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06/21/2008: "Naga group to skip unity meet Nagarealm.com"

Naga group to skip unity meet Nagarealm.com

Kohima, JUN20 [TI] : The Naga National Council, headed by Adinno Phizo, today rejected the second Naga reconciliation meeting scheduled to take place at Chiang Mai, Thailand, next week. The deputy kilonser (minister) of the information and publicity department of the group, Gaibon Panemi, said they think it is unnecessary for them to attend the reconciliation meet.

“The NNC/Federal Government of Nagaland did not send its representative to attend the first meet and will not send any for the second meet as well,” Panmei said. He, however, asked the other factions to join the parent body through such meets. The Naga Reconciliation Forum, headed by Baptist clergyman Wati Aier, Baptist World Alliance and UK-based Quaker group will organise the second round of reconciliation meeting of the Naga factions, mass-based Naga organisations and tribal Hohos next week. Some ex-Naga rebel leaders will also attend the meeting. The chairman of the NSCN (I-M), Isak Chishi Swu, will be present.

The last batch of people left for Thailand today. The Baptist Church had also organised a similar meeting in Atlanta, USA, in 1997, but Swu and Muivah had boycotted the meeting. Representatives from the NNC/FGN of S. Shingyu, the Senkha Ao factions and NSCN (I-M) have left for the meeting, but a NSCN (K) minister said he does not have any information on whether the group is sending anyone to the meeting.

Imchen reviews implementation of CFGR, SOP By Correspondent (NPN) | Nagaland Post Mokokchung20/06/2008 Reviewing a meeting of the implementation of Cease Fire Ground Rules (CFGR) and Special Operation Procedures (SOP) at Mokokchung, home minister, Imkong L Imchen today lamented over the prevailing state of affairs in the state whereby intimation, killing, extortion were rampant and the people left terrorized.
Imchen admitted that the government was not in a position to address the problem earlier and that it just remained a mute spectator but said the situation has now changed where the prime concern was to provide peace and security to the people.
He asserted that it was time to show the existence of the government and to show the people that "we care". The home minister regretted how the call for peace and prayers by various organizations in various forms went to deaf ears.
Imchen, who held a meeting with police officers, district administrative officers and para military forces at the DC's Conference Hall, Mokokchung felt that those underground cadres not staying in designated camps should be arrested and booked under the National Security Act (NSA).
He reminded that the state government, through the SOP has the authority "to use force/retaliate under compelling situations" and called upon the security officers to convey the message to the factions. The minister said that the objective behind all these measures was to bring about peace to the land.
Imchen also said that the government, by trying to implement the CFGR was supporting the undergrounds and added "we felt that this ceasefire agreement should not go wasted".
Stating that the urgent need of the hour was to stop the war between the two NSCNs, Imchen pleaded, "Please stop killing - please talk sincerely to the GOI". He called upon the undergrounds to raise their voices in unison as their goal was same.
Meanwhile, the home minister also held another meeting with the NGOs including the GB, DB, Ao Senden, AKM and other public leaders at the Town Hall wherein he emphasized on the inherent culture of "Forgiveness" which was practised amongst the Nagas since time immemorial. He said the current practice followed by the undergrounds was a complete deviation from the Naga custom. He pointed out that not a single Indian soldier was killed in the past 10-12 years.
Imchen said, "We have peace with India but not within ourselves, not within the Naga brothers" and expressed fear that Nagas may be doomed to degenerate at this rate. Taking note of the high rate of intellectuals in the state Imchen said it was high time these intellectuals contribute for the betterment of the Naga society.
The home minister was accompanied by T. C Sangtam, secretary home who also spoke briefly in both the meetings.NSF pickets NPSC officeBy Correspondent (NPN) |Nagaland Post
Kohima20/06/2008 Naga Students' Federation (NSF) Friday commenced its indefinite agitation against the Nagaland Public Service Commission (NPSC) demanding, among others, total revamping in the functioning of NPSC.
NSF volunteers drawn from the Angami Students' Union (ASU), All Nagaland College Students' Union (ANCSU) and Combined Technical Association Nagaland (CTAN), assembled outside the NSF headquarters Friday morning and later marched to NPSC office carrying banners and placards and "picketed" the office the whole day.
NSF officials said more than one hundred volunteers took part in Friday's agitation. The lead volunteers carried a large banner that read "Total revamping on NPSC should be implemented" while others followed with placards that read "NPSC hangs thousand of students at stake", "Revamp NPSC, for the plight of society", "We want good officer! Design the NPSC exam accordingly", "No change in the system, no examination", "No solution, no commission", "Commission not efficient on handling NPSC" etc.
"We locked the office of NPSC and our volunteers maintained a close vigil in and around the NPSC office", informed Public Grievances Cell (PGC) chairman and vice president, NSF, Charles Lotha. The NSF agitation is on three counts - demanding total revamping in the functioning of NPSC, immediate conduct of Combined Technical Examination (CTE) on Multiple Choice Questions (MCQ) pattern and clarification and rectification from NPSC why it failed to appoint six vacant posts in the Labour and Employment department during the recently declared NPSC results.
Meanwhile, in response to the NPSC notification dated June 18, 2008, CTAN in an emergency meeting held Friday at NSF office resolved to extend full support to the demand of NSF. In a separate press release, NSF vice president Charles Lotha also said the Federation would not agree to piecemeal solution and that the agitation would continue till all the three demands were fulfilled.
"It is imperative that the high power committee proposals are implemented immediately," the release said. The Federation also expressed gratitude to all its activists for responding to the call of the NSF.
Nagaland rebel leader speaks out after arrest Meri News
Publicity secretary of DHD-Jewel faction, Paiprang Dimasa and one NSCN-IM rebel were arrested in Dimapur. The army raided the hotel. During the interrogation with the police, Dimasa made some startling revelations about the ceasefire in Nagaland..
CJ: Sidnacius , 22 hours ago Views:106 Comments:0
INDIAN ARMY’S 4 Corps jawans arrested Dima Halam Daogah (DHD) - Jewel group publicity secretary Paiprang Dimasa from Hotel Regency with an National Socialist Council of Nagaland(NSCN) leader Dichung Zemi on Wednesday (June 18). The two were holding a meeting in a room. Later Dimasa, who played a crucial role in the unilateral ceasefire with the government, was handed over to Diphu police.
At around eight in the morning on Wednesday, DHD Jewel group publicity and finance secretary Paiprang Dimasa came to meet the leader of the NSCN’s Zeliangrong region Diching Zeme who was occupying two rooms at Hotel Regency.
Dimasa was rushed to the hotel by the DHD Jewel group commander-in-chief, Niranjan Hojai. All of a sudden, a group of armed men reached the hotel and picked up both the rebel leaders while they held a meet.
Initially, a rumour spread that these rebels were kidnapped. But later, it was revealed that the armed people were jawans of Indian Army’s 4 Corps who had arrested them. Dimasa was holding two vital portfolios. He was the publicity secretary of the insurgent outfit and at the same time he dealt with the financial affairs. He has been playing a crucial role in the announcement of three-month long unilateral ceasefire for which he had sent letters to this effect to chief minister Tarun Gogoi and IGP Khagen Sarma. But DHD Jewel faction commander-in-chief Niranjan Hojai expressed surprise at the arrest of Dimasa at this crucial juncture.
In its letter sent to special branch IGP Khagen Sarma, the rebel outfit announced unilateral ceasefire and Dimasa himself signed the letter. Everything went okay till May 9. But something uneasy took place on May 10 when the rebels alleged that 12 of their cadre had been killed. They retaliated with a strike in the form of murder and mayhem, forcing stoppage of broad gauge conversion and East West corridor. These attacks claimed 23 lives till May 16.
Later on May 16, Dimasa formally announced that they would stop the killing. This was followed by yet another announcement to lift the ban imposed on road and railway projects. Dimasa shot off a letter to Gogoi through IGP Khagen Sarma. Even, Dimasa called on SIB joint director, Ananda Kumar in Kolkata in this regard.
According to sources, the letter came up for consideration to New Delhi also. At this crucial moment, the arrest of Dimasa could jeopardise the entire process and the rebel groups could retaliate with another strike.
The three-month long unilateral ceasefire will expire on June 25 and if the government fails to respond, the rebel outfit could lift the ceasefire. But they have said they will keep the door open for pact with the government.
Garlosa Jewel faction of the Dima Halom Daogah publicity secretary Paiprang Dimasa hints at extension of unilateral ceasefire beyond June 25 even if the government remains silent. At present, Dimasa is in Karbi Anglong police custody.
Dimasa is simple and clear — his colleagues will never surrender albeit they will have to face some difficulties in his absence. The rebel leader claimed that his outfit still has strength to survive. He said the Jewel Faction cadres are divided in four groups to operate in four zones and each group is led by a commander. After the rebel leader, they have relations not only with NSCN but also with other outfits alike UPDS.
Making a sensational revelation, Dimasa said that even in the ethnic frenzy between the Karbis and the Dimasas, DHD backed UPDS in its strikes and operations. The reasons behind the killings of Purnendu Langthasa and his brother, Nindu Langthasa was that the Langthasas have been ruling the NC hills and they did not recruit Dimasa students in job vacancies despite getting repeated warnings.
Dimasa said that his outfit has good relations with the North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council but denied any secret deal with the Council. But why are these rebels operating there? What is their ultimate goal? Everybody is in dark. And, today, Dimasa revealed that development is the core issue of their struggle.
He further informed that his outfit could consider extension of unilateral ceasefire beyond June 25 even if the government fails to make a positive response. It may be noted that a day after the army arrested the DHD(J) top gun, he was produced before the court on Thursday, which remanded him to 10 days’ police custody.
BORDERLAND TRAVAILS - The Northeast and the nation Politics and play - Ramachandra Guha The Telegraph
Earlier this year, I spent ten days travelling through three states of northeastern India. My journey began in Manipur, where, on my first night, I had dinner with a bunch of academics and journalists. The humour on display was black: it was aimed chiefly at the two agencies that, between them, control and dominate the Imphal valley: the army and the insurgency. Speaking of the utter incompetence of the local administration, one Manipuri joked that “the State has withered away, even before the revolution”. Another told the story of the recent upgrade of Manipur University to the status of a Central university. Money was coming in by the barrel, to be distributed by less-than-orthodox means. The campus of the university, on the outskirts of Imphal city, needed a permanent wall to be built around it. According to the version passed around at that dinner table, the contract for the wall had been divided into four parts, each allotted to a front man for a different insurgent group.
My journey ended in Assam, where I was to speak at another new centre of higher education funded by the Central government, the Indian Institute of Technology, Guwahati. The IIT campus is sited on hilly terrain where Ahom kings had once lived. After they had faded away, their courts and palaces had crumbled into the jungle. Now, however, the land had been freshly colonized by modern structures of glass and concrete, some housing computers of varying shapes and sizes, others the men and boys assigned to play with them. The buildings were impressive — none more so than the guest-house where I stayed, which is built around a lake.
I was not told how much of the money spent on the new IIT campus reached the pockets of the very many insurgents and ex-insurgents who stalk the districts of Assam. But after my lecture, I did hear a very characteristic complaint. I had spoken on the history of contemporary India, and inevitably the name of India’s first prime minister figured in my lecture. During question time, an Assamese academic recalled, with palpable pain, the speech made by Jawaharlal Nehru on All India Radio during the India-China war of 1962. After the Chinese had overrun the Indian forces on the border, they came sweeping down the Brahmaputra valley. The plains of Assam beckoned, when the Chinese returned just as suddenly as they had come. Sometime during their forward march, Nehru had come on air to say that his heart went out to the people of Assam.
I have not actually seen a printed version of this talk. It has not been reproduced in the various volumes of Nehru’s speeches. A tape might exist somewhere in the archives of All India Radio, that can prove or disprove the version that has long been current, a version I have heard several times over the years. In these iterations that phrase of Nehru’s comes up again and again: “My heart goes out to the people of Assam.”
The sentiment was (and is) amenable to more than one reading. Those sympathetic to Nehru might see it as an expression of concern, behind which lay affection and even love. His heart went out to the Assamese because, with the flight of the Indian army, they were at the mercy of an unknown, and most likely unforgiving, enemy. But my questioner interpreted the remarks very differently. For her, it reflected unconcern and even betrayal. By saying what he did, Nehru had given up on the Assamese. Instead of expressing a proper resolve to beat back the intruders, he had turned his back on his own people, delivering them up to the foreigner.
I answered the questioner by pointing to the possibility that what she and her fellow Assamese intellectuals saw as betrayal was actually an expression of concern. Then I added: “In any case, it is 45 years since Nehru made those remarks. Even if his words were carelessly chosen, must we still be stuck with them?”
To be sure, the Assamese are not the only Indians to think — or to have thought — that those who live in New Delhi condescend to them. The political programmes of those very successful regional parties, the Akali Dal and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, are founded on the belief that the Sikhs and the Tamils have been treated as second-class citizens by the government of India. The sense of being discriminated against, as the readers of this newspaper know, is also powerfully felt by the Bengalis.
Assam is further away from New Delhi than even Calcutta or Chennai, and Manipur and Nagaland are further away still. It is, indeed, in the northeast of India that these feelings of exclusion and discrimination are most keenly felt. Assam participated large-heartedly in the freedom struggle; and got very little in return. Manipur was annexed under somewhat dubious circumstances. Nagaland and Mizoram were historically never part of the broader Indic civilization — separated from it historically, geographically, and culturally, they found, to their mystification, that when the British left, they were designated part of this new nation, India.
No state in the Northeast has been altogether free of insurgency. All have witnessed armed struggles, of varying degrees of intensity, seeking independence from India. Viewed comparatively, the Indian experience is of a piece with the other new nations of Asia. China has had much trouble with its borderlands, with Tibetan Buddhists and Uighur Muslims who resent the political and cultural domination of the Han. The Burmese army has been occupied for decades in trying to suppress rebellions in the Karen and Shan uplands. The Pakistani army has effectively ceded control of Waziristan to tribal marauders.
The building of nations has historically been filled with pain and the shedding of blood. Move backwards from contemporary Asia into early-modern Europe, and consider the troubles the British had with the Scots, the French had with the hill people of the Pyrenees, the Spaniards had, and are indeed still having, with the Basques. But unlike the France or Britain of the past, and unlike the China and Burma of the present, India is a democracy. It cannot therefore simply suppress voices of dissent and protest. It must seek to engage with them.
The Indian government has a responsibility to understand and respect the people who live on its peripheries; so do the citizens who live in states more keen to count themselves as part of India. When they travel to places like Delhi and Bangalore, the residents of the northeastern states find that they are met with indifference and incomprehension. Punjabis and Kannadigas alike joke heartlessly about their allegedly un-Indian looks, about their unfamiliar dress and diet, and more. The insurgencies in states such as Assam, Manipur and Nagaland were aimed, in the first instance, at the Central government. But they were fuelled also by the sense that the people of India had chosen to ignore or condescend to them. Those insurgencies have since degenerated into extortion rackets. Knowing this, the Nagas are by no means uncritical supporters of the NSCN(I-M), nor the Assamese of Ulfa. But their anger at the Indian State remains. So, too, their disappointment and dismay at the lack of fellow feeling among the residents of the Indian heartland.
ramguha@vsnl.com
Clear stand on sovereignty, CM tells PCG Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, June 20 – The Assam Government is very keen that the insurgency problem in Assam vis-a-vis talks with ULFA or for that matter any militant outfit should be held across the table and that, too, within the ambit of the Constitution, stated an official press release. Reacting to statements made by PCG members at a meet that the government lacks political will, chief minister Gogoi said, “Our stand is clear. Let the militant outfits eschew violence and discuss their demands within the ambit of the Constitution. The pre-conditions set by the Unified Command structure in its last meeting are not of our own but in line with that of the Government of India.”

The chief minister said the PCG must make its stand clear on the issue of sovereignty. “The government wants to know the views of PCG whether they are in favour of sovereign Assam. If it is, what’s the point in talking about holding discussions and allowing things to prolong.”

Refuting the claim of PCG that the Prime Minister agreed to hold talks on the agenda of sovereignty, Gogoi said, “The Prime Minister said in no uncertain terms as he owes allegiance to the Constitution, whatever he does has to be within its parameters.”
Calling on Lothas in Muivah's group Nagaland Page
If ever there was a sacrifice deliberately ignored by Muivah's group, it is without a doubt, the Lotha workers at Hebron who have been reduced to mere passengers unrecognized and unsolicited. The exclusion of Wokha from the so called Nagalim map the booklet, "NAGAS: their pilgrimage for self-existence and quest for dignity and peace" is a stark reminder of the divisive nature of those in Hebron .
Dear Lotha brothers at Hebron , I speak as a Naga from Lotha community who is pained at your ignorance to see the reality. Do you not know that Wokha is a part and parcel of Nagaland? What are you if your masters at Hebron exclude you and Wokha from pages of history? You are nothing but a waste product of those at Hebron. Your sacrifice and contribution is not at all counted. It is a shame that you continue to be slaves of few people at Hebron , bringing shame and dishonor to your tribe. Your forefathers were brave and honored men but you and your children will inherit legacy of shame and misfortune of which you will be solely responsible. Do you not know that Wokha and Lotha region heralded the Naga National movement? The infamous book "NAGAS: Their pilgrimage..." has been published twice in thousands and distributed everywhere without Wokha in the map. If Wokha is excluded, it implies that neither you nor your region is important in their hidden plan. You sacrifice everything yet your get nothing in return. This is your fate my brothers!
The exclusion of Wokha will not go unchallenged by the Lothas. This is a crime against entire Lotha people. I urge the Lotha Hoho, Lotha NGO's, LSU in particular, the Lotha community in general to speak out against the so, called Lotha leaders at Hebron , Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah, for wiping out Wokha from the so-called Nagalim map. Wokha belongs to Lothas and no one has the authority to exclude it from the map.
Maj. (Retd) RM Lotha Kilonser, National Social Welfare, GPRN/NSCN

PRESS RELEASE 21st June'08

The manner of picking upon in significant issue just for the pleasure of making some kind of anti-NSCN propaganda is quite uncalled for. The inadvertent omission of Wokha in the February 2006 edition of 'Nagas Their Pilgrimage for Self Existence and Quest for Dignity and Peace' is however regrettable. But in the fitness of the things as invited by Maj. (Retd.) RM. Lotha, Kilonser, the closed Chapter does not warrant raising hue and cry. The issue was raised in 2006 itself and clarified as printing mistake. There is no such thing as made to believe by RM. Lotha. NSCN will not stoop that low to play such derogatory game to play with the sentiment of the Lotha people in particular and the Nagas in general.
For further clarification, the widely circulated booklet has already undergone 3rd edition as on September 2007 and no such omission is visible in the map.
Interestingly, the latest edition was printed by Alezo Venuh when he was the Dy. Kilonser MIP/NSCN before defecting to Kitovi-Mulatuno Camp.
Resorting to provoking emotional upheaval on the issued of yesteryears smack of not only vindictiveness at the cost of playing cheap propaganda on Lotha sentiments but reflects immaturity and defiance of ground reality.

"If we want the best apples we can choose them as we like. But if we want peace we must give peace to others first". ---- Tongmeth Wangnao
Speaker, Tatar Hoho.

*We are sending a copy of the said booklet each to Mr.Alezo and Ghukiho Zhimo for their information*.

Issued by: MIP/GPRN.

PRESS RELEASE 21st June'08

Open Letter to Lotha Hoho

It is highly regretted that Maj. (Retd.) RM.Lotha of Azheto-Mulatuno-Kitovi group is desperately trying to mislead the common people and provoke the feeling of the Lotha people on the non-existence issue just to attack NSCN as part of its smear campaign. This does not augur well for the fraternal development of the Nagas. It may be pointed out this mistake in the Map was rectified within no time in 2006 itself when the book was printed. And since then the book has undergone 3rd edition and nothing was left out to cause any reason for emotional flare up as intended by this group using Maj. RM. Lotha. Let us be realistic and not be carried away by false propaganda. Lothas sentiment could have been hurt but that was more than two years back. And kindly note that the latest edition was printed by Alezo Venuh, who was the then MIP Dy. Kilonser, NSCN, who later on defected to Azheto-Mulatuno-Kitovi group. Ironically the unwarranted press note was written by the same Alezo Venuh and Ghukiho Zhimo just to create confusion at the cost of Lotha's sentiment. You can now draw your own conclusion. But your conscience should not be disturbed with an eye on NSCN.

Issued by: MIP/GPRN.

NDFB charges Kokrajhar police of being partisan
From Our Correspondent Assam Tribune
KOKRAJHAR, June 20 – National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) has taken exception to the arrest of one NDFB cadre in connection with the incident of attack on an ex-BLT at Kachugaon on June13 last in Kokrajhar district.

In a press statement B Jaiklown, CO, NDFB 2nd Bn at Kokrajhar charged A Kalita SP of Kokrajhar for taking a partisan attitude and condemned the arrest of one NDFB cadre under ceasefire Loharam Narzary. He further alleged that the said cadre was summoned by police to Srirampur police station at night and was brought to Kokrajhar police station same night on a fabricated case accusing him of being involved in an incident of firing even when the NDFB has no knowledge of the incident nor any cadre was involved

The NDFB also alleged that Kokrajhar police under the instruction of the SP is giving protection to many youths moving with arms unlawfully while the police is harassing NDFB under ceasefire. NDFB has also warned to take up democratic agitation if such police atrocity continues or repeated.

On the other hand, the SP said he has only acted as per law and the said NDFB cadre was arrested for an interrogation on the basis of FIR lodged by the complainant.
Five top ranking PREPAK(GS) members nabbed in Bangalore The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jun 20: Five top ranking members of the PREPAK(GS) were nabbed from Bangalore city by the joint efforts of the Manipur police, military intelligence and Bangalore police, a statement of the senior SP, Imphal west district said.

The nabbed members were identified as Hijam Johny alias Nanao alias Dinesh, 30, son of H Ghanashyam of Thangmeiband Hijam Dewan Leikai, Laishram Nanao alias Ibungo alias Chalamba, 29, son of L Modhumangol Singh of Kongba Laishram Leikai, Laishram Jiten Singh alias Dada alias Anil, 30, son of L Ibobi Singh of Kongba Bazar, Athokpam Meghachandra Singh alias Ahingba alias Bony, 31, son of A Yaima Singh of Kongba Kshetri Leikai and Vikash Pradhan, 26, son of Kumar Pradhan of Syari, Gangtok, Sikkim.

Inspector Ksh Manihar Singh, officer in-charge of the Imphal east police commando unit has already been in Bangalore for the purpose and another two officers from the state police have also proceeded to the city for verification and further legal formalities in connection with the case, the statement added.

Insurgency and the politics of truce Sentinel
I know the ULFA has denied it, and so has Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi. But the buzz in the past few days was that the rebel group’s most potent strike unit, the ‘28th battalion’, also known as the ‘Kashmir Camp’, might have tried to enter into a ceasefire with the government. Or, it could also have been that some government agencies were trying to strike a truce with the rebel unit in question. This leak (to the media) or rumour has thrown up several questions, the first being that the news may not have any truth in it as it is made out to be both by the ULFA and the government. But, if there is to be any element of truth in it, then it could mean that there is indeed a major split within the ULFA or else commanders of a key rebel ‘battalion’ won’t ‘consider’ the idea of entering into a truce with the authorities. In any case, this column is based on hypothesis and not hard facts.
Looking at the issue from the government’s point of view, one doesn’t know what it could gain in case it was to encourage a ceasefire with the ULFA’s ‘28th battalion.’ Several key leaders of the ‘28th battalion’ are currently in detention and it may not be an exaggeration to say that the unit has faced severe reverses in recent months after the security forces have tried to corner the rebel unit with great focus. But, there is no independent assessment of the latest strike potential of the unit. What must not be forgotten or lose sight of is the rebels’ capacity to stage comebacks after the reverses.
A question arises on whether the government can start peace talks with leaders of the ‘28th battalion’ supposing the unit enters into a ceasefire. The answer is both yes and no. Yes, because talks with a faction or section of a militant group is possible. No, because such talks with one faction or section of a militant group may not end the rebellion itself or bring about lasting peace to the State. The ULFA leadership, like everybody else, is aware of the fact that such news has the potential to create confusion among the rebel group’s rank and file. But the rebel leaders should not be surprised because such is politics revolving around insurgency and counter-insurgency.
While taking ULFA chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa’s statement that news about the ‘28th battalion’ interested in a truce was an attempt by the authorities to ‘create confusion in the minds of the lower rung cadres’ to be true, I would like to point out that even the ULFA leadership cannot afford to be complacent. After all, it has been a long time since the top leaders of the group are operating from a distance. It is time the ULFA top brass gets into an introspection mode and decide on whether they are interested in the fight to go on or enter into a serious phase of diplomacy by first agreeing to a ceasefire and then starting peace talks to reach an acceptable solution to their problem.
For the government, there is a big lesson to be learnt from the turn of events next door, in Nagaland. Today, there are three factions of the NSCN. Talks are actually on with one faction, the NSCN-IM, although a ceasefire is in place with both the NSCN-IM and the NSCN-K. One doesn’t know what’s the scene in so far as the newly floated NSCN (Unification) is concerned. The Naga peace talks (the one with the NSCN-IM) is unlikely to bring peace in the Naga areas. It may not even reach the stage for a deal. That’s because today no single Naga rebel faction can claim to be the sole representative of the Nagas. If anything, New Delhi is clueless on how to tame the Naga guerrillas, killing each other at will. The morale of the story is that factionalism should be prevented, least of all encouraged by anyone or any agency in the government.
No one is asking yours truly for any suggestion. But if anyone were to ask me by mistake, I would say don’t work overtime for a truce or any deal whatsoever with sections of the ULFA, but try for a ceasefire and then a dialogue with the entire group as such. After all, in today’s world order, a militant group cannot hope to achieve a military victory over a sovereign nation state. The need of the hour is diplomacy and a practical approach to arrive at a solution that is acceptable. The ULFA leaders must prove they are not some trigger-happy rebel chieftains, but people who are mature and who have Asom’s interest at heart. I, for one, am hopeful of better days in this State of ours.
But such good days are not round the corner yet. On Wednesday, Chief Minister Gogoi put up four major pre-conditions for a ceasefire by any rebel group in Asom. They are: talks only within the ambit of the Constitution; no talks with any group through intermediaries; surrender of weapons by militant groups before a truce or talks; and cadres must stay only in designated camps after a truce. This is a good wish list, but asking any militant group to surrender weapons before a settlement to its problem is asking a bit too much. I have no doubt the Chief Minister knows that! The bottom line seems to me that the government now is in no hurry to extend the olive branch to Asom’s rebel armies.