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04/27/2009: "Extremism in the NE: Problems and Solutions Dr. Xavier Pfokrehe Mao Morungexpress"

Extremism in the NE: Problems and Solutions Dr. Xavier Pfokrehe Mao Morungexpress

The English word extremism means the views or opinions that fall outside the normal range. In politics, extremism stands for very strong and abnormal views. In what follows, I wish to critically examine the brand of political extremism that has been prevailing in North-Eastern part of the country for the past many years. The reasons for political extremism are many and varied from state to state and within existing states of the North-East India. The first call for sovereign, independent nation state was given by the Nagas led by their late leader A Z Phizo. That was followed by Mizos led by their late leader Laldenga. Subsequently various other ethnic groups of the North-East also started raising similar demands although their reasons are different. Many of these organizations started using extremism or terrorism as a means or method to achieve their goals or objectives. Some of these outfits or insurgents started using violence or terrorism as the very objective itself, and not as a method.
The Nagas have given the clarion call for a complete sovereign, independent state even during pre-independent India. A. Z Phizo categorically stated that Nagaland (all the inhabited Naga areas) was never part of India, historically, culturally, racially and ethnically, and Nagas are not Indians. As a matter of fact, the Nagas and most of the tribes from North-East were not part of ancient and medieval India except during the British Rule. These tribal groups have the same cultural, linguistic ethnic and racial boundaries with the South-East Asia and East Asia people. Phizo met a number of Indian leaders like M K Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhash Chandra Bose, Rajagopalachary for the purpose. Gradually the secessionist movement spread to other parts of North-East like Mizoram, Manipur, Tripura, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Some people in North-East India even started saying that they are with India but they are not Indians. Since an influential section of the tribals are of Mongoloid origin, they are most of the time mistaken with the south-east Asian and east Asian people by the rest of Indians. Their food habit and life-style are very different from the rest of India. After being converted to Christianity and Hinduism they have given up their indigenous tribal religions. Thus, they suffer an identity crisis. They claim that they are Nagas, Mizos, Meiteis, , Khasis, Bodos, Garos etc. but have given up their tribal religions. At a deeper level there is a crisis. Of course this is true that they have not completely given up their respective tribal way of life. When it is pointed out that religion is an integral component of culture and by completely replacing their original religions by new religions, not the type of modification or reforms, they have lost substantially their culture too, they have no definite answer. Perhaps, this state of affairs coupled with minority psychology that is the fear of being completely assimilated with the majority, continues to create stir and turmoil in their unconscious and sub-conscious mind. The first general election of 1952 was completely boycotted by the Nagas. Even the second general election of 1957 was also partially boycotted by the Nagas. In due course of time, the Government of India in 1959 decided to create a separate statehood for Nagaland and eventually Nagaland became a separate full fledged state in 1963. Subsequently in the early seventies, a number of separate states were created in the North-East like Meghalaya, Tripura and Manipur. The Government of India partially solved the political crisis that emerged in North-East India through the creation of new states and entering into dialogues and talks and signed accord with insurgent leaders. In consequence, Mizoram was given statehood in 1987 and Laldenga became the Chief Minister of the state. Subsequently even Arunachal Pradesh was given statehood. Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh were given central universities and Assam got two central Universities and one I.I.T. Further, ten percent of the national budget is earmarked for the North-Eastern states and if unspent it automatically goes to the non-lapsable fund. In other words, seen in this light, the North-eastern states are being treated as most favored states unlike their fellow counterparts in Myanmar and Bangladesh.
At the same time, in spite of all the benefits extended to North-Eastern states, the persistent struggle for sovereignty is very much alive among the Naga insurgents. In the case of other North-Eastern states, occasionally there happens to be out burst of extremism and terrorism. One may be allowed to say in this connection that in some cases, this is the function of a handful of misguided youth. At the same time, instigation and encouragement of India’s neighbours and other powerful countries in this regard cannot be ruled out at all. From time to time, some self-styled intellectuals of the region have been consciously fuelling the fire of extremism. In early eighties a Professor from the region published a paper entitled “My Language and Yours” in Man in India, a journal published from Viswabharati University wherein he argued that language is the soul of man. He illustrated the point in the following manner. If some body’s mother tongue, say is Assamese his soul becomes Assamese and if a Bengali, for instance, learns Assamese and read, write and speak it fluently yet he cannot understand it completely because his soul is primarily a Bengali soul. Therefore, he concludes that two linguistic communities cannot live together because their souls are different. This is a kind of neo-nazism that the Professor concerned was trying to propagate. After some years the same Professor presented a paper in International Socrates’ Day, wherein he argued that his identity is that he is a ‘y’ tribes man. The Professor forgot that a person has multiple and various types of identities. Such identities are racial, ethnic, religious, linguistic and cultural. To pick up one identity and declare it as the sole identity of a person is a gross mistake.
Now time has come for North-Eastern people to have a serious reflection and realistic assessment of their societies. For whatever reasons, they are now an integral part of Indian republic, with almost full participation in the Indian electoral system the demand for secession at this point of history is perhaps impossible or unwise. Firstly, India as a nation-state has emerged as a very powerful player in the world today. Secondly, the various insurgent groups of the region have no shown any spirit of self-sacrifice and service to their societies or to humanity in general. On the contrary, what we witness is the endemic instability for the worse. Even the insurgent groups which have initial legitimate demands have degenerated into anti-social criminal gangs, devoid of any moral content or ideology. This is clearly illustrated through political fragmentation and endemic factional killings motivated by raw greed and taking violence as an end in itself and not merely as a means.
Further, there is no imposition of any alien language, culture or religion on the North-Eastern people. They are treated on par with citizens from other parts of the country. Policy of reservation and other special treatment have given to them a booster. It may not be out of place that because of policy of reservation many tribals from North-East are there on the faculty of many universities in other parts of India. If there is a suspicion, apprehension and doubt against the Indian state in this respect, it is misplaced. The North-Eastern people particularly the youth must rise to the occasion and make best use of the various benefits extended to them by the Government of India, sometimes at the cost of others. They should actively participate in the process of building their societies and work hard particularly in developing their language and culture.
The extremists should realize that the Indian state has gradually become democratic and secular in this regard. The only thing is that they do not wish to give away one inch of land to others. But greater autonomy, equal say in important decision making process and other desirable political, social and economic reforms can be debated for a better tomorrow. Modern state and citizenship is purely contractual and the Indian state is no exception to it. Democracy is gradually beginning to strike its roots in India. To become a member or citizen of Indian republic does not mean to sell away one’s identity, dignity, honour and respectability. Therefore, give up senseless extremism and terrorism and to participate in the process of development and progress should be the motto of the youth in the North-East. The dream that China, Pakistan or even the United States of America will come forward to liberate them in their endeavor to become sovereign nation state while they themselves are busy fighting for their own rapacious, greedy selfish interests with the consequence of moral chaos is perhaps too far fetched They must remember and realize that ten percent of national budget is earmarked and spent on only five percent of people and ninety percent is being spent on (95%) ninety five percent only. Such plain truths and obvious facts must be brought to the notice of misguided North-Eastern youths who still keep on indulging in acts of extortion, violence, extremism and terrorism.
Recourse to extremism and violence may be taken as a means of upholding justice and for defending a just cause and legitimate claim. Also, as the history has repeatedly shown, violence may be used in support of evil. Moreover, violence may become an end in itself serving merely the animal instincts or an expression of frustration, despair, oppression, suppression and thereby sacrificing the noble side of human nature. Very few people would object violence when used to defend and support a just cause. Violence has acquired its justification from the defense of such legitimate claims. But many a time it sinks into the abyss by defending amoral and immoral causes, modifying itself as an end in itself. These are the time tested lessons. Therefore, the excessive emphasis placed on violence and bloody armed struggle to achieve political independence without moral and spiritual content has its dangerous counter productive effect as we eloquently witness the activities of the various insurgent outfits of the North-East. Because even many great thinkers and saints have clearly stated that virtue and violence can never be friends.
The future of humankind rests with achieving enlightenment and cultivating compassionate love as the ultimate value to which all of us should try to adhere in all aspects of our life. All instrumentalities of social action should be based on the principle of compassionate love progressively limiting violence and replacing it by altruism, self-sacrifice and love for common good and welfare. The way of greed, insecurity, uncertainty, hatred and mutual distrust and self-centeredness must give way to ‘care’ reconciliation, love, freedom and understanding.

Impact of 15th Lok Sabha Election in Senapati District, Manipur By: Dr. R.B. Thohe Pou Kangla on Line
Some people believe that politics is a ‘dirty game’ but they continue to involve in politics. Some people believe that developments can be brought through politicians only forgetting the work of the NGOs. Personally I believe that politics is not a ‘dirty game’ but many politicians and the people involved in politics play the dirty game. How many politicians and the people who involves in politics are honest, respectable and work for unity and development of the people?
In 1952 under the leadership of Phizo – the Naga (NNC) boycotted the Indian election, which was quite successfully. The general election in 1952 was totally boycotted in Naga areas; not a single nomination was filled in the Naga areas; not a single vote was cast. The Nagas also stayed away from the District Councils. The school teachers and other govt. employers resigned their jobs and the people refused to pay taxes. Let’s also try to examine the cooperation, unity and capability to convince and mobilize of the present Naga leaders who boycotted the Indian election and commenced to involve in so called Indian election.
In last 13th Lok Sabha election – the NSCN-IM again boycotted Indian election in Nagalim as they don’t want to come under the constitution of India. In this election – the Outer Manipur seat was won by Kim Gangte (a non Naga candidate) as the Naga people boycotted the Lok Sabha election and other communities selected her unanimously.
The strategy and the policy of the Naga underground changed in 14th Lok Sabha election; the Naga underground wanted to have their own candidate who will represent in Indian parliament for the Naga people in Delhi. In this election – Mani Cheranamei (an Independent MP candidate) was chosen by the NSCN-IM faction for the Naga people and he was elected in last election. However many villagers and leaders said that NSCN-IM compelled them to vote for Mani only. When we studied the Naga political history it is observed that the Naga underground did not want the Naga people to involve so called in Indian election and boycotted twice. However the Indian politicians (leaders) want the Naga to be the part of the India and participate in every Indian election. Now the policy of the underground is just reversed and the thinkers and the people who are interested on Naga issue may be abstruse to comprehend this reversal policy.
In this 15th Lok Sabha election – the Naga underground wants MP Mani Cheranamei to represent again for the Naga people in Delhi. However they did not stopped any other Naga candidate to nominate and it is strange that after nomination – the people were not allowed to cast their votes for other candidates except for Mani. Why don’t they make understand and stop the aspiring MP candidates before their nomination is done? There were some round of talks between the village leaders and other leaders with the NSCN-IM leaders in Senapati and its periphery areas. However the NSCN-IM could not convinced and mobilized the public leaders and ultimately the voting day arrived. In Poumai Naga areas – the NSCN-IM once again commenced to threaten the village leaders to vote for Mani Cheranamei only. On the day of election – most of the underground went to their own villages and started to woo the villagers to vote for their candidate but the villagers were not convinced without any muscle power.
Many villagers were forcefully voted for Mani and this news spread like the wild fire in all the villages and in the periphery of Senapati areas as they have now better communication due to cell phone revolution. Learning the news about the booth capturing by the underground – the public or mass of the people got irritated and started to gather around Karong and Senapati areas and the annoyed mass of the people commenced to pelt stones to the vehicles coming from Mao and Poumai areas polling stations. Unfortunately, one of the NSCN-IM Kilonser’s Bolero (vehicle) was coming from Poumai area side and the aggravated mass of the people stoned the vehicle and almost crushed into piece but the NSCN-IM Kilonser and the others travelling in that Bolero were safe with some injuries in their bodies. On 22nd April, the alleged two leaders of the people who were involved in pelting stone to NSCNN-IM Kilonser’s Bolero were taken into Hebron, Dimapur – the NSCN-IM head quarter for further interrogation. There was meeting between the Naga leaders from Senapati District and the NSCN-IM leaders in Hebron camp on 23rd April till late evening. On 24th April the two alleged were bailed out by the Naga leaders from Senapati. Kudos goes to the NSCN-IM for releasing the two alleged leaders who were alleged to lead the group in stoning the Bolero.
It is also difficult to understand why the underground could not convince and mobilize the gullible villagers to vote for their candidate? Why they made the public irritated and brought such kind of consequences? It is also interesting to note that there was not news report in Manipur or Nagaland news paper about the pelting of stone and injury of the NSCN-IM Kilonser near Senapati H. Quarter. But one of the simple reasons may be that there is not a single local news reporter available in Senapati and the freelancers may be afraid or unworthy to get the price of reporting for such kind of report as it may bring heavy price on them for reporting such kind of ground reality and fact report to the newspaper.
With this kind of consequences through election problems in Nagalim may bring more bitter relationship between the public and the Naga underground. Not only the relationship between the underground and the public but the relationship among the people also will be affected enormously. The Naga leaders and everyone from Senapati would definitely appreciate the NSCN-IM for solving the problems amicably with prayers and mutual understanding. Disunity and bitter relationship may be the sadness to one community but it may be happiness to other communities and the leaders of every community may need to understand and bring good relationship and unity amongst their community.
Manipur: Summer Storm Bibhu Prasad Routray Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management
On April 11, 2009, the 57 Mountain Division of the Indian Army based in Manipur, along with the para-military Assam Rifles and State Police, launched a counter insurgency operation, codenamed ‘Operation Summer Storm’ in the Loktak Lake area and adjoining Keibul Lamjao National Park of Bishnupur District, located south of State capital Imphal. This first major mobilisation of troops this year ended on April 21. As the troops began pulling out, the Army spokesperson described the operation as a success, disclosing that 12 militants, all belonging to the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) were killed. The Forces also claimed to have located and destroyed five militant camps during the Operation and seized 10 weapons, including six AK-series rifles, a rocket launcher, and an unspecified quantity of explosives and improvised explosive devices (IEDs). No militant was arrested. No fatality among the Security Force (SF) personnel or civilians was reported.
Located at a distance of 40 kilometres from capital Imphal, Loktak Lake, with a catchment of 1,040 square kilometres, is the only ‘floating lake’ in the world, containing Phumdis – islets consisting of a heterogeneous mass of vegetation, soil, and organic matters at various stages of decomposition – on its surface. These islets have traditionally served as ideal camouflage for several militant bunkers and hideouts. According to a 2004 survey, the Lake’s catchment area also included 5.86 square kilometres of dense forest, as well as 101 square kilometres of open forest, providing escape and concealment options to the militants. Incidentally, the largest phumdi in the lake is the Keibul Lamjao National Park, spread over an area of 45 square kilometres, in the Lake’s southern part. Not just PREPAK, but outfits like the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) as well as the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) have, in recent years, used the phumdis of Loktak to locate themselves in close proximity to the State capital.
Inherently linked to the objective of neutralising the disruptive potential of the militants before the two-phase elections to the Indian Parliament in the State on April 16 and 22, the Operation was meticulously planned. Led by the Army, it involved 500 SF personnel drawn from the 57 Mountain Division, the Assam Rifles and Manipur Police commandos. A month-long preparation, involving the survey of militant facilities using an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV), had preceded the mobilisation of troops. The Operation was confined mostly to the eastern part of the Lake, covering areas such as Chingmaipat, Nongmaikhong, Arong and Khordak.
As lightly equipped commandos, supported by helicopters, marched through the area, often wading through waist-deep water, much of the success of the Operation was achieved during the early April 12 to 14 phase, when the SFs managed to kill eleven militants and destroy four camps. The 12th militant was killed on April 16. Efforts during the remaining days consisted largely of a thorough scouring and mopping up operation, aimed at tracing out any militant remnants.
Describing the Operation, with significant exaggeration, as the ‘Second Kargil War’ – the Indian Air Force had played a significant part in neutralising the attempts of the Pakistan army regulars in the Kargil region of Jammu & Kashmir – PREPAK sources alleged that the SFs resorted to aerial bombing, using helicopter gunships. The Army spokesperson clarified, however, that the SFs in Manipur did not possess any helicopter gunships, that only ‘effective’ weapons were used by the SFs, and that every care was taken to avoid civilian fatalities.
The SFs had been explicitly advised to resist speculative fire in order to prevent casualties among the women and children members of the militant families living within the camps. Firing had, in fact, been temporarily suspended on April 13, after the SFs noticed a woman and child emerging from the area under Operation. The woman was later found to be the wife of a PREPAK ‘sergeant major’. The SFs were also advised to be restrained in order to avoid casualties among the Sangai (brow antlered deer) population – a protected specie in the Keibul Lamjao National Park. The 50 odd hamlets in and around Loktak Lake are home to almost 100,000 people, and only 2,500 people were temporarily displaced from their villages during the Operation. On April 21, the Army declared that the Loktak Lake has been cleared of militant presence.
In terms of the sheer number of militant cadres neutralised and weapons recovered, Operation Summer Storm may not go down as a significant anti-militancy initiative. However, the 10-day exercise did ensure an entirely peaceful election in the State. Almost 63 percent of the voters cast their ballot in the first phase on April 16 for the Outer Manipur constituency. Another 60 percent exercised their franchise during polls for the Inner Manipur constituency on April 22.
The neutralisation of 12 cadres does not inflict serious damage on the PREPAK, which, according to a 2005 Manipur Police estimate, has a cadre / overground workers strength of 500. PREPAK is a relatively less-significant outfit, compared to the UNLF and PLA, consequently, the Operation’s ‘success’ makes little difference to the overall scenario in Manipur. Notwithstanding the claims by the Army and the Police, moreover, the ‘clearance’ of Loktak is not expected to be anything but temporary, in the absence of a plan to secure the area through a permanent SF presence. Last year, in September, the Army and Police had carried out a week-long operation on the Loktak Lake, and had killed five PREPAK cadres. That did not deter the militants from re-establishing their facilities in the area in quick time, after the SFs withdrew.
The ‘success’ of Operation Summer Storm, however, comes in the wake of steady SF achievements since the beginning of the current year. According to Institute for Conflict Management data, as many as 86 per cent of the total of 160 militancy-related fatalities recorded this year (till April 24) were among the ranks of the militants. At least 22 of the militants killed belong to PREPAK. In terms of total fatalities, Manipur remains the most violent theatre of conflict in India’s Northeast in 2009, but has reported only 17 civilian and four SF fatalities. In comparison, the first four months of 2008 had witnessed 67 civilian, two SF and 95 militant deaths. During the current year, 105 militant deaths, out of a total 139, occurred in Valley areas, entirely consistent with the trend of militancy in Manipur, which has been much more concentrated and violently manifested in the four Valley District, as compared to the five Hill Districts.
Significantly, such steady gains have mostly been achieved in small encounters and minor operations against the militants. The SFs appear to have decided to put major operations, such as the two failed troop mobilisations in 2008 to take over the New Samtal area in Chandel District, on hold, and to concentrate on surgical strikes to neutralise active cadres of the outfits. Before the Operation Summer Storm, for instance, only five major encounters between the SFs and the militants, reporting three of more fatalities, had been reported.
The success of Operation Summer Storm demonstrated a new-found synergy between the Army, the central para-military forces and the State Police. Differences in perception and strategies to be adopted against the militants had sprung up between the Army and the Police, especially after the August 2003 Manorama Devi episode. The establishment of a Unified Command Structure under the leadership of the Chief Minister in 2004 had done little to bridge this divergence. Widening the divide, the State Police had continued carrying out operations against the Kuki militant outfits, with whom the Army had entered into a ‘suspension of operations’ agreement in 2005. Such discord appears to be a thing of the past, for the moment. Manipur Police commandos were equal partners, along with the Army and Assam Rifles, in Operation Summer Storm, and intelligence gathered by the Police prior to the Operation is reported to have been extremely valuable in terms of targeting militant facilities at Loktak Lake.
The gains made by the SFs and the peaceful elections certainly herald some hope for Manipur, teetering at the brink of collapse for a number of years. Whether these can be consolidated in the months to come, or would be allowed to be frittered away, as in the past, remains to be seen.