism an effective instrument to further divide the Nagas. Transcending narrow tribe based loyalty and nurturing a national loyalty, while at the same time acknowledging the distinctness of each tribe, was an important objective of those who began the Naga nation-building process. However, in order to break the Naga nation, the state has often tried to pit one tribe against the other. The unequal development among the tribes, largely a result of colonialism, has only further contributed to this, wherein some of the more forward tribes tend to isolate and look down upon some of the more backward tribes. Tribalism has not failed to break the Naga national movement at various junctures despite the fact that the early leaders of the movement constantly fought against such trends.
The state and other vested interests have been so successful in creating hurdles in the Naga nation-building process that today, some Nagas, ignorant of their own history and self, have the audacity to say that certain other Nagas are not ‘genuine’ Nagas. Some Nagas are referred to as ‘second-class’ citizens and are deliberately excluded and alienated from the Naga nation. For one, I know that it would be impossible for me to treat our eastern Naga brothers and sisters who are suffering under the military regime in Burma as second-class citizens. At various junctures in the history of the Naga national movement, they have borne the burden of sheltering the Naga Army against the Indian army. Similarly, the people of Tuensang and Mon contributed extensively in both, men and material, towards the Naga movement, especially in its early phase. Many men and women gave their life for the movement. Unfortunately, this has often gone unrecorded and unacknowledged. The valuable contributions made by the Nagas living in the hill tracts of Manipur since the 1960s cannot go unnoticed. Their role has been integral to the sustenance of the movement following the infamous Shillong Accord of 1975. In the 1980s and 90s, it is they who faced the brunt of the Indian military operations. When one considers all this history, the trend to profile certain tribes as trouble makers or the roots of all problem, and to question their genuineness as Nagas is nothing but malicious moves to undermine the basis of Naga nationalist aspiration. Naga national identity had been envisioned on the basis of being inclusive rather than exclusive, and on the basis of a common political goal.
To come back to some of the questions I began this article with, it can be said that while there are many cultural factors that bring the myriad Naga tribes together as a nation, it is the shared experience of a political reality and struggle, and a common political aspiration that ultimately becomes the basis of a Naga nation. What makes me a Naga is my involvement in a history of building a nation of different peoples in the face of colonial incursions. It is primarily a political identity. Once we acknowledge that, we begin to see why we need to be inclusive, loving and understanding to each other. It is up to us, the youth, to dream once again the dream that the founding leaders of our nation dreamt, to recover the real basis of who we are and thereby overcome the hurdles many vested interests have put in our way of building an inclusive and united Naga nation.

(The writer is a Post-Graduate in Sociology from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi)
India for augmenting border trade with Myanmar STAFF WRITER (PTI)
Imphal, Nov 10 India will explore ways to augment border trade with Myanmar, and delegates from the two countries would meet soon to deliberate on the issue, a senior government official has said.

A joint conference of delegates from both the countries would be organised soon to find ways and means to enhance border trade, V L Kantha Rao, Director of Commerce Department, Government of India, said.

The assurance was given at a meeting of official teams from both the countries at Tamu, border town of Myanmar, yesterday.

Rao said for smooth trade national highway 39 should be properly developed and maintained.

National highway 39 connects three north eastern states -- Assam, Nagaland and Manipur -- and terminates at Indo-Myanmar border.
Bridging one border, two peoples Longrangty Longchar Morungexpress
Mokokchung | November 10 : It is a general view that the border areas of Assam-Nagaland is a conflict zone that witnesses border conflicts from time to time between the Assamese and the Naga villagers. Yet, to some extent, peace and trust between the two neighbors have been maintained during the last few years after the formation of Border Peace Coordination Committee (Assam-Nagaland) in August 2005. This committee, which is purely a voluntary organization, has taken the role of an independent assessor – whenever border disputes arise – and through sharing free, undiluted and truthful information. The committee keeps the authorities updated on the ground realities and so contains situations from flaring up.
In an interaction here today, the coordinator of the BPCC (A-N), Temsu Wathi Ao, who is the architect behind the formation of the committee, said it was formed on August 19, 2005 at Saring village, Longchem under Mokokchung district. A meeting was held, attended by responsible likeminded members of the society from both the states of Assam and Nagaland. These people shared the same concern in maintaining peace in the border areas.
The journey started. The committee recognized peace as its primary concern and coordinated between the people living on either sides of the border to bring about peace and harmony. The office bearers of the BPCC (A-N) comprise of responsible Assamese and Naga leaders who work in close coordination whenever border incidents occur.
“As and when incidents occur, which have huge chances of flaring up, they are controlled at the very beginning by involving the executive members of the committee who contact their counterparts living on the other side of the border, and who in turn inform the district administration and the police about the facts of the incident,” Wathi said. The success of the BPCC (A-N) is that, people living on both sides of the border can contact each other and seek information regarding what actually happened. This leaves no room for rumor mongers who spread disinformation for vested interests.
“The main problem with regard to the border conflict is that whenever there are any incidents, there are some third forces who spread rumors among the people thereby making the problem complicated which otherwise could have been solved easily and amicably,” said Wathi. The BPCC (A-N) also work for preventing rumors and finding facts, he added.
He said that easy connectivity through the use of mobile phones greatly helps the committee in resolving issues. The committee members undertake spot verifications and pass on their information to their counterparts on the other side of the border through mobile phones.
“The use of mobile phones has greatly helped the committee since we can talk with anyone at anytime whenever situation arises,” Wathi said. His main duty is to make and receive phone calls from either the Assam or Naga BPCC (A-N) executive members or the district administration and police regarding any border conflict. He verifies fact and assesses ground situation. The information is then relayed to the concerned parties.
“Whenever a situation arises, the administration of the affected district would contact the executive members of the BPCC (A-N) and the information would be relayed to their counterparts living in the other state. Often the executive members of the BPCC (A-N) would undertake a spot verification and find out the root cause of the incident,” he said.
Most incidents are related to cattle lifting, carjacking, and extortion by anti-socials – mostly suspected NSCN cadres, it was informed. Small incidents, if left unattended, have the potential of flaring up into major issues. However, Wathi said that the committee is simply a neutral body and that it is not for any border solving. It is a group to bring about peace between the people of the two states through the spirit of love and brotherhood. Significantly, the motto of the BPCC (A-N) is “Love thy neighbor.”
The most remarkable aspect of the committee is that after its formation in 2005, it wrote letters to both the Assam and Nagaland government to stop raiding and evicting villages located in the Disturbed Area Belt. The governments were expected to inform the BPCC (A-N) about such raids, otherwise the government would be held responsible. After this directive, there are no more raids on the villages, Wathi informed.
Another unique feature of the BPCC (A-N) is that, unlike other committees formed in the past, it was formed by affected people living in the borders and it comprises of both Assamese and Naga people equally. Presently the committee is headed by an Assamese and a Naga as the president and the vice president respectively. Such a border peace committee cannot be fruitful unless the affected people are involved and that it would be useless if such a committee exists for a few months and dies out. Wathi said that the committee was formed for long-term and that it is there in both the good and the bad times.
The BPCC (A-N) has also its own share of problems. Wathi informed that the executive members whenever they have to go for spot verifications have to meet all other expenses – from their own pockets. He said that the governments should allot some funds to the BPCC (A-N) so the members can carry out their works more effectively. He said that ten MLAs from Mokokchung during one of the DPDB meetings in Mokokchung, promised to provide some fund to the BPCC (A-N). Besides, the committee still is not registered and the process of registration is facing problems this involves two states. But Wathi expressed hope that the group would be registered in the days to come.
Asserting that the BPCC (A-N) is going from strength to strength, Wathi disclosed that the committee is setting up sub-committees in other border areas. “We want to replicate this model right from Mon district to Nuiland (Dimapur),” he said.
Personally, Wathi said that to maintain peace in the border areas, the people of Assam and Nagaland should recognize each others’ contributions and the age-old cordial relations should be upheld through one-to-one relationship and through cultural exchanges. Besides, he said that the people of Assam and Nagaland should be content with and stick to whatever land they have and should maintain a status quo over it.
It may be mentioned here that the border areas in Mokokchung have seen a lot of tension in the recent past. And while the governments of both Assam and Nagaland make claims and counter-claims over villages and its areas, no concrete solution has been found so far. But with the involvement of the BPCC (A-N) and the subsequent sharing of information and interaction between the people of Assam and Nagaland, the people are optimistic of a lasting peace between the two neighbors. And a renewal of the age-old relationship shared by the Ahoms and the Nagas.

(Temsu Wathi Ao is the District Informatics Officer in NIC, Mokokchung. Hailing from Lirmen village located in the Assam Nagaland border, Wathi has firsthand account of the problems being faced by the people living in the border areas. Having done most of his schooling and college studies in Assam, Temsu Wathi Ao was also the ‘Coordinator for the Undivided Sibsagar District’ when he was in the All Assam Students’ Union during the year 1979-83. His stint in the AASU and also his schooling in the Assam institutions gave him the opportunity to make essential contacts with the Assamese people, which ultimately led to the formation of the BPCC)
‘We should all work together to bring peace’ DIPR
Kohima, (DIPR): A peace caravan led by Rev. Kari Longchar, Director for Peace Affairs, NBCC Kohima, held a meeting with the government administrative officials, NGOs and public leaders at the DC’s Conference Hall on November 9.
“We should all work together to bring peace in Nagaland,” said Rev. Longchar. “The greatest challenge facing our society today is how to bring about peace in our society. In the past the Church has been the sole steward of peace, but now with the administrations and civil societies joining hands, it has gradually ushered in an era of peace and prosperity in our society,” he added.
Delivering a short speech, Dinesh Kumar, the Deputy Commissioner of Mon, upheld and appreciated the initiative taken by the NBCC in organising the peace caravan in all the districts of Nagaland. “In every society peace is required and the civil society – stakeholders, NGOs, public leaders and the Church – has a vital role to play in spreading the message of peace among the people. Peace also includes government properties, public properties; and therefore it should not be targeted,” reminded the DC. In order to bring peace and prosperity in the society all the administrative heads, NGOs and public leaders should cooperate and work hand in hand, he added. The DC also said the need of the hour is to bring permanent peace in Nagaland.
Khoiwang, president of Konyak Union, delivered a short speech at the function chaired by Hotokhu Zhimomi, president of Kohima Pastors’ Union. Earlier, Chemyuh, executive secretary of KBBB, introduced the team of ‘Peace Caravan’. Rev. Sheita, KBBB evangelist, and Rev. Tenga Seb, executive secretary for CRBC, pronounced the invocation and benediction respectively.

Ethnicity and Postmodern Source: IMPHAL FREE PRESS

The border tension between Nagaland and Manipur at Jessami in Ukhrul district which broke out last month has thankfully receded but the event should be an eye opener to all as to how and why there is a need for accommodating both tradition and the modern in inter ethnic relations. It will be recalled trouble broke out when a BSF camp located on the border on the Manipur side of the border was occupied by Nagaland Armed Police, NAP, after the BSF vacated the premises. The interesting fact is, both sides had no issue on the matter as long as a central force was the occupant of the premises perhaps in the understanding that the force belonged to both or to neither as the case may be, and also that its occupation would not be permanent. The minute the NAP moved in, the question of territory arose, initially between adjacent villages on either side of the border, but before long the matter became an interstate issue. The issue however is not unique and numerous border disputes exists at many different levels not just between states, but also between districts of a state, as the news of the Zeliangrong Students Union, ZSU, protesting a land acquisition move at Kamranga Khasia village by the Jiribam administration for a government project of setting up a Police Training Centre, claiming the village land falls within jurisdiction Zeliangrong tribe dominated Tousem sub-division of Tamenglong district, bears evidence. Such disputes exist even between villages.
If there is any vital lesson to be learnt from these episodes, it is the need not just of the government, but of the people at large, to respect traditional outlooks and at the same time accommodate the demands of modern polity and administration. The consequence of any failure to do this is, among others, a dreary stagnation of the mind which would then be a perennial stumbling block to all modern development projects. Not any less would be the kind of conflict of interest with potentials for violence as witnessed at Jessami, Tungjoy, Dzuko Valley etc. The skirmishes also manifest in other forms. As for instance, in the manner in which seven Assembly segments in the unreserved valley district of Thoubal have become entrapped in the reserved Outer Manipur Parliamentary constituency where the villagers have only the right to vote but not to contest. It is also there in the resistance of the hill districts of Manipur to the introduction of any modern land tenure system, the Manipur Land Revenue and Reforms Act in particular, or in the de facto existence of a separate district called Sadar Hills with headquarters in Kangpokpi, although de jure it is still part of the Senapati district, not for anything else, but because of objections of Nagas to what they believe is a bifurcation of their traditional homeland by the official creation of a separate Sadar Hills, comprising largely of Kuki majority areas. Traces of this same contradiction can be seen in the campaign for and against the introduction of the 6th Schedule in Manipur as well, and in fact, it is also evident in the clash of notions of territory between what the NSCN(IM) proposes to be “Greater Nagaland” and those of neighbouring communities.
The hill-valley divide in Manipur, which is today reduced almost to the status of a cliché in journalism and academics, is an apt metaphor of this dichotomy between tradition and modern. On a positive note, perhaps it is in the imaginative resolution to this metaphoric struggle that the difficult frontier between the ethnic world and the inevitable modern world ahead can be gainfully mapped and traversed. The challenge is to ensure ethnic worldviews are not destroyed, for outside them, ethnic communities have been known to lose their sense of purpose and inner motivations. High rates of alcoholism, drugs abuse, HIV/AIDS prevalence, juvenile delinquency, low self esteem, promiscuity etc in Manipur and many northeast states in modern times may already be an indication of such a depletion of collective morale. The challenge is also equally to usher in the modern at a pace and in idioms that the traditional ethnic societies can comprehend, absorb and internalise without detriment. Both these projects are vital and both must be accommodated into a “post-modern” system in which the two are not mutually exclusive.

Myanmar promise on flushout - Assurance given at bi-annual liaison meet between armies OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph


A member of the Manipur Polo Association presents a kangjei to a Myanmarese delegate in Imphal on Tuesday. Picture by Eastern Projections
Imphal, Nov. 10: Myanmar today assured India that it would not allow militants from the Northeast to take shelter in the country and carry out subversive activities from its soil.
The assurance was given by a strong delegation of the Myanmarese army to the Indian army during a meeting at Leimakhong army cantonment, the headquarters of the 57 Mountain Division at Leimakhong in Sadar Hills this morning.
This is the 38th Indo-Myanmar bi-annual liaison meeting. A 15-member Myanmarese delegation led by Brig. Gen. Tin Maung Ohn attended the meeting.
The delegation arrived yesterday and will return tomorrow.
The Indian army delegation was headed by chief of staff of the 3 Corps, Maj. Gen. S.S. Pawar. The meeting reviewed the security scenario along the international border and cooperation and relationship between the two countries.
After the meeting Gen. Pawar termed the meeting fruitful, cordial and smooth. Both sides exchanged views on working on security measures required for controlling insurgency in both countries and to check cross-border movement of insurgents.
The meeting also discussed the need to flush out Northeast insurgents from Myanmar. “The Myanmarese delegation assured us that insurgents from the Northeast would not be allowed to work from their soil. They also assured us that they have started working on this,” Gen. Pawar said.
This is for the first time that the Myanmarese army has given a categorical assurance to India that the country would not allow militants from this side of the border to take shelter in the country and intends to flush them out.
Top army officers on this of the border have been complaining that militants from the Northeast set up camps in Myanmar and the country is not doing anything to flush them out.
Till today, the Myanmarese response was that it would oust the rebels if their camps existed in the country.
The assurance given by the Myanmarese delegation is being considered by the army here as an acceptance of the fact that Northeast insurgents were camping there. The Indian delegation also informed the Myanmarese delegation about construction of fences in the Moreh sector. In the first phase, the border fencing would be constructed from border pillars 71 to 81. The Myanmarese team said it was aware of the fencing plan.
The team visited Loktak lake this afternoon before witnessing an exhibition match of Manipuri polo, arambai (warfare) and tent pegging at Imphal pologround.
The event was sponsored by the GOC, 57 Mountain Division Maj. Gen. Shakti Gurung, and organised by Manipur Equestrian Association, All Manipur Arambai Association and Manipur Horse Riding and Polo Association.
Popularity at its lowest - No arrest can break outfit’s backbone till Barua in net, says ex-general; intelligence reveals attack plan The Telegraph


A deserted Ganeshguri flyover during the Assam bandh called by Ulfa on Monday. Picture by Eastern Projections
Ulfa started its movement three decades back, vowing to wage a war against the cause of underdevelopment and illegal migration of Bangladeshis, which was threatening the demography of Assam.
Today, Ulfa’s popularity has reached its nadir. Public support is long lost and its leaders are deserting the organisation. But peace is still a far cry.
The arrest of Ulfa’s “foreign secretary” Sasha Choudhury and “finance secretary” Chitrabon Hazarika has dealt a blow to the organisation. It is very encouraging to see the Bangladesh government taking steps against Ulfa, which till now was enjoying a safe haven in the neighbouring country. Hopefully, such action will continue against Ulfa and other Indian insurgent group leaders who are living in Bangladesh.
The surrender/arrest of Choudhury and Hazarika should not be a cause for excessive rejoicing because the political wing of Ulfa has been ineffective since the organisation lost its aim, and that was a long time ago. The organisation has been run single-handedly by Paresh Barua, the self-styled commander-in-chief, and the military wing has been enjoying more powers. Till Barua is either brought to book or agrees to peace talks, this organisation has the capability to survive and strike.
The organisation has seen many major setbacks in the past — like the arrest of “vice-chairman” Pradeep Gogoi in 1998 in Calcutta when he was seeking medical treatment, Lohit Deori, the main architect of the Bhutan camps, who surrendered in 2000 because of major differences with deputy-commander Raju Barua, the Royal Bhutan Army’s professional operations to flush out militants from their country, and the 28th battalion’s A and C company commanders returning to the mainstream in 2008, along with a large number of their cadres.
Still, the organisation remains an irritant to the people of Assam. There are reports that Paresh Barua, with some militant leaders of Manipur and Tripura, has jointly opened another access for receiving extensive training in guerrilla warfare, explosives, espionage, selective assassination, electronic communications and equipping the cadres. If this report is true, then security forces and intelligence agencies have to be on their toes.
Ulfa has the capability to reorganise and acquire new leaders. In the past, there were occasions when its top leaders had faltered but the delayed action on the part of the authorities allowed its leadership to overcome the crisis.
Now Sasha Choudhury and Chitrabon Hazarika’s interrogation should be well utilised for spreading anti-Ulfa propaganda to curb recruitment, extortion, the futility of the organisation.
Most of the Ulfa general committee members are with us. Add to this the two company commanders of 28 battalion and Lohit Deori to spread the message to the public that the cause for which the organisation was started has been achieved.
The Centre is now paying considerable attention to Assam and the people of the state are lucky and proud to have Prime Minister Manmohan Singh elected from their state. The correct and well-executed message from them can help make the leaders/cadres still work for the organisation to understand the damage it is causing to their motherland.
The government, too, has to show large heart and stop imposing feeble restrictions on peace talks. This effort will help lay the ground for achieving ultimate peace. Assam, the land of lofty tradition and customs, has seen enough of insurgency and now deserves peace.
Controversial AFSPA be amended, PM tells tribal leaders Ians
AGARTALA, Nov 10: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has assured tribal leaders from Tripura that the Central Government would suitably amend the controversial Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) 1958 that gives unlimited powers to the paramilitary forces to shoot on sight and arrest anybody without a warrant.
The assurance, say tribal leaders, came when a five-member delegation of Indigenous Nationalist Party of Tripura (INPT) met the Prime Minister in New Delhi late last month and submitted a detailed memorandum.
Home Minister P Chidambaram, Tribal Welfare Minister Kantilal Bhuria, Minister of State for Planning and Parliamentary Affairs V Narayanaswamy, National Security Advisor MK Narayanan and Home Secretary GK Pillai were present at the meeting.
“Manmohan Singh and Chidambaram unambiguously assured us that the Centre is now working to modify certain provisions of the AFSPA,” said Rabindra Debbarma, former Tripura minister and INPT general secretary.
Home Ministry officials in New Delhi told IANS that amendments to the controversial legislation had been finalized and sent to the Union Cabinet for approval. Once the Cabinet clears it, it will be applicable throughout the country — be it Jammu and Kashmir or the northeastern States.
According to the INPT, a regional party and an ally of Congress, over 1,500 tribal youths have been either detained or arrested under AFSPA over the years. “The demand for repealing the AFSPA was one of the issues in our ongoing movement against the Left Front Government,” Debbarma said, adding that the repeal of the draconian law was a major issue in the entire Northeast.
Besides Tripura, the AFSPA is also in force in Manipur, Assam and Nagaland.
Human rights activist Irom Sharmila in Manipur has been on an indefinite hunger strike for 10 years, demanding rescinding of the controversial Act, which was enacted by parliament to quell the Naga insurgency in Northeast India in 1958.
Meghalaya Governor Ranjit Sekhar Mooshahary and Central intelligence officials in a recent meeting of police chiefs of Northeast in Shillong also discussed the issue. IANS
Don’t talk silly: India to China Ians
NEW DELHI/BEIJING, Nov 10: Wary of the Chinese practice of using state-controlled media to air provocative views, India on Tuesday described as a “bit silly” a Chinese daily’s comment that India had not learnt its lessons from 1962 war. “Such language” will not help bilateral ties, India underlined.
India’s reaction came on a day China voiced its “strong dissatisfaction” and accused India of “disregarding the solemn position of China” in allowing Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama to visit Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh, which Beijing claims to be part of what it calls “south Tibet.”
“Talk of India not learning lessons from 1962 is silly. We are far from 1962 and history does not always repeat itself,” Minister of State for External Affairs Shashi Tharoor said here.
“We are not woefully prepared as we were in 1962 and such language will not help. China’s articulations in recent weeks have been nothing but an irritant,” Tharoor said.
He was reacting to a report published in China’s state-run newspaper Global Times in which Hu Shisheng, a researcher at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, said that India seemed to have “forgotten the lesson” of the 1962 war.
“India may have forgotten the lesson of 1962, when its repeated provocation resulted in military clashes. India is on this wrong track again,” Hu wrote.
“When the conflict gets sharper and sharper, the Chinese Government will have to face it and solve it in a way India has designed,” he wrote.
Hu’s remarks were seen here as a sign of China’s increasingly aggressive posturing and its unhappiness with New Delhi for letting the Dalai Lama visit Arunachal Pradesh.
Venting its “strong dissatisfaction” with India, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Qin Gang on Tuesday said in Beijing that India had ignored requests to stop the Dalai Lama’s trip to Arunachal Pradesh.
“The Indian side disregarded the solemn position of China in allowing the Dalai Lama to visit the disputed area of the eastern section of the China-India border region,” Qin told reporters.
“China expresses strong dissatisfaction about that.” The visit “fully exposes the Dalai Lama’s separatist nature,” Qin said. “His attempt will not succeed.”
India on Monday made it clear that the Dalai Lama’s visit to the State was on his own initiative and underlined it had nothing to do with it.
“The Dalai Lama is free to travel anywhere in India... I have not heard the suggestion comes from us as we do not deal with the spiritual travels of spiritual leaders. He has to visit his flock as he sees fit,” Tharoor had said on Monday. IANS