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01/02/2008: "Move to impose President rule 'illegal, unconstitutional': Rio The Hindu"
Move to impose President rule 'illegal, unconstitutional': Rio The Hindu
New Delhi (PTI): Amid speculation over imposition of President's Rule, Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio on Wednesday said such a move would not only be "illegal and unconstitutional" but would amount to "murder of democracy".
"The Congress party does not want to face the people of Nagaland, which goes to poll next month. The Congress wants to disrupt the election. If they really impose President's Rule and dismiss my democratically-elected government, it would be nothing but murder of democracy," Rio told PTI from Kohima. Claiming that the full Union Cabinet did not meet on Tuesday but consultations were held among Congress Cabinet ministers on the issue, he said ministers from non-Congress UPA parties were not present.
DMK, a prominent UPA constituent, was opposed to the imposition of President's Rule in any state, Rio said, adding even the four Left Parties -- CPI(M), CPI, RSP and Forward Block -- had written letters to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi against going ahead with any such move. "Such a move will be illegal and unconstitutional as I have come to power only after being elected democratically and my government has won the trust vote in Nagaland assembly on December 13," Rio said.
"I hope good sense would prevail in Congress. Else it would be a bad signal for the whole country," he added.
President’s rule in NagalandAloke Tikku, Hindustan Times
New, Delhi
The Union Cabinet is learnt to have decided to bring Nagaland under central rule to end the political uncertainty in the state after the Neiphu Rio government survived a controversial no-confidence motion last month. But it could not be confirmed whether the Union Cabinet had voted to dissolve the state assembly or keep the assembly in suspended animation.
A government source said it was logical to dissolve the assembly with the state due to go for polls next month. However, there was no official word on the cabinet decision; there were hints that the decision would be formally made public once the ordinance was promulgated. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had convened the Union Cabinet meeting on Tuesday evening, which lasted for about 15-20 minutes. Nagaland is due for election in February 2008 and the electoral process is likely to start later this month. But a controversy over the numbers backing the Neiphu Rio government at a vote of no confidence in the assembly has pushed the state to the brink of central rule.
Thirty-one MLAs of Nagaland had last month met President Pratibha Patil seeking central rule in the state after the no confidence motion in the assembly was defeated following the Speaker's refusal to consider votes of seven dissident ruling legislators enabling the state government to survive. The Leader of the Opposition and Congress legislature party, I Imkong, led the delegation of MLAs to Rashtrapati Bhavan. The motion was defeated 23-19 in the 60-member House
At the controversial no-confidence motion on December 13, the assembly Speaker had held the votes of the dissident ruling Nagaland People's Forum-led Democratic Alliance members - who defied the party whip and voted against the government - as invalid.
Nagaland government’s days numbered? Special Correspondent The Hindu
NEW DELHI: The days of the Neiphiu Rio government in Nagaland may be numbered. The Union Cabinet, which met here on Tuesday evening, was understood to have reviewed the State’s political situation where, according to the opposition, the Rio ministry had been reduced to a minority.
It was learnt from privileged sources that the Cabinet had more or less decided to recommend the dismissal of the Rio government and imposition of President’s rule in Nagaland where Assembly polls were due to be held this year.
No official word However, there was no official word on the Cabinet meeting. Sources said the Cabinet, at its meeting chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, considered factors that plagued the coalition government during the past month. Last month, as many as 30 legislators met President Pratibha Devisingh Patil to press for the dismissal of the government in Nagaland as it had lost majority on the floor of the Assembly.
Sovereignty not negotiable: Gogoi By A Staff Reporter Assam tribune
GUWAHATI, Jan 1 – Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi today reiterated that both his Government and the Union Government were open to the prospect of talks with the ULFA, but the issue of sovereignty that it was insisting on was ‘not negotiable’. Interacting with the media in the city today, he said that he was not adverse to the demand for release of top ULFA leaders who were behind bars. But at the same time, he mentioned the need to contain the activities of the banned outfit.
Stating that the ULFA was being controlled by foreign forces he said that the outfit should see reason and negotiate on issues the Indian Government would be able to discuss.
Gogoi was of the view that a multi-pronged approach was needed to redress the problem of insurgency in the state. A political approach and focused development in backward areas are the need of the hour, he noted. He said the State needed development in backward areas because those were the hotbed of extremist activities. Proper development initiatives could make a real difference in removing insurgency.
Gogoi admitted that 2007 was ‘a bad year so far extremist violence was concerned.’ The number of people who lost their lives was very high compared to previous years. He blamed it on extremists having changed their tactics, and targeting civilians, a marked departure from attacks on personnel in uniform. As measures to tackle the spurt in violence he mentioned the setting up of more police stations and improving the intelligence network.
Gogoi, however, appeared upbeat on other fronts and cited a number of ‘achievements in 2007’. Organising the National Games was, according to him a remarkable success that proved the critics wrong.
Kick starting the Gas Cracker Project was another development, which Gogoi projected as an achievement of his government. Congratulating Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for his contributions in setting up the plant, he described it as a gift to the people of Assam.
His list of achievements also included the Karbi Langpi project, the package to revive the tea industry and steps to open the Stilwell road, among others.
Gogoi dwelt in some detail about ongoing steps to improve and augment educational infrastructure in the State. Referring to financial support to institutions of higher education, he mentioned that his Government has sanctioned considerable funds to the universities and medical colleges. He sought to describe 2007 as the year of education because of key decisions taken by his government to augment the learning sector.
Earlier in his address, Gogoi congratulated the voters of seven districts of Assam where Panchayat elections were organised. Referring to the large voter turn-out, he asserted that it indicated the people’s faith in the democratic process.
He hinted that his party would do well in the polls and would be able to push forward the development agenda that has already been put in place. He hoped that conjoining development initiatives and improved educational opportunities in the State, would lead to all around growth and prosperity in the near future.
Centre not to accept ULFA precondition By A Staff Reporter Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, Jan 1 – The Government of India is not keen on accepting any precondition of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) to bring the outfit to the negotiation table, but the doors of the Government are still open if the militant groups comes forward for talks without any pre-condition, highly-placed official sources said. Sources told The Assam Tribune that the Government of India was of the view that senior ULFA leaders including the chairman of the outfit Arabinda Rajkhowa and the Commander-in-Chief Paresh Baruah must come forward for talks to initiate the peace process. Sources said that the Government is no longer in the mood to talk to the ULFA through a third party as the peace process initiated through talks with the People’s Consultative Group (PCG) in 2005 failed to yield any desired results. It may be mentioned here that the peace process, initiated through discussions with the PCG, formed by the ULFA to hold initial parleys with the Government of India to pave the way for direct talks, ended in a deadlock in June, 2006.
Sources said that the Government of India would not accept the pre-condition of the ULFA to give a written assurance to discuss the issue of sovereignty. “The ULFA must come forward for talks without any pre-condition and they can raise any issue during the process of talks. The ULFA leadership is free to raise even the issue of sovereignty during the talks,” sources added. Recently, noted litterateur Dr Mamoni Raisom Goswami announced here that the Centre would consider the demand for the release of five jailed central committee members of the ULFA favourably within the first part of this month to re-launch the peace process again, but official sources said that the Government is yet to take any decision in this regard. However, sources said that the Government would definitely consider the demand for release of the ULFA leaders if the ULFA comes forward for talks without any pre-condition.
Burmese military institution: Turning into a power equation of national reconciliation Nyo Ohn Myint Mizzima
January 2, 2008 - Burma's State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has used the Burmese military forces as their core political element to face escalating pressures and awareness from the international community and the United Nations. But, the regime's top leader senior general Than Shwe tended to save its military institution from the political storm. He instead, sacrificed civil militia groups including USDA in this September people's movement led by Buddhist monks.
The recent Thailand 's elections results showed the Thai military coup leaders opening the door for people to decide. Leave the army away from the political struggle to avoid tension between army and citizens as it happened in 1992's bloody uppression. Thai power struggle shows that the elite political blocs have their own agenda for using military power in the final political struggle. Unlike the Thai political society, Burma's generals used the military institution to challenge the citizens and defend their wealth and stability.
Nevertheless, the international community and the restless people of Burma, the political activists and spiritual leaders adopted a very popular word -- "National Reconciliation" and chose to show what the regime has done against their own citizens by the democracy movement almost two decades ago. The international community and various governments includeing regime's diehard supporters China, India and ASEAN decided to push the regime to grab the grand opportunity to reconcile with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to end the country's nightmare and backwardness. No matter through different strategies they made, the objective of their requests and demands the same; "Enough is enough and let's move forward".
Why has the regime ignored the whole world's demands? Recently, one of the regime's apologists stressed that Senior General Than Shwe needs time to reinforce his tailor made domination of militarism after September's political uprising. The apologist said that the senior general might not have any immediate worry about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as long as she is being detained or about the rest of the angry citizens, spiritual leaders or international community. He only cares about his own army and military officials who do not dare to show their unhappiness over his performance towards the country's stability.
Indeed, there might be some logical differences between top generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye, but Than Shwe cares about how long he can divide the military institution and the citizens. This is a key for his holding onto power. Most of his speeches and statements are meant for the army's unity, encouragement of militarism. It is needed in Burma for defending possible disintegration, national pride, and readiness to fight neo-colonialism. He created more enemies for his army.
An ASEAN diplomats stressed that "Than Shwe might not have any solution for his own army this time if he declares the defeat of his regime to the democracy movement based on the country's needs of a political change for a better economy." He cannot eat his words that the regime is the best for the country.
Obviously, he might use brutality to keep power. He has showed his violent hand against spiritual leaders, civilians, women, even Burma's once most powerful military institution "military intelligence" along with former prime minister general Khin Nyunt should someone try to challenge his power. Hence, most of the military officials are scared.
Sources close to the SPDC stressed that "young and mid level officials are fully aware of mounting political disaster but they have to care for their stability, status quo, promotions and of cause their families' wellbeing". But they are waiting for another round of civil movement and they would side with the winners. The bottom line is they may be expecting political leaders to assure their safety and their role in the post Than Shwe era, but they still do not have any guarantee from the opposition. Indeed, Burma 's current popular word National Reconciliation does not focus on the role of the military after Than Shwe. One of the main power blocs; Burma's military institution has been hijacked by elite generals since 1962. The current dictator general Than Shwe learned from late general Ne Win and synchronizes the military as a main political bloc in Burma's political landscape. Either opposition or military insiders and reformers' limited request of the military institution to stay natural could not convey a clear message to the institution. Perhaps, the international community forgets the role of the military institution or pays too much attention to the SPDC and its elite generals to reconcile within different and distant political blocs.
Burma and Thai military have many different ideologies. The Thai military withdrew from politics in 1992 regardless of military elites staging a coup in 2006. But Burmese generals have created more elite roles for the defence services into the daily political landscape. Than Shwe knows well about it, thus, he promises them that he is the saviour creating a superior role in social and political functioning. To end the authoritarian rule, Burmese democratic leaders should work on the military institution, to see to the division between SPDC and military personnel for the future of Burma. We all need to prepare for the transitional period with a safe haven for the military institution, and open minded officials need to consider an alternative strategy for the country. All we have to do is to save both citizens and the military institution who are both victims of authoritarian rule. Indeed, Burma's political landscape is a simply mathematic equation, who sides with who and when.
