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03/03/2008: "NPF condemns unconstitutional act of Jamir morungexpress"

NPF condemns unconstitutional act of Jamir morungexpress

Dimapur, March 2 (MExN): The NPF Party today strongly condemned, what it called, the unconstitutional and undemocratic action of Dr SC Jamir for indulging in the state election and campaigning for his son, C Apok Jamir, the INC candidate for the 27th Mokokchung town A/C.
A press statement received here from the NPF Central Office which was appended by five persons including the NPF Associate Press Secretary, Shilumar, stated that Dr SC Jamir returned to Nagaland on February 29 to campaign for his son, C Apok. It alleged that the Goa Governor, ‘stationed at his private residence and his son’s residence at Mokokchung’, called almost all the youths of the constituency ‘individually’ and promised them “job placement in his constitutionally state”, if C Apok was voted to power ‘i.e. right after election’. The release alleged that Jamir lured the innocent electorates by providing monetary incentives. In this connection, the release stated that with the arrival of the Goa Governor in Mokokchung, the paramilitary forces have been frisking the citizens from house to house ‘with no rhyme or reason’.
“From 29th February onwards wherever C Apok campaigns unwarranted police personnel and paramilitary forces were deployed thereby creating an atmosphere of fear psychosis amongst the general public,” the release stated. The NPF party, therefore, vehemently condemned the unconstitutional and undemocratic action of Dr SC Jamir for indulging in the state election. “As a matter of fact the Governor of any State in the union of India are the guardian of the Constitution and such loose gubernatorial involvement in a state politics is highly condemnable and uncalled for,” the release stated. In this regard, the release asked for the sincere attention of the Election Commission of India, the President of India for initiating appropriate action and at the same time the release stated that “this episode is the limitus test for the AICC in the eye of the Naga people”. The release also recalled that the Goa’s main opposition, BJP has boycotted the Goa Governor’s address in the state assembly recently for “his dubious role in the Goa state politics”. “The BJP have even demanded the Centre to recall him back branding Dr SC Jamir as the most expensive governor and a constitutional fraud.” The release in this regard, said that the act of the Goa Governor justifies the previous allegation against Jamir by the people of Goa, particularly the BJP for indulging in Nagaland politics at the cost of the state exchequer.

Nagaland poll: church urges candidates not to use unfair means The Hindu
Kohima (PTI): An apex church organisation in Nagaland on Sunday called for exercising restraint by candidates and their supporters who sought to win the March five assembly election through unfair means. Denouncing the use of money, liquor and muscle power by some candidates in the run up to the election, Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) asked Christians to show 'unquestionable integrity and loyalty' to god and not indulge in any compromise.
Many of those involved in the present electioneering seemed to be adopting shortcuts to attain immediate success for themselves without any hesitation, NBCC Peace Affairs Director Rev. L Kari Longchar, said in a statement here. On reported involvement of Naga underground groups in electioneering, NBCC said the state election was not their responsibility and their participation in the poll process was highly questionable. The NBCC, which had issued a moral code of conduct after announcement of poll schedules in Nagaland, said soliciting support from underground factions by candidates was 'illegal and immoral'.
On unchecked flow of liquor and money in the poll process, NBCC said, purchase of votes by candidates and demand for money by voters were immoral too. Calling for immediate halt of all forms of confrontation among supporters of rival political parties, the influential Church council urged the administration, polling officials, police and security personnel to exercise their duty without any bias to ensure a free and fair election.
Divisions weaken Naga struggle morungexpress
Dimapur, March 2 (CNN-IBN): NSCN (K)’s Singson and NSCN (IM)’s Azheto Chophy signed a unity pact on November 23 to float new outfit. “I, me and mine and my tribe before yours.” For years, it’s this placard of a Naga and his tribal identity that has been exploited both internally and from outside. Not just in the power play of peace talks with the militant groups, but also in the everyday existence of people. Young Nagas continue to be recruited in large numbers by the insurgent groups, often tapping in on age-old tribal rivalries. In fact, Naga nationalism has lost credibility because of tribal disunity. The latest face of tribal factionalism is Azheto Chophy, former home minister of the NSCN (IM). Chophy and his Sema tribal loyalists left the NSCN (IM) recently to join the rival NSCN (Khaplang) group.
The breakaway faction of the NSCN-IM is now housed in a Niuland camp. CNN-IBN got exclusive access to the NSCN (U) camp at Niuland. Several senior leaders of the Khaplang faction of NSCN were present at the camp. In fact, Kughalu Mulatonu, the chief of the NSCN (K)’s Ceasefire Supervisory Board, did all the talking. He insisted that the NSCN(U) was the beginning of real unity between Naga insurgent groups.
“We want to convey to the Government of India that there has been bargaining for 10 years, asking the Nagas to unite. The Nagas have united. We want the international community to understand that they asked us to unite and we have united,” Mulatonu declares. Singson, the external affairs minister of NSCN (K) faction, and Azheto Chophy, former home minister of the NSCN (IM) faction today sit side by side. They came together on November 23 to sign a ‘unification agreement’. They claim they represent the real voice of the Nagas.
At its headquarters in Camp Hebron, the NSCN (IM) has declared an Emergency. The revolt by the cadres of the Sema tribe led by Azheto Chophy has been a big jolt to the outfit. The NSCN (IM) says unification and reconciliation of all Naga underground factions is their stated goal, but it must happen in an organised manner. “One of our leaders, who has been there with us, Azheto, he would not have to actually sneak away at night and suddenly say we are for unification. NSCN (IM) has been vocal for many years about unification or reconciliation among all Naga people and we are fighting for that only,” Brig Phungting, convenor of NSCN (IM)’s Ceasefire Monitoring Cell, says.
The apex body of all Naga tribes, the Naga HoHo, is also unwilling to recognise ad-hoc unity moves like the formation of the NSCN(U). “How could we say it is the unification group? If we are to look at the unification it has to be endorsed officially by NSCN (IM), NSCN (K), NNC and by the federal government,” Naga HoHo Vice-President Keviletuo Kiewhuo argues.
The NSCN (IM) alleges that the Indian Government has engineered the split in their ranks in a bid to weaken it. “So long as there is no solution, the movement will go on. Agencies of the Government of India might think that by splitting certain sections of people, they would like to break it,” Phungting alleges. On a recent visit to Nagaland to review the security scenario ahead of the March 5 Assembly elections, National Security Advisor MK Narayanan declared that a new arrangement for the Nagas is possible under the Constitution. “We can work out a new arrangement for the Naga people with maximum autonomy and freedom, but this must be under the Indian Union,” he announced.
The Naga insurgent groups have, however, rejected the condition. “We do not endorse the Indian Constitution in the first place,” Phungting points out. “The right to self-rule is what we call sovereignty,” Mulatonu argues. “We are saying that if there is going to be a political solution, then the Naga identity has to be recognised and preserved. India should give status to Naga people where it is honourable to both Nagas and Government of India,” Naga Hoho Vice-President Keviletuo Kiewhuo demands. But the divisions between the armed Naga groups has undermined their ability to represent the Naga aspirations and negotiate with Delhi. And as the youth start tapping into the new economy, the underground groups are losing their hold over the Next Generation Nagas. Yet, NSCN (IM) and NSCN (K) do continue to influence the state elections. Open secrets are a dime a dozen in Nagaland and one such open secret in this election is that NSCN (K) and the newly formed NSCN Unification are supporting the Congress and the NSCN (IM) is for the Nagaland People’s Front.
“Well, all the underground factions had come out with press statement that they will not be involved in the elections. But I see some hands against my party. Some of the leaders, who had brought down my government, are in close touch with them. So I hope they don’t misuse their power,” Nagaland People’s Front leader Neiphiu Rio claims.
Congress leader KL Chishi, however, denies any involvement of the Naga outfits in the elections. “I don’t think the underground (elements) will participate in the election. As citizens if they want, they can participate in voting,” he says.
Nagas suffered more because of disunity morungexpress Dimapur, March 2 (MExN): The NSCN, Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland reminded of what it termed was the “landmark development in the history of the Naga liberation movement where the two warring factions of the NSCN (K) and NSCN (IM) through the consent and approval of its respective Chairman unconditionally united under the banner of NSCN excluding all initials on November 23, 2007”. Pointing out that with the conception of Naga unification all fratricidal killings have come to a halt, the NSCN in a press note issued by P. Nihoto Chishi, Unification Committee, Peace & Political Affairs stated that this “dawn of peace” has built up a ray of hope that the long drawn Indo-Naga-Burma political issue could now take the peaceful course towards a lasting acceptable solution”.
The press note also put on record that the “historic event” of the two warring factions coming together was able to materialize following the clarion call of the Joint Forum of GBs and DBs of Nagaland in the larger interest of all the Naga people. It pointed out that the unification process was widely applauded by all the Nagas throughout the length and breadth of Nagaland, including the NNC/FGN and that subsequently their assertion of support and cooperation towards this end was received.
The press note from Nihoto also stated that the “beleaguered Naga people had ascended to their roof tops clamoring for peace, reconciliation and unification among all warring factions and that the Naga people have clearly conveyed that “peace should precede unification and then solution to the Indo-Naga-Burma political issue should be pursued”. The press note also regretted that during more than half a century of Naga freedom struggle many Nagas had perished more in fratricidal killings then in the hands of occupational forces and that the internal strife and losses could be attributed to the disunity arising out of differences in one’s political philosophies and ideologies. “But to logically evaluate the consequences borne by inflexibility hiding on to our stances, the cycle of annihilation will continue and inflict further deeper wounds and solution a far fetched cry”, it went on to state and added that the Naga people have suffered much more because of the disunity among the Naga brothers.
The Unification Committee, Peace & Political Affairs statement also stated that Naga people have been yearning for reconciliation, unification and peace for a very long time.
“Though forgive and forget, reconciliation, unification and peace has been the usual proclamation, it has remained illusive for decades since it was only in pronouncements and not in the true spirit and principle to achieve its purpose”, it stated while reminding of the land development of the two warring factions coming together on November 23, 2007.
The Unification Committee, Peace & Political Affairs also cautioned that wrong apprehensions and perceptions may exist within certain quarters who may be misguided by “mis-propagandas permeated by anti-peace and anti-unification elements”. But in the larger interest of reconciliation, unification and peace the Nagas should cast off all negative or pessimistic attitudes and optimistically step forward to contribute, strengthen and unite the ailing Naga situation so that our long desired dreams of peace could be realized”. The statement also reminded that the Naga issue cannot be solved by others but the Nagas alone and thus it was the bounden duty of each and every Naga to shoulder their respective responsibilities so that its integrity is retained and the common aspiration to defend or rights and pursue concertedly for a lasting respectable settlement.
'Nagaland can have the honour of a clean assembly' morungexpress
Kohima | March 2 (MExN): The State can have the honour of a clean assembly as only two candidates have reported criminal cases pending against the. Both of them are from the RJD. Of these, one is charged of cheating and forgery and the other is charged with defamation. This was revealed in the summary of findings of Nagaland Election Watch (NEW) which is based on information collected from affidavits filed by 218 candidates along with their nomination papers for the forthcoming elections in Nagaland and collated them for better comprehension of the voter and the same report was made available to media persons here this afternoon at Hotel Japfu. The findings also covered financial matters, educational level, women representation and age profile of the candidates. On financial matters, the findings revealed that out of 218 candidates in the fray for the March 5 polls, only one candidate from NPF mentioned PAN while the rest 217 (99.5%) candidates either did not have PAN or they have been reluctant in mentioning it in their affidavits. In all 58 (26.6%) candidates have declared assets worth more than Rs 1 crore. Of this, 13 are from INC, BJP-6, NCP-1, NPF-26, RJD-2, UNDP-1 and Independent candidates-9. Among the major political parties, average declared assets of Congress candidates are worth Rs 224 lakhs, BJP Rs 166 lakhs and NCP Rs 55 lakhs. Among the State parties NPF with Rs 288 lakhs and JD (U) Rs 20 lakhs. In all, 8 candidates have declared their liabilities. Five candidates have declared liabilities more than Rs 10 lakhs. Of them four are from INC and one is a BJP candidate.
On educational level the reports stated that in all 128 candidates (59%) are graduates and above. Amongst the national parties INC leads by fielding 36 such candidates, followed by BJP 9, NCP 5 and NPF at 34. Regarding age profile 167 candidates are in the age group of 25-59 years, 51 from the age group of 60 years and above while 15 candidates are even 70 plus.
As far as women representation is concerned only four candidates are in the fray with one each from BJP, NCP, JD (U) and independent. It may be mentioned that the Association for Democratic Reforms New Delhi, Youth Net Kohima and social activist have collectively worked for NEW to bring out this report with the main objective to raise voters awareness in order to enable them to make an informed choice before casting their votes. In particular, the entire effort is directed to ensure that the political parties put up service oriented, capable and honest candidates, it said. Sources said that NEW is a non-partisan civil society effort for creating accountable and transparent governance in the State, adding that it was not aligned to any political party or candidates.
NNC questions DAN on reconciliation morungexpress
Dimapur, March 2 (MExN): The Lotha Region NNC states that the time had come to tell the Naga people once more that Neiphiu Rio and Dr. T. M. Lotha of the then DAN Government had sabotaged the Reconciliation Meet at Wokha in 2004 on 18th February and at the same time arrested 20 elderly people who were all above 70 years of age who had tried to host the meet in the interest of the Naga people as the NNC had its resolution of Naga National Unity.
Stating this in a press note issued by C.Lotha, Information & Publicity Wing, Lotha Region NNC, it alleged that these elderly people were put in Jail on flimsy charges in connection with the Reconciliation Meet after calling off the meeting by the NNC because of 144 CrPc (Curfew) in Wokha town. After coming out from District Jail after the NGOs and the consultative peace committee's intervention, some died and the rest are sick people today because of mental torture and since they were made to sleep on cemented floors, the NNC claimed while lamenting that this was the lot of Naga elderly people who worked for Peace & Unity in the Naga Homeland.
“And the Lotha people and the NNC in particular have never forgotten this event created by Neiphiu Rio and Dr. T.M Lotha of the then DAN Government and also the then D.C of Wokha District Mr. Eshenthung Ezung. Today, these people are shouting at the top of their voice for peace and unity and Naga Political solution but they are liars because we have seen enough in the last 5 (five) years rule in the state”, the NNC Lotha region stated.
As such, it cautioned that the Naga people in particular should think twice for these people in connection with Naga Reconciliation and the Political issue of the Nagas as imposed State election comes in the Naga Country once more. “The Lotha Region NNC in particular will never forget Neiphiu Rio, Dr. T.M. Lotha, Mr. Eshenthung Ezung and their deeds”, it stated while also expressing full support to the statement made by Gen.(Retd.) I. Panger Walling, President, NNC's reiterating to stand on the Naga Plebiscite of 1951 for sovereignty.

Plebiscite of 1951, Nagas final verdict- Nagaland Post
I on behalf of the NNC have to make a statement regarding the present imposed state election in the Naga country because the state politicians are shouting at the top of their voices about Naga political issue at this hour of their political campaign as if this will be their top agenda in the state after winning the election. I have observed for the last forty years that the state politicians make promises of solutions for the Naga political issues but miserably fail to keep their words and promises. Instead, they create confusion and division among the people by siding one faction against the other and channel their interests in the pursuit of their own gains. Even the last five years rule in the state by Neiphiu Rio and his DAN Government (Puppet Govt.) with the slogan of equi-closeness had failed miserably. They even sabotaged the Reconciliation Meeting at Wokha organised by the NNC Central in 2004 with their one sided administration. They even went to the extent of arresting the elderly people of Wokha Region who tried to host the meet. This was done even after calling off the meeting because of curfew in the area. This is a history created by especially Neiphiu Rio, the then chief minister, Dr.T.M Lotha, the then Home minister and Eshenthung Ezung, the then DC, Wokha for the first time in the political history of the Nagas in the state. And I as a Naga National Workers have not come across such a thing in my political life of more than 50 years. This is how they are dealing with the Naga political issue of sovereignty.
And therefore, that is why the Naga people can never trust the state politicians with the Naga political issue as they professed. For the NNC the Plebiscite of 1951 is the final verdict of the Naga people for freedom. Therefore, the people of Nagas should stand by this inalienable right which is a clear cut political right and stand of the Naga people as a whole.
Gen.(Retd) I.Panger Walling, President, Naga Natioanl Council.
Entrepreneurs want peace for development Nagaland Post
Kohima, March 2 (ANI): Every section of the Nagaland society has different aspirations and hopes from the coming Assembly elections in the state.
Entrepreneurs in the state are expecting the advent of new economic incentives and better environment after the formation of a new government. Abe Mero, a young entrepreneur involved in spice processing, is looking forward to a new dawn after the elections. She hopes that the new government will give importance to small time entrepreneurs like her and work towards bringing permanent peace for all-round development of the State.
"Today, we are talking about a lot of economic development in the northeast including Nagaland. I am sure it is not very far from us. But, we need to have more serious committed people, to make sure that changes come through the participation of common people, local entrepreneurs and also identifying right thing at the right time," said Mero. The same is expectation of Theja Meru, the owner of Dream Cafe. He wants the government to pay more attention to infrastructure building and seeking professional help in developing the State. But, we can't totally say that our State has that amount of peace for the people, to come and invest, as extortion is still taking place. So, one thing, which government and people can do, is to really unite, to keep this in check. So, tomorrow the investor can feel comfortable to do something in our land. And we desperately need the investors," said Meru. All political parties are under pressure from the people of the State to deliver. In fact manifestos of the all political parties have promised to bring permanent peace and all round development of the State. As the democracy in the State is maturing, people are becoming aware more and more about their responsibilities and rights. They know the power of vote to change their fortune and the fortune of political parties, which fail to deliver. "I feel, for any kind of business to flourish, people need to have a change in attitude, as we need to be more progressive. Next stress should be on more sincere and dedicated government, to uplift their business, people and their economic policies and programs have to be more practical along with the infrastructure, market linkage and road connectivity should be the focused area," said Vibilie Seyie, Project Coordinator, North East Agro Based Green Revolution Trust, Nagaland.
Dr. Tolto Metha, an entrepreneur, said, "I think stress should be put on the multinational companies because we have the land, the resources and manpower. So, it's high time, we should invite some MNC's to come and invest in Nagaland. "Nagaland has witnessed ten years of relative peace after the beginning of the peace process. People of the State have also seen that how democracy empowers them to choose their own destiny.
The younger generation in the State is also aware of the opportunities being offered to them through Look East Policy and open economy. No wonder they want a government, which can ensure permanent peace and prosperity.
Healing the Future for the Present morungexpress Editorial
Considering the profound pain and hurt caused in the past, it is very unlikely that a nation – any nation can begin the process of healing and building a political consensus over a deeply divided past. There is no doubt that the past – no matter how painful or ugly – needs to be addressed, and yet lessons from history has proven that the process need not necessarily start from the past or the present, it could start from the future by envisioning a shared destiny. And perhaps by negotiating a consensus of the future, it would then create opportunities to constructively address the burdens of the past.
So often initiators of well intended processes fall short of its objectives, essentially because they fail to fully appreciate how conflicting parties have over a period of time rallied and internalized around very different and polarized perceptions over the same past. This poses an extremely difficult and sensitive situation to develop a consensus of understanding, when the very act of framing a shared perception itself is challenged by polarized energies. These complexities gives rise to varying and diverse emotions, and it has been experienced that any process that begins with either the past or the present will only result in further polarization and personalization of differences. This perhaps was the difference between South Africa and East Timor when it came to addressing and reconciling with their own burdens of the past and their envisioned future.
I remember how in the 1990s, the builders of South Africa as they were transiting between Apartheid and Freedom, advocated and rallied around a public consciousness for a New South Africa. They focused around building a new Rainbow Nation, which with the dismantling of the Apartheid System, would be replaced by a new system where all peoples would be treated equally. And it was in the building of this new South Africa the much divided African National Congress and the Zulu led Inkatha party put aside their differences, which had spilled over to hatred; and forged a political consensus that would enable a new South Africa.
It was in this process that they also realized that for them to have a dignified future, they had to heal from the past. The shared understanding of building a common future was the persuading factor that compelled the whole of South Africa to discern and implement a process of healing. From my view point it was the approach of moving from the future to the past and present that enabled a new South Africa to begin a new journey of hope. This I must say was quite different from the East Timorese approach that assumed a more straight forward praxis which assumed that change would occur in the linear time frame of moving from the past to the present to the future.
Neither approach is absolute. The question here is not which is better, but which approach responds favorably within a particular context. After all what works in one context, may not work in the other; nonetheless there are lessons to be learned. I have always believed that there is a third way. It has never been good politics to be stuck only to ones perception of understanding. After all if the collective aspiration of a nation yearns for transformation of all life, it is only natural that one must explore all possible processes to see that the end result is realized. There must be a co-relation between the process and the end. In this case the approach that turns to the future is more process oriented, while the approach that turns to the past is more result focused.
In the Naga context, I believe Nagas must first turn to the future rather than the past. The past inspite of all its richness and valuable contributions has been politicized to the extent of polarization, while the future provides possibilities and new hope. I favor the future approach because I believe Nagas in general aspires for a shared future that will empower a people to exercise their natural rights with dignity and humility. It is a future which demands the participation of every Naga individual and organization to contribute, because without any one of them, this future would not be complete. In other words, turning to the future is a more inclusive process that brings and binds people together for a shared humanity, and it is in this shared future, that we need to evolve ways to address the burdens of our past.
For too long now, we have only turned to the past for answers, only to return disappointed, tired and more divided. Perhaps it is time for us to discern news ways and directions for seeking, and this could well demand the imperative need for us to turn to the future and then work our way to the present. It may well be that by developing a shared future we will find unity in purpose!

Laptop proof of Arabinda avatar - Police slap more charges on Bordoloi A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph
Guwahati, March 2: Arrested rights activist and Ulfa-appointed mediator Lachit Bordoloi had been emailing statements on the outfit’s behalf to the media with chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa’s scanned signature on them, police said today. Investigators claimed to have detected documents in the sent folder of Bordoloi’s email account — they accessed it on his laptop — with the Ulfa chairman’s signature on them. The People’s Consultative Group member, also an adviser to the Manab Adhikar Sangram Samiti, was arrested last month on charges of helping Ulfa under the cover of being a mediator for peace. He is in judicial custody.
A senior police officer said investigators were almost sure that Bordoloi “generated” the incriminating documents. “These were found in the sent folder and not in the inbox, implying that Bordoloi had been generating these documents. They did not come from Ulfa.”
What is not known is whether Rajkhowa authorised Bordoloi to use his signature on documents meant to be circulated on Ulfa’s behalf. The police have registered a second case against him for abetting, aiding and endorsing the views of a proscribed organisation. The officer said there was also evidence of Bordoloi distributing Freedom, the Ulfa mouthpiece. “All the evidence is there on his laptop.”
A police search of Bordoloi’s Guwahati residence on February 9 yielded the laptop and some other materials. He was arrested two days later in Moran, based on the confessions of two arrested Ulfa militants. Bordoloi was charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act with “having a role in collecting funds for Ulfa” and under sections 120B and 121 of the IPC for “waging war against the state”.
The officer said the police had built a strong case against Bordoloi, based on evidence and confessions by people he was associated with. The MASS finance secretary, Judhajit Das, said in a Rangia court that Bordoloi had asked him to help some Ulfa militants ferry arms and explosives. When Das declined, the arrested leader allegedly asked him to get in touch with a MASS leader from Darrang who had agreed to do the job. Sources in the home department said more cases would be registered against Bordoloi to ensure that he remained in custody. “We have more explosive charges against Bordoloi and are looking for evidence,” one of them said.
Remembering Burma: Overturning the bowl May Ng Himal
General Ne Win, the founder of military authoritarianism in Burma, was secretly trained during World War II by the fascist-allied military regime of Japan. Four decades later, during the 1988 popular uprising in Burma, the general warned that when Burma’s army shoots, it shoots to kill. That year, thousands of protesters were killed on the streets of Burma. Little has changed in the country during the intervening two decades. As such, it was not particularly surprising this past September when, during the massive public uprising that has since been dubbed the ‘Saffron Revolution’, Burmese soldiers shot and killed over 100 citizens. That number included members of the country’s venerated clergy.
Although public demonstrations had been ramping up for weeks, the Saffron Revolution can be thought of as beginning on 5 September 2007, when thugs thought to be connected to the junta government attacked a group of monks in Pakokku. Doing so was in direct violation of Buddhist teachings, something of which the military had long been cognisant, largely due to the massive public support that the clergy holds in Burma. Urging the military leaders to reflect on their action, Burma’s Sangha, the national council representing the country’s Buddhist monks, demanded an apology from the military within 12 days. When the junta refused to do so, the clerical leaders began a religious boycott, dubbed the “overturning of the alms bowls”. This was an act of severe moral rebuke, in which monks refused to accept alms from military families, thereby denying them important religious merit. This had only happened a few times before –when the Burmese people rebelled against British colonialism and, more recently, following the country’s nullified 1990 elections.
Six month after the Saffron Revolution began, the All-Burma Monks Alliance (ABMA) continues to boycott Burma’s military families, all the while urging the Burmese people to continue resistance against military domination. This resistance has taken several forms. On 17 January, 200 demonstrators in Taungkok, including a handful of monks, attempted to gather near a local market, where they were met with a large number of armed personnel and forced to disperse. At that time, one resident of Taungkok warned that local people continued to “boil with anger”, and that the next time they would not be stopped.
Since the September uprising, student unions, activist groups, bloggers and youth wings belonging to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) have continued spreading underground pamphlets and posters. In late December, the NLD’s detained leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, told followers to “prepare for the worst while hoping for the best”. In a particularly creative form of protest, the poet Saw Wai wrote a short poem that included a series of hidden letters spelling out the words for ‘power hungry Than Shwe’, referring to the junta’s senior leader. The poem was published in a government-backed publication and, following his arrest on 22 January, Saw Wai’s poem became an instant sensation.
Meanwhile, the sustained international interest since the 2007 uprisings have also allowed for the monks’ calls to be heard with greater strength around the world. Over the past couple of months, the Sasana Moli, the International Burmese Monks Organisation, has opened 14 new international branches, including in India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, as well as several countries in the West and throughout Southeast Asia. In January, the Thai branch of the International Burmese Monks Organisation in Thailand declared that the crimes committed against Burma’s clergy, in particular, had laid bare the junta’s “false piety”, and warned of “far-reaching consequences”.

Tatmadaw’s stranglehold According to military scholar Mary P Callahan, immediately following independence from Britain, World War II-era politics made violence the “currency of power” in Burma. The country’s postcolonial operational failure included army mutiny, ethnic rebellion, communist insurgency, warlordism and economic chaos. This near-anarchy subsequently paved the way for the creation of the Myanmar Tatmadaw, an army modelled after the 1950s Yugoslav and Israeli militaries. Callahan has written that the Tatmadaw came to use violence – “the once despised coercive tools of colonials” – not only to pacify but also to mould the Burmese citizenry into dependable defenders of the army state. It is this ‘dependability’ on which the junta regime has attempted to balance for the past half century, and which has led the military leaders to attempt frantically to eliminate any perceived crack in the façade.
The military moved quickly to establish pre-eminence in the Burmese state. In 1956, the army’s Directorate of Psychological Warfare presented the first draft of what eventually became the official ideology of the post-1962 socialist government, as well as the present-day military regime. Entitled “Some Reflections on Our Constitution”, the paper recommended a review of constitutional flaws and the adoption of a draconian Anti-Subversion Ordinance, which essentially allowed the government and army to treat all critics of the regime as enemies of the state.
Callahan writes that, by 1958, the Burmese Union’s Constitution was no longer considered sacrosanct, as the army circulated a critique of the document’s fundamental tenets. With this, the Tatmadaw successfully created a chokehold on political power in Burma. Under such conditions, citizens came to be seen as ‘barriers’ to the military’s consolidation of power. It was in this context that an onerous British law, a section of the Public Order Preservation Act, was resurrected and used to arrest as many as 400 government critics. During 1958, the Press Registration Act of 1876 was also amended, and the ‘Psywar’ Directorate shut down a half-dozen newspapers, imprisoning numerous editors and publishers in the process. Today, 50 years later, nearly the exact same scenes are again being repeated in Burma.
After more than 45 years of army rule, political power in Burma remains in the hands of what Callahan has termed “specialists in violence”. This catchphrase actually includes members of the Tatmadaw, anti-government armed forces, criminal gangs and paramilitaries, though the first of these maintains by far the most significant hold over power. “More menacing than the records of murderous militaries in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, Indonesia, and the Philippines,” Callahan has noted, “is the comparative ‘durability’ of the Tatmadaw’s command relationship with its society.” Since the 1962 military coup, the Tatmadaw have come to dominate all levels of government, civil administration and commerce in Burma.

Military sovereignty After some modest growth during the mid-1990s, Burma is once again facing dramatic economic problems. The early rush of foreign investment – mostly in tourism and small-scale manufacturing – has by now almost completely dried up, largely as a result of poor economic management by the regime, though coupled with the after-effects of the Asian financial crisis. Regardless, however, the junta looks set to survive, at least in the near term. As the Central Statistical Organisation in Burma has reported, the country’s foreign direct investments during fiscal year 2006 totalled nearly USD 753 million, due to investments from China, South Korea, Russia, Singapore and Britain, most of them in the lucrative oil and gas sector.Indeed, contrary to the spike in public interest in Burma, a recent New York Times editorial suggested that, just a few months after the Saffron Revolution, many governments appear to have started losing much of their short-lived enthusiasm for challenging the junta. This has been put down to the fact that they are either eager for contracts with Burma for resources such as oil and gems, or fear creating instability in the region. While observers have long noted that the governments of China, India and the Southeast Asian countries are particularly crucial in applying pressure on Rangoon, it is impossible not to notice that Europe and the US continue to maintain commercial interests in Burma.China’s economic and military support for the junta has attracted particular attention from pro-democracy activists. One school of thought believes that small, poverty-stricken Burma will inevitably succumb to the pressures of its much larger neighbour, effectively becoming a pawn within China’s geopolitical orbit. It is also believed that China’s position on the UN Security Council is seen by the Rangoon regime as an ultimate guarantee against action by the UN. A massive military machine, after all, has long been believed by Beijing policymakers to be necessary for the Burmese regime to protect foreign investments and encourage economic growth in the country. This would, of course, include the protection of China’s current and future investments, including the planned gas pipelines into Yunnan province. As such, Chinese and Burmese officials have in common the view that Burma’s internal stability is vital to the survival of Burma’s independence – and the Myanmar Army’s sovereignty.But the Saffron Revolution, and the renewed international interest that came with it, does seem to have altered the geopolitical situation with regards to Burma, at least in the short term. Beijing, for instance, took on a significantly more active, albeit behind-the-scenes, role during the uprising, reportedly adopting an unusually stern line with the junta out of the public’s glare. Just how far the Chinese are willing to take this pressure, however, remains uncertain. For its part, India had briefly supported the Burmese democracy movement in 1988. But by the early 1990s, New Delhi had begun actively courting the Rangoon junta, a move that many put down as an attempt to balance Beijing’s influence in Burma. Recently, however, Indian policymakers have been coming under stepped-up pressure to re-examine the official line. Following longstanding calls by rights groups, India recently agreed to halt arms supplies to the Rangoon regime (though, according to Indian officials, only temporarily). Likewise, in early February New Delhi officials promised United Nations Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari that they would increase official backing for UN interventions in Burma, though India remains adamant that it will not support any further imposition of sanctions. Indeed, Gambari seemed buoyed by his Delhi visit. Looking ahead to a planned trip to Rangoon in April, he noted, “Last time, China facilitated my trip to Myanmar. This time, I believe it will be India.”
Even the generals themselves seem to have felt the need to capitulate more than usual to international pressure. In mid-February, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged action by the UN Security Council against Rangoon for the use of child soldiers. As a consequence, the Burmese leadership agreed to bring charges against 43 of its officials for child recruitment. But while this swift action in response to UN diktat is notable, the practice of forcing children into the army is almost certainly continuing, particularly in the country’s more remote areas.
This type of dynamic has been seen before, as the junta, when pressured, pretends a willingness to cooperate. After pacifying the Security Council with a few meetings between junta liaisons and Suu Kyi in 2007, by 2008 the generals no longer seem to be showing much interest in genuine political reform. This includes the surprise announcement, on 9 February, of plans to hold a referendum, to be held this coming May, on the country’s new Constitution, as well as a general election in 2010. The news has been received with skepticism from the political opposition and the West, however, with only the government of Singapore welcoming the news (see box).

A rotten system The junta’s stranglehold over Burma notwithstanding, the Myanmar Army may not be nearly as strong as is generally believed. General Shwe Mann, the army’s third-highest official, reported manpower losses of nearly 9500 during just a four-month period leading up to September 2006. Much of this was due to desertions, which had risen by eight percent even over the previous year alone. Indeed, the Burmese military is not only chronically plagued by desertion, but its troops suffer from particularly high rates of HIV and Hepatitis B, and morale is said to have clearly plummeted.
A hint as to why this is so can be found in a late-2007 report by Jane’s Defense Weekly, the US-based military journal, that the army’s battalions have become poorly managed and resourced. Much of this can be put down to the fact that corruption has reached unprecedented levels, even by the junta’s standards, causing a significant drain on the government’s budget. According to Transparency International’s 2007 Corruption Perceptions Index, Burma was ranked dead last on a list of 180 countries, tied only with Somalia, which has not had a functioning central government in a decade and a half. The fact that the junta has further isolated the armed forces from the rest of the population has essentially led to the creation of a state within a state, where the members of the Tatmadaw, along with their relatives and supporters, have become a privileged caste within Burmese society.
The longstanding disconnect in Burma constitutes a constant worry for the authoritarian regime: that the junta will be weakened by its alienation from the civilian population, and will continue to face the threat of armed opposition. Meanwhile, the NLD’s landslide victory in the 1990 general elections included an overwhelming vote by military personnel, strongly suggesting that dissatisfaction and even active dissent within the military was well entrenched nearly two decades ago. It can be said that today the will of the people is much stronger than nearly ever before in modern-day Burma. One of the most important elements to come out of the Saffron Revolution has been the quiet transformation of the power behind the moral influence in Burma. First and foremost, the uprising has largely succeeded in uniting the vast number of Burmese citizens behind a common cause. Second, public will has, to a great extent, re-focused international concern onto Burma – a process that has proceeded more slowly and unevenly than many hoped, but one that is nonetheless continuing. As one student leader, nicknamed Phoenix, said in the aftermath of the September uprisings, “While international pressure is necessary, the ultimate answer to Burma’s future lies with the people inside the country, including the military leaders who disagree with the killing of the monks.”