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03/13/2009: "Mind your business: 'IM' to UNLF Source: Hueiyen News Service / NNN"

Mind your business: 'IM' to UNLF Source: Hueiyen News Service / NNN

Dimapur, March 10 2009: Reacting to the statement of the Manipur based proscribed United National Liberation Front (UNLF), the NSCN-IM has asked the former not to poke its nose into the latter's business. The NSCN-IM also advised the UNLF to do "proper homework" to shake the consciousness of the Indian authorities over its movement. The NSCN-IM also advised the UNLF not to meddle into the Naga issue.

"When the government of India and NSCN entered into ceasefire agreement in August 1997 it signifies the recognition of the Naga political problem from the historical point of view as military solution was ruled out. It is better to be realistic than simply beating about the bush to mislead the people it claimed to represent.

Truly speaking, the whole Nagas lauded the historic step taken by NSCN in signing the 2nd Indo-Naga ceasefire.

The 1st Indo-Naga ceasefire was in 1964.The UNLF by questioning the wisdom of NSCN in signing such ceasefire is going against revolutionary spirit and defies the fundamental objective of launching liberation movement.

No liberation or revolution movement came to fruition without negotiation. In any revolutionary movement lapses come in plenty, and unfortunately it started playing into people's sentiment.
NSCN never argues the perfection of its cadres," the NSCN-IM statement explained.

It also said that black sheep are many within the organization and they become the source of public nuisance on many occasions.

"There is no running away from the people's scrutiny and we cannot stay apart from people's aspiration. Corrective steps are therefore part of the disciplinary reformation in NSCN. When UNLF started meddling into Naga issue and started getting censorious of NSCN activities it became a matter of fishing into troubled water.

This is un-revolutionary and bereft of any validity worth considering," it added. Further, the NSCN-IM statement then said that spitting venom by using divisive language is all the more harmful to the spirit of co-existence among the people-the hills and the valley.

"By questioning the long term political strategy of NSCN, the UNLF is simply going overboard, and should learn to mind its own business. Rather it should concentrate giving historical education to its own people and not over stretched its hand to neighbors' socio-political issue. This impulsive reaction to the situation is impolitic and avoidable.

UNLF is therefore advised not to poke its nose into NSCN's business. When UNLF is yet to do proper homework to shake the consciousness of the Indian authorities over its movement, there is no point taking the course that is politically incorrect," advised the NSCN-IM statement.
Opp. slams Rio govt on Naga integration
OUR CORRESPONDENT


Neiphiu Rio: Adamant
Kohima, March 12: The treasury and Opposition benches of the Nagaland Assembly today had heated exchanges over the much-talked-about “integration of Naga contiguous areas”.
While the state government reiterated its commitment to pursue Naga integration, the Opposition Congress slammed the government for adopting “double standards”.
Chief minister Neiphiu Rio today told the Assembly that the state government, along with Naga organisations and tribal hohos, would continue to pursue the goal of Naga integration as well as recognition of the Nagas in Myanmar with a defined political boundary.
However, former chief minister K.L. Chishi said the state government had a hidden agenda to confuse people on the issue. He said Rio had been adopting double standards on this issue. He insisted that the state government be transparent, as it was an issue that affected the people.
He also criticised the state government’s motto — one dream, one vision — stating that the Nagas have one vision and one pursuit and not as thought by the state government.
However, Rio said the Nagaland Assembly had passed four resolutions in the past over Naga integration and that there was no change to that stand. “We will continue to work towards integration, if the Nagas wanted to live together,” Rio added.
He said the state government has been playing the role of an active facilitator and that it wanted to place the mindset of the people before the Centre. But he regretted the non-participation of the Congress at the Naga consultative meeting. Home Minister, Imkong L. Imchen, also told the Assembly that the state government would continue to be an active facilitator between the Centre and the Naga factions.
A review on Glimpses of Naga History Nagarealm.com
DIMAPUR, MAR10 [EMN] : Former MLA I. Bendangangshi has come out with a sequel to his book ‘Glimpses of Naga History’ where he dwells on ‘Origin & Migration of the Nagas’ and ‘The Ao Naga Polity’.


The author has, in brief, attempted to present a historical sketch of the Naga origin and migration based mostly on the Naga oral traditions, giving an impression that the distinct tribes in the different states of the North East of India and Myanmar are all inevitably linked to a common past. The author points out that the similarity between the different tribes does not end only in cultural resemblance but also linguistically. He cites various examples of certain words used by all the tribes, which are found to have similar meanings.

According to DIPR report, a portion of the book entitled ‘The Naga Boundary’ talks about the demarcations of the naga inhabited areas, complete with a map to substantiate the view. The book also dwells on the origin and racial affiliation of the nagas and their migration patterns and is also interspersed with a lot of nuances about the traditional ways of living, from the folklores to common traditions, attires and habits etc. The author tries to justify that all naga tribes have a common ancestry and along with the essay on the historical origin of the nagas, he presents a detailed essay on the traditional political set-up of the Ao nagas, beginning from the place from which the system first originated.

I. Bendangangshi, hailing from Ungma Village, was elected twice to the Nagaland Legislative Assembly, representing regional political parties, and was nominated as one of the nine members of the Peace Committee formed by the Government of Nagaland in 1964 under the leadership of the first Chief Minister of Nagaland, P.Shilu Ao. The book is available at all leading Book Stalls at Kohima, Dimapur and Mokokchung.
“NSCN/GPRN” for rebuilding confidence morungexpress
Dimapur, March 12 (MExN): The “NSCN/GPRN” today said it will spare no effort to undo past “misadventures” in the backdrop of the people’s cry for peace, reconciliation and unity being felt everywhere. The truth for physical and emotional unification, the outfit said today, has left it with no choice but to forge “transparent relationship and understanding between the various organizations and the NSCN/GPRN”.
The organization has also stated that the ‘Living God’ has ‘given us a chance to come tighter as one. “We should take advantage to come together rather than politicizing it for formation of narrow opinion and mistrust among the national workers and general public”, the outfit said.
‘Time to undo past; walk new era’ The “NSCN/GPRN” today issued a note appended by its kilonser Wangtin Naga and secretary Khekiho Chophi, where it appealed to all “like-minded and concerned organizations” to “put heart and soul together” to rebuild and strengthen confidence and relationships amongst Nagas. They appealed to all Nagas that “the future is in our hands and this future will and should be decided by us only whatsoever.”
In the backdrop of the people’s cry for peace, reconciliation and unification, the note said, the need to forge emotional and physical unification has left no other choice but to forger transparent relationship and understanding, “between the various organizations” and the outfit. “We will spare no effort to undo the past misadventures, and usher in a new era of confidence, interdependence and mutual coexistence” the “NSCN/GPRN” assured.
The organization acknowledged that “we have experienced failures in the past due to our inability to come together and take collective decision as a people with common hope and aspiration”. In fact, the outfit said, today’s Nagas have more than sufficient manpower in every field that can “put us in a far better place to take up our common issue with confidence under any given situation”. For this, the “NSCN/GPRN” said, all Nagas should “come out with open hearts and send us your suggestion, opinion and views in matters concerning the Naga issue without any reservation”. It appealed to “every single Naga to come with open hearts and unshakable truth to defend the national rights of the Naga nation.”
NSCN (IM) rues timber “tax” morungexpress
Dimapur, March 12 (MExN): Noting the rampant illegal “tax” collections on timber “by various groups”, particularly in the Jalukie area and others, the NSCN (IM) today asserted to “centralize” the collections. The outfit’s MIP today expressed “equally concern for the interest of the public and business groups dealing in timber”. The collection of “tax” on timber is now “centralized” with immediate effect, and be undertaken only by what the MIP note called the “ministry of forest, environment, mineral”. According to the MIP, the unauthorized “tax” collections on timber by “various groups” have gone far enough to bring “bad name” to the outfit. Mentioning “fictitious organizations” exploiting the situation, the MIP said the manner of taxing “has also become a cause for concern as the tax receipts speaks everything of the mockery that has been going on particularly in Jalukie area and other areas under UT-I and Zeliangrong region”. “Corrective steps” are being taken to “stop the rot” and so the “CAOs” of all the regions are asked to take “follow-up action” against all unauthorized tax collections on timber or firewood. Further, all existing groups involved in “tax” collection on timber are ‘declared illegal’. “Necessary action” will follow “against the defaulters”, the note added.

Charenamei visits calamity hit Ukhrul Newmai News Network
Imphal | March 12 : Member of Parliament (MP) of Outer Manipur constituency, Mani Charenamei on Wednesday visited the Wino Bazaar of Ukhrul district, which was turned to ashes by an inferno on Monday and assured the displaced people a temporary relief camp and market shed at the moment. He also gave away a sum of Rs.1 lakh for the maintenance of the relief camps.
On the fateful afternoon of Monday at about 12:20, a fierce fire broke out in the Wino Bazaar of Ukhrul and destroyed about 45 shops and 73 other structures including residential buildings of the area. Properties worth crores are reported to have been lost in the raging inferno besides leaving six injured and hundreds homeless.
Visiting site darkened by the fire and ashes, the MP assured that a temporary relief camp would be set up as soon as possible. He also assured that a temporary market shed would be set up while plans are underway to set up the market, which is one of the oldest in the Ukhrul bazaar, as soon as possible. The MP also gave away a sum of Rs. 1 lakh to the relief campers for their maintenance.
The MP also met district deputy commissioner of Ukhrul, Ashok Kumar, IAS and discussed the various aspects of how the fire could have started and all the necessary steps to be taken for prevention of such situations after having learnt that the incident was the third one in as many years.
On being informed that this was for the third time and that it could have been prevented, Charenamei also expressed great satisfaction over the maintenance especially of the fire department. On learning that there was only one fire brigade vehicle which has been there for the last decade, the MP asserted that such flaws in the administration should be checked and information of the same be given to the concerned department.
On the other, those affected by the fire informed that most of them were on rent thus giving them harder time. They also expressed great dissatisfaction over the state government for practically having done nothing so far.
One of the victims, Akash informed that though they have been given shelter, food and blankets by the concerns in the district, he complaint that the government of Manipur had practically done nothing for them. “Sarkar ne hummara liye kuch nahin kya hain,” (The government has done nothing for us), Akash complaint. A relief camp held center and an information center are also set up in Ukhrul near the Tangkhul Nagal Long (TNL) ground for those wanting to give or seeking information in this regard.

Pressing on with the Journey of Common Hope (EMN):
DIMAPUR, The Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR), which can be credited for checking the escalating hostilities and rekindling hope
in the Naga society, is set to complete a year of its birth.
Conceptualised in the Naga Peace Convention held from February 22 to 24, 2008 and after deliberations subsequently formed with the support of the Naga Hoho, ENPO, DBs and GBs’ Joint Forum, UNC, NSF, ANSAM, NMA, NWUM, ENSA and CNBC, the FNR will complete its first year of Journey of Common Hope on March 24.
According to an FNR report, a copy of which was made available to the press, the Forum in its efforts to bring about reconciliation facilitated the meeting of different Naga UG factions 10 times for deliberations over the past 12 months.
The FNR’s efforts also bore fruit in the Reconciliation Football Matches and formation of ‘United National Choir’ with members drawn from different factions.
Summarising the tasks undertaken by the FNR and their outcomes, the Forum noted the commitment given by the factions to reconcile.
‘The political groups of NSCN/GPRN, GPRN/NSCN, NNC/FGN (Brig. Singya), NNC (Non-Accordists) and the non-political group of the Naga National Worker Peoples Support Group (NNWPSG), agreed to reconcile’, the FNR report stated adding that these groups also welcomed the recommendations of various organisations, churches and civil societies to sit for a meeting of the leaders ‘at the highest level at the earliest.’
The FNR’s proposal to the factions of ‘Turning Swords into Plowshares,’ (“Covenant of Common Hope, Chiang Mai III) is bearing fruits as the Nagas witness a sharp fall in clashes and killings.
The FNR reported that at times it had been ‘dismayed and tempted to be hopeless’ but prayers and scepticisms alike and the positive response of the factions have kept it going.
Applauding the different UG groups for agreeing to reconcile, the FNR has stressed that ‘the average people should never think that to reconcile is that simple.’
‘The mistrust and conflicts built over the years take time to undo’, it stated.
The Forum further stated it is an independent body which will continue to work for Naga reconciliation in an impartial and fair manner keeping in the mind the interest and rights of the Naga people as its primary principle.

Nagaland Governor appeals to rebel groups to move for unity Sentinel
: Kohima, March 10: Nagaland Governor K Sankaranarayanan today appealed to all underground groups to pay heed to people’s voices, stop fratricidal killings and bloodshed, and move towards reconciliation and unity.
Mr Sankaranarayanan was addressing the third session of the 11th Nagaland Legislative Assembly, which was curtailed from 11 to three days following the instructions of the Election Commission of India (ECI), that enforced the Model Code of Conduct.
Mr Sankaranarayanan said the government was grateful to the NGOs, civil society and churches for their sincere efforts and contributions towards the cause of reconciliation and unity among the Naga family.
He said there had been a considerable improvement in the law and order situation in Nagaland during the past one year, adding the incidents of clashes among the underground groups had also significantly reduced with the efforts of the churches, NGOs, civil societies, the Forum of Naga Reconciliation (FNR) and Gaon Burahs and Dobhasis Federation.
The Governor said Nagaland made great progress in developing communities and fostering partnership with the villages to ensure equitable and participatory development, especially in the rural areas.
The United Nations Award, 2008, in the arena of Public Service, was given to Nagaland in recognition of the novel scheme of communitisation.
He further said his government remained firm in its commitment to facilitate a negotiated settlement of the Naga political problem. “In the same way, as peace is needed for development, development is also required for peace,” the Governor said, adding the government had adopted the slogan “peace for development and development for peace”.
He informed that with the ‘Look East Policy’ of the Centre expected to take off in the near future, improved road networks would ensure that the states handicrafts, flowers, vegetables and other agricultural products find place in the market beyond the international boundaries. “Further expectations are there for four-lane of Kohima-Dimapur National Highway and works for setting up of Chiethu Airport will commence shortly,” he stated.
In the obituary references, the Leader of the House Neiphiu Rio and the Leader of Opposition Chingwang Konyak condoled the death of former President R Venkataraman and former Prime Minister V P Singh.
The House also observed two-minute silence in respect of the departed souls. (Agencies)
Ukhrul inferno State Govt takes stock of situation Addie Chiphang Sangai Express
UKHRUL, Mar 10: A day after the major fire incident at Wino Bazar which reduced the commercial hub of the district to cinders, a Ministerial team today rushed to the district headquarters along with relief materials and conducted an on the spot assessment of the catastrophe.
The Ministerial team comprising Tribal Development Minister DD Thaisii, Works Minister K Ranjit Singh and Education Minister L Jayantakumar was also accompanied by MLAs I Hemochandra and Mairembam Prithiviraj, Commissioner of Relief and Rehabilitation Dr Sohail Akhtar, MPCC secretary Victor Keishing, Ex-Ministers A Aza and AS Arthur and ATSUM president Thomas Kaisa during the spot assessment.
However, as the Ministerial team got down from their vehicles for the spot assessment at around 2 pm, a commotion was erupted with agitated victims of the inferno blocking the Ministerial team from entering the fire-ravaged site citing delayed response from the side of the Government. The agitated victims were, however, pacified soon after and the Ministerial team conducted a detailed survey of the damage.
Although the official report of the police quoted the number of shops and buildings damaged in the fire at 49 only, the report furnished by the Relief Committee set up in the aftermath of the catastrophe cited that a total number of 55 shops, 53 residential buildings, five Government teachers’ quarters, a mini cinema hall, office of the Tangkhul Shanao Long were gutted in the fire.
The report of the Relief Committee also mentioned that major communication installations like Airtel tower, BSNL cables and electric wires were among the assets destroyed beyond redemption in the fire.
36 other structures that were affected by the blazing inferno and were standing in precarious condition have been reportedly pulled down to avoid any untoward incident.
The total loss of properties and other assets is still being estimated although an unofficial source put the figure at Rs 30 crores.
Yesterday’s devastating fire has rendered 370 members of 93 families homeless, out of which around 70 Non-Manipuris have taken sheltered in the nearby Durga Mandir.
Assam Rifles has been providing food and other essential commodities to the affected people who are putting up in the makeshift relief camps at Ukhrul Town Hall and the Assembly hall of Tangkhul Naga Long as well even as relief materials have started pouring in from NGOs and other well-wishers of the town.
Addressing a public meeting at the Tangkhul Naga Long later during the day after the assessment, the Ministerial team assured every possible assistance from the side of the Government in rehabilitating the victims of the fire considered to be one of the major tragedy in recent years.
The Ministerial team also provided 200 quintal of rice, 250 blankets, 3000 litres of kerosene oil, 100 litres of mustard cooking oil and 25 bags of salt as relief materials for the fire victims. However, since the model code of conduct of the ensuing Lok Sabha election has already been enforced, the Ministerial handed over the relief materials to the Deputy Commissioner of the district for distribution among the victims.
Towards the end of the public meeting, various representations have also been submitted to the visiting Ministerial team.
From the side the Relief Committee, prominent demands raised include upgradation of the fire brigade station at Ukhrul by providing three up-to-date fir tenders, setting up of a National Disaster Mitigation Committee to take stop of such eventualities in the future, installation of fire extinguishers in all the residential buildings and educational institutions and setting up of an Inquiry Commission to probe into the incident.
The fire is suspected to have been ignited from a tea stall

. SDO killing JAC wants only legitimate punishment for killers
The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Mar 10: The JAC against the killing of Dr. Th Kishan Singh, Y Token Singh and A Rajen Sharma has appealed to every civil voluntary organisation not to demand for punishment beyond the purview of the law and also appealed to all clubs and leikais to curtail all kinds of entertainment during the Yaoshang sports.The JAC welcomed the support from all sections and civil voluntary organisations of Manipur and also shared its indebtedness to the auto rickshaw drivers.A release from S Subangker, convenor of the JAC added that the demand for punishment of the murderers should not be beyond the purview of the law of the land. He said an Ukhrul based women’s organization, Hunphun Shinao Long (HSL) had demanded “befitting punishment by the custodians of the culprits” and said that it was very unfortunate that HSL had raised such a demand which was contradictory to the demand of the JAC and the public. The JAC is also shocked by the manner in which HSL has jumped to a wild conclusion that the murder was carried out for “mere personal economic interest”, whereas the people are anxiously waiting for the truth to unfold.The JAC also appealed to all clubs and localities to curtail any kind of entertainment during the Yaoshang sports and reminded all organisers of sports to keep the flag at half mast, to observe two minutes silence, to wear black badges, to carry out debates and symposiums based on the topic “nscn-im gi Senapati mihaat amasung sarkar gi thoudang”, adding that their cooperation would be of immense help in the struggle for justice.

KNU expels son of former leader Mizzima by Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The Karen National Union (KNU) has expelled the youngest son of former leader General Bo Mya, Captain Nay Soe Mya, from the organization for meeting with a Burmese military leader in Naypyitaw, according to the KNU.

Nay Soe Mya, a company commander in the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), met with Major General Ye Myint of the Burmese Army in Naypyitaw. He was accompanied by KNU splinter group leader Major General Htein Maung, who previously reached a ceasefire agreement with the military regime. Captain Nay Soe Mya was expelled from the KNU two weeks ago. "Yes, we expelled him from our armed forces two weeks ago. His father had a fine tradition in our organization. But his case is different. We have expelled him from both the KNU and KNLA. He joined with the lackeys of our enemy. He is a traitor. Every son of the good fathers cannot be good son,” KNU Vice-Chairman Pado David Tharkapaw said.

The KNU received information about Nay Soe Mya accompanying Major General Htein Maung while visiting UN rights expert Tomas Ojea Quintana in Karen State on the 15th of last month. He then proceeded to Naypyitaw to meet with Major General Ye Myint, according to the information received by the KNU. The renegade group led by Major General Htein Maung split from the KNU on 11 February 2007 and reached a ceasefire agreement with Burma’s military government, forming the 'KNU-KNLA Peace Council'. The KNU has waged war against successive governments in Burma for the right to self-determination for over 60 years, making it the oldest running civil war.
Limitations of the global human rights paradigm Morten B. Pedersen Mizzima
Since the 1988 uprising, Burma campaign groups have adopted the standard approach of the transnational human rights movement everywhere, advocating shaming and sanctions to induce the military regime to comply with international norms.

This approach has propelled some significant advances at the global level. But it has mainly made inroads in countries which are substantially integrated into the international political and economic system. Moreover, it is becoming increasingly clear that much of the progress is more apparent than real. While more and more governments are signing international human rights treaties, national implementation is halting far behind. Similarly, any celebration of the dramatic increase in the number of countries holding national elections for government office should be tempered by the failure of many of them to allow a genuine contest for power, never mind to provide broader human rights. Rather than the oft-proclaimed victory of liberal democracy, the post-Cold War era has seen the growth of electoral authoritarianism and illiberal democracy.

Shaming only works with rulers who are significantly concerned about their international reputation. As for sanctions, they rarely work under the best of circumstances and nearly always fail when directed against autocratic regimes for the purposes of bringing about broad reforms such as democracy and human rights. Even when changes do result, the fact that they have been forced upon governments by external pressure rather than originating internally in the countries in question means that they tend to only be skin deep.

In the case of Burma, these structural limitations of the global human rights paradigm should have set warning lights flashing. The country’s military rulers are deeply insular, steeped in a xenophobic nationalism which produces a highly defensive, indeed hostile, response to international interventions in what they perceive as their internal affairs. No Burmese officer could ever allow himself to be seen to give in to such pressure. Advocates of sanctions may believe the generals can be beaten into submission, but international status is of little consequence for this regime and its material dependence on the West is marginal. It is a moot point whether universal sanctions would make any difference, because neither the agenda nor the methods of Western countries have any support among Burma’s neighbors and primary trading partners.

To make matters worse, the domestic opposition is weak and divided. The few political parties and organizations that are active are top-heavy with feeble organization and, generally, weak links between them. Civil society, including the private media, is expanding, but hardly any groups have a democratic or overt human rights agenda. Indeed, very few people are politically active. Although the monkhood, to a degree, stands out from this pessimistic picture, it is – for cultural and institutional reasons – more likely to step in temporarily in times of crisis than to provide sustained political leadership. These weaknesses are the result, in large part, of decades of state repression, but they are by now so deeply rooted in the broader social and economic realities that it is hard to be optimistic about the prospects for opposition-driven reform in the foreseeable future – which is not to deny the immense courage and sacrifices made by those who struggle against the odds.

Regrettably, these conditions are often ignored. Many of the leading advocates of sanctions against Burma came out of the anti-apartheid campaign against South Africa and have sought to replicate it with little apparent thought to the major differences between the two cases. To others, sanctions are simply a moral choice. But neither analogy, nor morality, is adequate grounding for policy, which requires careful analysis of the circumstances of each particular case.
Problems with current sanctions on Burma

Sanctions might – if properly directed and implemented – elicit smaller concessions by the military regime in particular areas of human rights. But the existing sanctions regime breaks every rule in the book, reflecting its origins in moral politics rather than purposeful policymaking.

Numerous studies show that to be successful sanctions must be used strategically as part of a bargaining process, involving incentives as well as disincentives. The goals must be clearly specified and realistic, and the impact must be regularly reviewed to facilitate adjustments. Further, there is today broad expert agreement that any harm to the wider population must be minimized, for practical as well as ethical reasons. Current sanctions on Burma satisfy none of the following criteria.

First, the numerous pieces of overlapping sanctions legislation in the US in particular expound different and often entirely unrealistic conditions for lifting sanctions. At this point, it is hard to envision any changes short of the transfer of power to an Aung San Suu Kyi-led government that would lead to the lifting of American sanctions or, for that matter, European consumer boycotts. This may be an admirable ambition, but it all but guarantees that the military leadership will resist whatever Western countries throw at them. After all, it is not normal human behavior to give up power and privileges, never mind risk prosecution and potentially harsh punishment.

Secondly, Western governments and campaign groups have consistently failed to respond in kind to strategic concessions by the regime. Burmese officials often comment that it makes little difference what they do. So, there is no motivation for them to engage in the kind of interest-based bargaining on which sanctions depend to have an impact. On the contrary, sanctions have fuelled a vicious cycle of hostility and alienation, which raise the costs of compromise on all sides and push change further and further into the future.

Thirdly, no meaningful impact assessments were done before the introduction of any of the current sanctions, nor have any attempts been made to properly review existing measures, which are simply routinely extended every year because it would seem “wrong” – and be too politically costly – to do otherwise. In other words, the sanctions process has come to be driven largely by domestic political imperatives in Western capitals rather than an independent assessment of its impact in Burma.

According to Benedict Rogers of Christian Solidarity Worldwide, sanctions have only been put in place in recent years and need more time to work. But such an understanding is merely a “red herring”. The most serious sanctions – the excommunication of the military rulers from international society and denial of most forms of international assistance – have been in place since 1988. Moreover, sanctions don’t usually take “time to work”. On the contrary, they tend to lose their potency over time as the shock value diminishes and the target finds alternative sources for fulfilling its needs. This is exactly what has happened in Burma, which since 1988 has built a state capitalistic economy oriented almost entirely towards its neighbors.

Although there is some scope for further tightening financial sanctions against regime members and supporters, it is folly to believe that this would convince them to give up the privileges of power, which has made them rich in the first place. Without regional cooperation, sanctions will remain largely symbolic measures, which may feel gratifying to those imposing them, but won’t do much good for the Burmese people.

There are, of course, benefits from expressing moral values, independently of the effect it has in the target state. But any such external benefits must be weighed against the damage sanctions do to people suffering under an abusive regime and to the longer-term development prospects of the country. In the case of Burma, such damage includes the loss of hundreds of thousands of existing or potential jobs, the denial of any meaningful aid or protection for millions of deeply impoverished families, and a further erosion of the country’s civilian institutions and overall capacity for governance.
Need for fundamental policy changes

Rogers appears to concede that the single-minded pursuit of maximum sanctions by many campaign groups in the 1990s was misled. Indeed, he has expropriated much of the traditional language of sanctions critics, who for years have been calling for better targeting of sanctions, greater diplomatic engagement and increased aid. But in the end his recommendations amount to little more than cosmetic reforms of a policy regime that is in urgent need of a fundamental overhaul.

I agree that sanctions can be useful, to some extent, to keep change on the agenda both inside and outside Burma. But no amount of international sanctions is going to induce Burma’s rulers to relinquish power. There is too much at stake for them, personally as well as institutionally, and they are under little sustained pressure domestically to do so. Sanctions, therefore, need to be used far more selectively and strategically than is the case today – not as a primary tool, but in support of serious diplomatic and other engagement.

While further sanctions, strictly targeted and flexibly applied, may be appropriate, broad economic boycotts or embargoes are not. American bans on investments and imports should be lifted unconditionally, as should European consumer boycotts on labor-intensive industries and the general suspension of development aid – not because the generals deserve it (they don’t), but simply because these measures hurt ordinary people and undermine the country’s future under any government. It will make little difference politically, the generals are secure enough in power as it is. In fact, it may help generate a more positive atmosphere in which dialogue and compromise become more feasible.

I agree, too, that high-level diplomatic engagement is essential. But it will make no significant difference unless international leaders also adopt a more realistic agenda. Burma’s rulers will reject any and all demands that threaten their vital interests, in whatever shape or form they are made. They might, however, be persuaded to allow further liberalization, undertake limited economic reforms or reduce the impunity with which the army and other state agencies exploit local communities, especially if they got something in return. Such limited strategic objectives should be the immediate focus of international pressure and dialogue, not sweeping demands for regime change, which – however welcome it would be – is entirely unrealistic and best kept only as a long-term aim.

Moreover, high-level diplomacy won’t do on its own. To make a difference, engagement must be a broader and deeper exercise, targeting all levels of the state and society. There needs to be many more international actors on the ground who can work with regime moderates and technical government personnel to push gradual reform, and who have the access to help nurture local civil society networks, as well as the flexibility and local knowledge to exploit openings in the ever-shifting political environment.

Although the limitations are obvious, international and non-governmental organizations, such as the International Labor Office (ILO), International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), to mention but a few, have helped transform generalized pressure into specific policy and institutional changes. Others play similarly important roles in providing training and education and in nurturing social capital within the broader society. Such work has immediate benefits for victims of repression and bad governance, and helps build for the future.

Finally, I certainly agree that foreign aid should be increased. But new aid needs to go beyond support for exile democracy groups and narrow humanitarian assistance.

While Western aid for democracy forces is an important expression of solidarity, it should not be mistaken for effective action for change. Burma is not Eastern Europe. There is no democratic institutional legacy, which can be revived and revitalized to provide an effective counterweight to authoritarianism in the near future. It will have to be built from the bottom up, through long-term educational, social and economic reforms and support.

Similarly, although current humanitarian aid certainly saves lives, it does little if anything to address the causes of poverty. No humanitarian policy will be worthy of its name unless it engages with the government, as well as civil society, to change policies that limit people’s ability to make a living and build capacity for improved national and local governance.

The transparent subjugation of aid to Burma to the democracy agenda has heightened the suspicions of the military rulers to aid programs, thus triggering further restrictions on access and operational autonomy. Demands that aid agencies avoid any cooperation with the government not only compound this problem, but are also counter-productive as they limit the transfer of new ideas and best practices and impede the building of local constituencies for change.

In order to promote governance reforms, the international community needs to work simultaneously to encourage reformers within the regime itself and to empower Burmese society at large. Without willing army leaders no reforms will be possible, and without broad-based popular pressure reforms are unlikely to go beyond limited liberalization. Current policies fail in each of these respects. Indeed, they entirely lack a strategic perspective adequate to the massive task at hand, not to mention proper empirical grounding.
Looking ahead

Sanctions have a place in the broader web of Burma policies. But like any other tool they must be used strategically to try to nudge open Burma’s closed regime and society and promote gradual change, not simply to punish.

Burma’s problems have been greatly compounded by the long-standing isolation of the country, its rulers and its people from the world. Despotism flourishes in backward and isolated societies. More, not less, international linkages are needed to further the socialization of the regime into international norms and strengthen capacity across the state, civil society and the private sector to overcome the deep structural obstacles to progress.

None of this is to say that greater engagement and more development aid will bring about democracy in Burma. That will be a long and difficult process, driven primarily by domestic developments. What the international community can do is to help the Burmese people cope with the current situation and seek to nudge incremental changes, which over time can create the conditions for broader reform. This requires more sustained, across-the-board engagement, far greater attention and resources and, perhaps most importantly, a willingness to defer overly idealistic goals, such as liberal democracy, which provide a poor guide for effective action in one of the world’s most closed and impoverished societies.

I agree with Rogers that current policy debates often leave much to be desired. But he might want to look for the problems a bit closer to home. The mere listing of human rights violations does not present a case for any particular policy; it merely emphasizes that something needs to be done. Moral extortion of policymakers and companies may be an effective campaign strategy, but does nothing to further understanding and enlightened policies. As for pushing economic sanctions, including consumer boycotts, without any serious analysis of how they affect the target or innocent bystanders, such an approach is simply irresponsible.

We need more debate, not less. But mainly we need better debate, which challenges policymakers to think harder about ends and means and which forces everyone to take greater account of the realities on the ground in Burma and the impact international actions have on people there. Sanctions may feel morally just, but in this case they are neither effective nor even ethical.

The author is a research fellow at Centre for International Governance & Justice, Australian National University, specializing in international statecraft and human rights. He previously worked as senior analyst for the International Crisis Group in Burma. He is the author of “Promoting Human Rights in Burma: A Critique of Western Sanctions Policy” (Rowman and Littlefield, 2007).
WE ARE NEITHER INDIAN NOR BURMESE Indo Burma News
We, the Eastern Naga people have fully appreciated the talk on more concern for the Eastern Naga people in the consultative meet held at Kohima from 5th to 7th March 2009.
Though you cannot help the Eastern Naga people in the socio-economic or infrastructure developments, we hope that you can extend possible help to us to uplift our education and health care as we are in need of your help because you become elder brothers in aspect of modern developments of the world.
And we are ready to welcome your help but on the matter of our national, if you say, “brothers! you must be Burmese and we will be Indians”, which we will not accept.
Rather we will be happy if and when you declare abandoning the 16-point agreement signed with the Indian Government in 1960, for we are neither Indian nor Burmese.
Also we wonder on your thought and expression that the Nagas can be accommodated in the world globalization only when you become Indian or give up the sovereignty of Nagaland.
And there is no question for the Nagas that they should become the Indians because India possesses Nuclear weapon and exploring the space. The fact we all know that Indians need not to become Chinese to suit with the world globalization.