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02/21/2009: "World Naga meet to evolve consensus OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph"

World Naga meet to evolve consensus OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph

Kohima, Feb. 20: Nagas from across the world will converge in Kohima for a three-day “consultative meeting” in March to evolve a consensus on the “political issue” that has dogged the community for more than six decades.
The meeting, which is likely to be the largest peace drive initiated by the Nagaland government, comes after almost 12 years of the Centre’s ceasefire with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah).
Organised under the political affairs committee of the state government, the meeting is slated for March 5 to 7.
The political affairs committee chairman, T.M. Lotha, said representatives from various political parties, apex Naga tribal organisations, NGOs, the Church and representatives from Naga militant groups will deliberate on the “Naga conflict” to find a “way forward”.
“Nagas from the US, Japan, the UK, Canada and other countries will participate in the meeting, along with representatives of the various Naga organisations in the state and elsewhere in the country,” he said.
Naga support groups like the Amsterdam-based Naga International Support Centre and people at the Washington DC office of the NSCN (I-M) have also expressed their desire to be part of the meeting.
Though the Centre is yet to give permission to these groups to visit Nagaland, the state government has already sent them invitations for the meeting.
With “one dream, one future” as the theme, the meeting aims at bringing Naga people from across diverse political and ideological backgrounds on a single platform.
But before the meet, a peace forum led by the church of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation has called a two-day convention of the Naga people from Myanmar, Nagaland, Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh, beginning tomorrow.
This convention, with “Let my people go” as the theme, will work towards brokering peace between the warring Naga factions.
The forum, supported by American Baptist church and “Quakers” from the UK, has already organised a few reconciliation meetings between the Naga militant groups, both in the state and abroad.
The two gatherings come at a time when the Naga peace process has reached a deadlock, with the people urging both the Centre and the NSCN (I-M) to be flexible in their stance.
The NSCN (I-M) had recently warned the Centre of resuming conflict in Nagalim (Nagaland) if the latter continued to be “rigid in its approach”.
The Naga outfit has already submitted its charter of proposals to the Centre. Among others, one of the demands is a “special federal relation” with Delhi.
Naga Cong denies rift - Leader claims no cracks in party, workers think otherwise OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, Feb. 19: The Congress has strongly refuted claims that fissures in the party leadership was responsible for the resignation of four of its legislators from the Assembly to join the Nagaland People’s Front (NPF), the largest constituent of the ruling Democratic Alliance of Nagaland
Former Congress Legislature Party leader and MLA I. Imkong said there was no rift in the party leadership and these claims were “absolutely” ridiculous. The sole objective of spreading these rumours is to create division in the party, he added.
Peeved by the claims of the NPF and the defected legislators, Imkong said chief minister Neiphiu Rio is doling out crores of rupees from the state’s exchequer to buy the MLAs at the expense of common people.
Asked if more Congress MLAs would resign, the former CLP leader said the party was closely monitoring the latest situation in the state. “We don’t care if anyone wanted to resign,” Imkong said.
He said a CLP meeting would be held on Saturday to chalk out strategies, but flatly denied that change of leadership in the CLP and the Pradesh Congress Committee is imminent in view of the resignation of four of its members. “The party is solidly united. There is no crack in the party,” he said.
He added that the party workers have expressed support to the leadership of CLP leader Chingwang Konyak and PCC president K.V. Pusa.
However, some Congress workers said more MLAs would quit the party if the leadership was not changed immediately. Congress sources said there is a crack in the party leadership and the situation can be corrected if the leadership is changed. But the PCC president said both the CLP members and the PCC have expressed their confidence and support to him and Konyak.
“We have the support of our party members,” Pusa said.
Last Friday, two Congress MLAs, Kejong Chang and Aloh Konyak, resigned from the Assembly and joined the NPF. Last night, after much speculation, another two Congress legislators, Azheto Sumi from Dimapur-III and Deo Nukhu from Chizami constituency under Phek, quit the Assembly and joined the NPF. Speaker Kiyanielie Peseyie immediately accepted their resignation. NPF sources said more Congress MLAs would resign to join them.
The legislators who quit have cited internal crisis as the reason for their resignation.
The Congress, in the meantime, has asked the Centre to initiate an inquiry into the “cash for MLAs” scam by the CBI or a committee headed by a judge of the Supreme Court or the high court. The PCC and CLP said the four MLAs were paid Rs 5 crore each. The NPF, however, refuted the allegations.
On Tuesday, after a closed door meeting of the PCC and DCC, a team led by Pusa met Governor K. Sankaranarayanan and submitted a memorandum requesting him to call in either the CBI or constitute an inquiry committee to probe into the “cash for MLAs” scam.
Reaffirmation for peace morungexpress
•Sir-Over the years it has been a dream of the Nagas to see peace descend over the state and the shadow of bloodbath fade away into the horizon. Much has been spoken about by intellectuals, mostly self-proclaimed regarding resolution of the Naga problem, reconciliation, peace versus development etc. Since the last half century much water has flown down the drain but are we any closer to a resolution of a Naga issue? It is disheartening to note that despite prevalence of ceasefire with the Government of India, both the NSCN factions bicker and fight constantly. The cease fire has undoubtedly benefited the Naga people yet every year many of our Naga brothers are killed in inter-factional clashes. If we truly want peace to blossom in our State, why don’t the various factions have an agreement within themselves that they will work for the common good of the Naga people? Nagaland has tremendous potential in terms of natural resources. As on date we have 600 million tones of Petroleum and Natural Gas & 1000 million tones of High Grade Limestone lying unutilized. Our state also has a potential to generate 2000 mw in hydel power generation in the Tizu Zungki basin. These vast resources can only be gifts from the Good Lord himself. The inherent potential of our State, if properly tapped, would place us in the league of the leading States in terms of availability of literate human resources (83 percent against a national average of 50 percent), energy and tourism.
But as always, peace is a primary concern. Industrialists fear to venture into our beautiful State, saying they are terrified of extortion and kidnappings. It this what we have stooped down to ? Brothers, the Nagas are a proud people. Our cultures and tradition are greatly admired and respected by the outer world. Then why don’t we give a chance to others to see us in a new light. As goes a famous saying “You will stay as small as your narrow minded thinking or grow as big as your open minded aspirations. “Why don’t we aspire to be open minded. Another evil looming over our heads is that of the constant threat of extortion by the various faction and the kidnappings and killings related to it.
Today, in Nagaland there is a visible mood for peace, progress and development following the ceasefire agreement. The negotiations and dialogue process is progressing in the right direction. Reforms have been undertaken in low and order, fiscal management, personnel polities and institutional structures. Against the backdrop of the crucial reforms affected, several new successful ventures and initiatives are emerging the State. Among the list of success stories recent ones are the ’Kohima Milk Producers, Union Ltd (KOMUL), a dairy products venture and Indo-Canadian projects Nagaland Empowerment of people through economic Development (NEPED) a World Bank Project on Technical Education and Nagaland – Korean venture into infrastructure.
The NEPD projects in particulars has being recognized world wide as a successful model for environment protection through agro- forestry. Ever since ceasefire there has been constant bickering amongst various factions and within the factions themselves. Differences in ideologies between factions and within the lower and higher echelons of cadres are rampant. The lower cadres feel aggrieved at the luxurious quality of life being adopted by the higher ranked cadres and feel as if they have been relegated to second rung citizens. Moreover, due to the prolonged ceasefire, cadres are now hesitant to move in to the jungles and prefer staying in towns and villages. Whatever be the reason, there is a general consensus that the ceasefire must continue as negotiations amidst ceasefire alone can help solve the protracted Naga political problem.
There is lot of hope being spread as FNR announces yet another attempt of peace and reconciliation under the banner ‘Let My People Go’ in the coming days and I too appeal to all my Naga Brothers to use the platform in the interest of peace and prosperity.

T. Nurumi
StudentActivist
Agricolony, Kohima

Enlisting Myanmar's help in tackling North East Guerrillas
Namrata Goswami Vice President Hamid Ansari's four-day visit to Myanmar from February 5 to 8, 2009 was significant for business matters as India and Myanmar signed agreements with regard to Tata Motors setting up a truck manufacturing unit in Myanmar, cross-border transport, telecommunications, the establishment of English Language training Centre and Industrial Training Centre at Pakokku. However, there was no written agreement on one of the most important policy issues between India and Myanmar: the numerous North Eastern insurgent camps thriving in the border areas along the 1,643 km long Indo-Myanmar border.
Most of the well known insurgent groups of the North East like the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Chisi Swu (NSCN-IM), National Socialist Council of Nagaland led by S.S. Khaplang-NSCN (K), the United National Liberation Front of Manipur (UNLF), and the Kuki National Front (KNF) run several camps in the Kachin, Shan and Chin States, and in the Sagaon division. Earlier, in 1990, the Indo-Burma Revolutionary Front comprising of the NSCN (K), the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), UNLF, and Kachin National Army (KNA) was formed to coordinate the arms and drugs networks across the India-Myanmar border. All these indicate that the security situation of the North East is very much dependent on both India's own internal security management as well as on the cooperation of Myanmar. It must be noted here that though there was no formal written agreement on these issues, Vice President Ansari and Vice Chairman Maung Aye did talk about cross-border insurgency on the first day of the visit. Significantly, Myanmar, unlike India's other neighbour Bangladesh, has pledged that it will not allow its territory to be used by North Eastern insurgents to target India and they had agreed to jointly fight insurgencies since 1995 as well as undertake joint border fencing.
The question, however, that begs an answer is whether such cooperative measures have yielded successful outcomes. The answer is in the negative. The North Eastern states share a 4,500 km highly porous border with China in the north, Myanmar in the East, Bangladesh in the southwest and Bhutan in the northwest, with the Indo-Myanmar border being the most vital in terms of cross border flows. Amongst the North Eastern states, Arunachal Pradesh has a 520 km border with Myanmar, followed by Mizoram (510 km), Manipur (398 km) and Nagaland (215 km). Significantly, the unified National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed in Myanmar in 1980. In 1986, ULFA established linkages with the then unified NSCN. Both rebel groups have strong connections with the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) in Myanmar. The present dominant Naga insurgent actor, the NSCN (IM) openly takes the help of the Karen National Union (KNU) in Myanmar for cross border smuggling of small arms from South East Asia and Yunnan province in China via Myanmar to the North East. The route for the smuggling network is well known. Small arms coming from these countries are shipped via the Naf River in the Bangladesh-Myanmar border through the Chittagong port in Bangladesh to the North East.
Why are such cross-border linkages so easily established? The answer has both historical and economic dimensions. Historically, the Nagas and the Meiteis had played a crucial role in the Burma Front (1942-45) against the Japanese assault during World War II. In 1942, the famous Chindit guerrilla force was formed by the legendary British Major General Wingate, who had vast experience in unconventional warfare in Sudan, against Italian forces in Ethiopia during World War II, and against the Arab forces in the Middle East. The Chindits comprised of English forces mostly from the north of England, Burmese forces made up of the Kachins and the Karens, and Naga, Manipuri and Mizo forces, who provided local intelligence. These forces comprised of 300 strong individual units of an overall force of 20,000 men led by Wingate. In December 1942, these 300 units launched the Arakan offensive against the Japanese forces in Burma crossing the Chindwin and the Irrawaddy rivers. This joint training and experience in the Burma jungles and their successes in thwarting the Japanese immensely influenced the Nagas, Mizos and Manipuris. Phizo, the leader of the Naga movement had himself fought alongside the British in the Naga areas and in Burma. Interestingly, the KNU formed in 1947 and the 1961 Kachin insurgency in Myanmar largely grew out of their World War II experience. Thus, the sophistication of their jungle warfare skills and organizational capability greatly influenced the North Eastern armed groups. Subsequently, the KNU and KIO became one of the most ardent trainers of groups like NSCN (IM), NSCN (K), UNLF and the ULFA, charging Rs.100,000 per head for training in guerrilla warfare.
In addition, it also makes economic sense for armed groups like the NSCN (IM) or the UNLF to operate out of Myanmar due to the cheap availability of arms and other basic goods in border towns like Tamu and Namphalang. The Indian rupee is also higher than the Burmese currency and therefore it makes business sense for armed insurgent outfits to smuggle goods from Myanmar and sell them at higher rates in India.
Given these factors, a stronger joint mechanism between India and Myanmar especially with regard to law enforcement in the border areas is necessary. The visit of the Vice President to Myanmar is an important diplomatic step in this direction; Myanmar's cooperation is also a welcome sign. India however, needs to further encourage the Myanmar military junta to weed out the nearly 15 insurgent camps run by North Eastern armed groups in its border areas. Perhaps, a joint border management council between India and Myanmar could be set up wherein joint border problems like drugs and arms flow can be better tackled. Also, the need of the hour is to set up a joint system of border patrolling by Myanmar's border forces and the Indian Border Security Force (BSF), further buttressed by joint intelligence sharing in order to increase effectiveness. Without such joint pro-active measures, the Indo-Myanmar border will remain infested by armed violence, and drugs and arms flow in the near future.
Dr. Namrata Goswami is Associate Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi

Unholy alliance in North-East India
By: M Amarjeet Singh
Although insurgency in several areas of the North-East region of India has declined, external manipulation and support to insurgency in Assam, the most populous State in the region, continues to be a problem.
Three States in the region, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Sikkim, are mostly unaffected by insurgency, while there has been substantial decline in insurgency in Tripura and Meghalaya. Thus, insurgencies in the region are largely confined to Assam, Manipur and Nagaland.
In 2008, insurgency-related violence claimed some 1049 lives in the Northeast. 96 per cent of total fatalities were reported from Assam, Manipur and Nagaland. Manipur recorded 47 per cent fatalities, the highest in the region, followed by Assam (36 per cent) and Nagaland (14 per cent). Further, Assam topped civilian (55.44 per cent) and combatant (44.44 per cent) fatalities, while Manipur topped insurgent fatalities (57 per cent).
Compared with 2007, fatalities among security forces deployed in the region steadily declined from 74 to 36 in 2008. Similarly, civilian fatalities declined from 479 to 404 in 2008. However, insurgent fatalities rose from 489 to 609 in 2008, which was partly due to sustained counter-insurgency operations and partly the result of factional clashes among rival insurgent groups, particularly in Nagaland.
In 2008, a number of disturbing insurgency-related incidents took place in the region. One such incident was in Assam on October 30, when nine near-simultaneous bomb explosions [three each at Guwahati and Kokrajhar, two at Barpeta Road, and one at Bongaigaon] claimed nearly 90 lives and wounded several others. This was the deadliest terror attack in the history of insurgency in the region. The explosions were reportedly planned and executed by insurgents belonging to the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in collaboration with the Bangladesh-based Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI). Another major incident was a powerful bomb explosion in Imphal on October 21, the biggest in the history of insurgency in Manipur, which killed at least 18 people and injured several others. A smaller insurgent group, the Kangleipak Communist Party (Military Council), claimed responsibility for the attack. And on October 1, four serial bomb explosions rocked Agartala, injuring over 70 people. The Tripura government accused both the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) and the ULFA for the explosions.
The year 2008 also brought new developments in the insurgency movements. Firstly, a dissident faction of ULFA, popularly known as ULFA (pro-talk group) declared a unilateral ceasefire with the government on June 24. This section accused ULFA's top leadership including the commander-in-chief Paresh Barua and chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa of lack of interest in a negotiated settlement. Secondly, the NDFB expelled its founder-president, Ranjan Daimary, in December. Thirdly, in Nagaland, a split in the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) led to the emergence of a splinter group popularly known as the NSCN-Unification.
Unholy Alliance
Though insurgency is active in Manipur and Nagaland, the situation in Assam appears more disturbing, which is evident from the increasing external manipulations, primarily of the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), on the hard line factions of the ULFA and the NDFB. Unlike in Assam, there is negligible external involvement in Manipur or Nagaland. For instance, insurgency in Nagaland is largely confined to factional rivalries among rival insurgent groups, while, in Manipur, it is largely due to the criminal activities unleashed by numerous insurgent groups.
Unfortunately, in Assam, the ULFA and NDFB are substantially influenced by anti-India external elements like the ISI and the HuJI. Available evidence indicates that the ULFA-ISI nexus began in the early 1990s, and that since then the ISI has been imparting specialised arms training to ULFA cadres. The NDFB too followed suit at the behest of the ULFA. In due course of time, this alliance grew rapidly. For the ISI and the HuJI combine, the ULFA and NDFB are trusted allies in their bid to promote indiscriminate violence in the region in general and in Assam in particular. Further, it is mainly at the behest of ULFA that other smaller insurgent groups of the region came into contact with the ISI or the HuJI.
One consequence of such external dependence is the erosion of the original objectives which led to the outbreak of these insurgencies in the first place. For instance, illegal migration into Assam was one of the key drivers for the birth of ULFA in 1979. However, as most top ULFA leaders are based in Bangladesh today and enjoy the active patronage of the ISI, the group no longer talks about this issue.
External dependence is also responsible for the growth of discontent within the ULFA and the NDFB. In recent times, this has been manifested by the emergence of ULFA (pro-talk group) and the expulsion of Ranjan Daimary from the NDFB. The ULFA (pro-talk group) and the NDFB (minus Ranjan Daimary) are in favour of resolving their grievances within the framework of the Constitution of India. However, neither of these factions are capable of emerging as suitable partners with whom the government could work for restoring peace in Assam. Although dissent is growing among the rank and file of both the ULFA and the NDFB, hardliners within these groups remain influential and oppose any efforts to enter peace negotiations with the government. Further, the ULFA (pro-talk group) comprises only a section of the local level commanders and hence their influence is limited. As a result, their efforts to persuade former comrades to support the unilateral ceasefire yielded very little success. Likewise, the expulsion of Ranjan Daimary from NDFB has failed to marginalize Ranjan Daimary and his associates, considered hardliners in the NDFB.
As a result, the unilateral ceasefire by ULFA (pro-talk group) and the ceasefire with NDFB (minus Ranjan Daimary) may not succeed in bringing peace to Assam. Indeed, the hardliners will be further provoked into indulging in subversive activities, the October 30 explosions being a case in point. Nearly 80 kilograms of RDX were reportedly used in three blasts at Guwahati alone. Such large quantities of RDX had never been used earlier to carry out explosions by insurgent groups in Assam or in the North-East region. No insurgent group in the region has the capacity to cause such massive damage on its own unless backed by expertise provided by external forces. At the same time, external forces alone could not have carried out such massive attacks without the support of either the ULFA or the NDFB. Investigators have recently found sufficient evidence for the involvement of the ULFA and the NDFB in the October 30 explosions with expertise from the HuJI. It is also widely speculated that the explosions were part of a ploy by Ranjan Daimary to show his presence.
Along with sustained counter-insurgency operations, all other options must be explored to bring the various factions of the ULFA and the NDFB to the negotiating table. Only when all sections are involved in the peace talks will the role of anti-India external elements in fueling violence can be contained.
(Dr. M Amarjeet Singh is Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi)