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11/27/2007: "Sumi unity not at the cost of Nagas: Isak Swu (in the Tangkhul)"
27 November 2007 Tuesday
Yaruiwo
Government of the People's Republic of Nagalim
Statement November 25, 2007
In view of the sensitive situation prevailling in Nagalim as a result of the controversial unification initiatives involving certain section of our people, this ststement is issued to clear away any confusion. That:
The NSCN stands for reconciliation, unity and peace of all the Nagas. Therefore, appeal to the people to exert all out effort to achieve it.
1. Any independent unity move, deliberately by the back door, shall not be acceptable.
2. The rumors that there are differences between the Ato Kilonser, Th. Muivah and the Yaruiwo are concocted by vested interest persons to mislead the people. There are absolutely no differences between us.
3. Naga people should be on the guard against divisive external forces.
Sd/- ( ISAK CHISHI SWU ) Statement issued by Yaruiwo - 25 Nov, 2007
Sumi unity not at the cost of Nagas: Isak The Tangkhul
DIMAPUR, NOV 26: Breaking the silence in the wake of sensitive issue doing the rounds in Nagaland, NSCN-IM Yaruiwo Isak Swu in a statement made it clear that, unity of Sumi cannot be achieved at the expense of discriminating other tribes. Unity among Sumis is essential, however other tribes cannot be discriminated because of Sumi unity, Isak stated.
He further stated the unity of Sumis should contribute towards the unity among Naga tribes and called upon all Nagas with the statement that there should be no confusion among the Nagas.
The Yaruiwo also made it clear that despite the NSCN-IM’s stance for reconciliation, unity and peace among Nagas, any independent unity move, deliberately by the back door, shall not be acceptable.
The Yaruiwo also ruled out any difference of opinion between Ato Kilonser Th. Muivah and him and blamed the rumor as ‘concocted by vested persons to mislead the people’.
“There are no differences in opinion of Chairman and the General Secretary”, Isak stated and blamed the same as the doings of the ‘divisive external forces’.
He has further called upon all Nagas to be on their guard against such rumors. Mention may be made here that the unification bid among the warring NSCN faction was held in a reconciliatory meeting held at Hovishe village on November 23. The unified NSCN group declared to be known under the banner NSCN/GPRN to mark the end of bloodshed among Naga brethrens.
The unification move was however ruled out by NSCN-IM who said that the resolution has not been endorsed by the former as the decision was arrived at during a meeting wherein only a few from the section of the community without government’s knowledge and official endorsement has decided on the unity move.
Meanwhile, the Commander in Chief of army NSCN-K, General Khole Konyak has welcomed the NSCN unification move terming it as an answer to the Naga’s prayer for unification and reconciliation move on Monday. General Khole while extending his X-Mas and New Year greetings to all sections of the Nagas appealed to all section of Naga society to join hands to materialize the common cause of the Nagas.
“Unification Team” explains ‘unity’ move
From left to right: ‘Kilonsers’, Singsong, Hukuhvi Yeptho, Azheto Chopy, Shikato Chishi Swu, Mulatonu and Hothrong Yimchunger gather for a photograph after the interview at Kuhoboto village on November 26. (MExPix)
Longrangty Longchar & Bonnie Konyak
Dimapur | November 26
In the wake of the claimed “unification” of the warring NSCN groups under one banner, the leaders of the “Unification Team” made up of leaders from both the NSCN factions, today declared that the top leadership, that is the chairmen of each faction had been aware of the move to ‘unify’ the warring factions.
Speaking with The Morung Express at Kuhuboto village, the leaders of the NSCN “Unification Team” disclosed that the ranks and file of the NSCN (K) has been aware of the move to unify the warring NSCN factions. “For the NSCN (K), it (unification move) is complete from top to bottom,” said Mulatonu, Senior NSCN (K) Kilonser who was present at the interview.
The leaders also asserted that even the NSCN (IM) Chairman Isak Chishi Swu was well aware of the move, and that he had granted approval to the same. Interestingly, Isak Chishi Swu’s younger brother, another top functionary in the NSCN (IM), is also a member of the NSCN “Unification Team.” “We are doing it with the knowledge of Isak Swu and Khaplang,” they affirmed.
However, they also expressed their apprehension that ‘some destructive elements’ might be trying to sabotage the new venture by Naga undergrounds. “Anyone who will be opposing the unification process will be making a mistake,” warned Mulatonu. Any leader who opposes this unification, the Nagas should judge,” said Singson, another NSCN (K) Kilonser, “I think the Nagas should feel happy and come forward (to this unification process).” “Any Naga leader who is against the unification move is not a Naga,” affirmed Hothrong Yimchunger, Steering Committee member.
Dispelling apprehension that the ‘Unification Team’ would form a new Naga underground faction, the leaders present asserted that the new unified organization would be known only by the name ‘NSCN’, with no discriptors like ‘K’ or ‘IM.’ “When we say NSCN, we mean Nagaland (and not Nagalim),” declared Mulatonu.
However, the leaders disclosed that the new unified NSCN would be following the old NSCN constitution drafted many years back during the heights of the Naga movement. Both the NSCN factions are using a single constitution. On their future course of action and dealings, the leaders said that the final decision would have to be taken by the Naga people themselves.
Invitations to all the ‘Naga’ tribal Hohos have been sent and the leaders would be meeting them at the convenience of the Hohos from today onwards and take their views and opinions before finalizing which course of action to take.
On the issue of ‘quit notice’ served to the Tangkhuls by the NSCN (K) last year; the leaders said that the fate of the Tangkhuls and other issues would be taken by the Naga people themselves. “The decision of the Nagas is the decision of the nation,” said Mulatuno. The leaders also disclosed that their meeting with the tribal bodies would finalise all other loose ends like who will head the organization. “We are waiting for the mandate of the people”, they repeated.
However, the leaders asserted that the Cease-fire with the Government of India would be continued and on issues like talks with the Government of India, they said that they would have to start a “new beginning”.
On the question of the Nagas living in Myanmar, Mulatuno asserted that the Naga political problem has to be solved once and for all and said that the Naga problem cannot be solved in ‘piece-meal’, he asserted pointing out that sovereignty should come first and then integration would come.
However, on being asked a direct question about the Central Government’s attitude at the new turn of events, Mulatuno replied that the Indian government must do its own duty and they would carry on their own duties. Elaborating on the word ‘duty’, Mulatuno said that the GOI cannot direct the ‘NSCN’ with set of ‘dos and don’ts’ likewise the NSCN cannot be given orders or given with ‘dos and don’ts’ by the Central Government.
Justifying their move, the leaders of the NSCN ‘Unification Team’ reiterated that the Naga people have for so long been clamoring for peace and end to fratricidal killings among the Naga underground factions, ‘which is exactly the desire of the Naga people’. “We sincerely believe that this unification process is through the miraculous hands of God. We appeal to all the Naga people and churches to sincerely pray for the fulfillment of the unification process,” said Azheto Chopy, former NSCN (IM) Kilo Kilonser and Convener of the Unification Team.
Confusion over Unity pact persists Tangkhul.com
Dimapur, Nov 25: Guessing games, rumours and wild speculations are doing the round in Dimapur after the November 23 Niuland (near Dimapur) episode where some leaders from both the warring NSCN factions had issued a “Joint Unity Declaration” between the two factions.
What has added to the confusion is Azheto Chophy, the Kilo-kilonser (Home Minister) of the NSCN-IM who was (is) the signatory to the much media hyped “Joint Unity Declaration” of Niuland on Friday.
NSCN-IM’s Azheto Chophy, after having had signed the declaration with the “external affairs minister” of the rival Khaplang faction, is yet to turn up to brief the Friday development to his “higher authority” till this evening, according to a well placed source from the NSCN-IM.
Amidst this confusion, a press release has been issued by the participants of the Niuland declaration, who christened themselves as “Unification Team”, appealing to the Nagas for extending co-operation and support to the “newly unified NSCN”.
“The Unification Team appeals to all sections of the Nagas including civil societies, intellectuals, national workers and the general public to participate in the peace initiative (Unification of Nagas) and give a boost to the newly unified NSCN so as to put an end to inter-factional/fratricidal killings. Your co-operation and participation is inevitable for the success of this effort......”, said the brief note issued to the press today.
One of the signatories of the Niuland declaration C Singson (he is the NSCN-K External Affairs Minister) informed NNN over phone tonight that two decades ago “it was just the NSCN and now it is NSCN again, no NSCN-K neither NSCN-IM but just one NSCN.” On being asked who will be the leader of the “newly unified NSCN”, C.Singson said that the matter has not been discussed as yet “but at present we are pre-occupied with reaching out to the general public, all the leaders of the Naga national workers to support this peace initiative.” NSCN-IM’s Chairman Isak Chisi Swu is expected to give an “official” stand of the outfit on the Niuland development tomorrow (Monday). The Western Sumi (Sema tribe) Hoho has also sent out a press note this evening appealing all the Nagas and the civil societies to support the Niuland “peace initiative.” The Sumi Hoho had reportedly hosted the Friday Niuland declaration.
Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim
Ministry of Information & Publicity
Press Release
24th November 2007
Life attempt on S.C. Jamir, the Governor of Goa and Former Chief Minister of Nagaland at Mokokchung is nothing surprising at all at this stage. A person carrying the tag of anti-national as pronounced by NSCN, the blame will naturally be pointed towards NSCN. A crafty politician as he is, Jamir’s game plan is at work again to begin his dirty election campaign under the shadow of top level security cover and so is the bloody drama enacted for the purpose.
It is therefore to be pointed out that the life attempt on Jamir is nothing more that ‘Stage Managed’. It is a drama to enact the fake killing attempt to draw people’s sympathy and generate sympathy wave across Nagaland in his favour and for the congress.
Now under the pretext of ‘threat perception’ on his life Jamir has cleverly prepared the ground where he is entitled to be provided top security arrangement, which will facilitate him to have freewheeling movement to campaign during the forthcoming Nagaland Assemble Election. This well-designed drama of S.C. Jamir is therefore a ploy to garner undeserved votes by spreading wave of pity on people’s mind to give him the last chance to be their representative in the assembly. Stubbornly used to bulldozing people’s interests Jamir’s true colour is laid bare before the people. Under the circumstances the NSCN is constrained to be opened to the reality that if Jamir claim to have one person on his side there are one thousand people against him, ready to execute Naga people’s interest against him. It is however to be clarified for peoples conscience sake that yesterday’s incident is simply to hoodwink the Naga people to serve his own election interest.
Issued by: Ministry of Information & Publicity, GPRN
What People say about the Nagas
The Nagas are divided into a number of different tribes and sub-tribes, Angamis, Rengmas, Tangkhuls, Lothas, Semas, Aos, and many more too numerous to cite here. They live in hilltop villages which were, and often still are, defended by stone walls, dykes, thorn fences and spiked palisades, and before the Pax Britannica stopped them they were head-hunters to a man, celebrating the deed in elaborate rituals and recognizing its worth by the right to special insignia (Ursula Graham Bower, 1950. Naga Path. London: Butler & Tanner Ltd., p.1).
The gallant Nagas whose loyalty, even in the most depressing times of the invasion, had never faltered. Despite floggings, torture, execution, and the burning of their villages, they refused to aid the Japanese in any way or to betray our troops. Their active help to us was beyond value or praise. Under the leadership of devoted British political officers, some of the finest types of the Indian Civil Service, in whom they had complete confidence, they guided our columns, collected information, ambushed enemy patrols, carried our supplies, and brought in our wounded under the heaviest fire, and then, being the gentlemen they were, often refused all payment. Many a British and Indian soldier owes his life to the head-hunting Naga, and no soldier of the Fourteenth Army who met them will ever think of them but with admiration and affection (Field-Marshal Viscount Sir William Slim, 1955. Defeat Into Victory.Indian Edition 1981. Dehra Dun: Natraj Publishers, pp. 334-335).
THE OPINIONS OF INDIAN LEADERS On August 13, 1996, a Delhi based daily, carried an article where the GOC of the 3rd Corps, Lt. Gen. SS Grewal, the overall in charge of military operations in five of the seven states of North-East pointed out that "a lasting solution can only be found through political initiative." Several senior army officers have also reiterated that militarization cannot be the solution of political problems. - NPMHR, vol.II No. 05 Quarterly Publication Delhi, October 1996
"Murkot Ramunny, the notorious security commissioner, said in his writing, "the Nagas do not kill civilians"
"An 11-member Naga delegation met the first Governor General of free India, Shri Rajagopalachari, in Shillong on 28 November 1947 where His Excellency declared: India wants to be friendly with you. India does not want to deprive the Nagas of their land. Nagas are at full liberty to do as they like, either to become part of India or be separated if it would be best for their interest to be isolated"
"Jawahalal Nehru declared on September 17, 1953 "Whether it is Kashmir or any other part we are not going to hold it by the strength of arms..."
"Jawahalal Nehru stated in Parliament on 7 August 1952 "We want no people in the territory of India against their will and with the help of armed forces... We want no forced marriages or forced unions."
"Nagas have every right to be independent. We did not want to live under the domination of the British and they are now leaving us. I want you to feel that India is yours. I feel that the Naga Hills are mine just as much as they are yours, but if you say, "it is mine" then the matter must stop there. I believe in the brotherhood of man, but I do not believe in force or forced unions. If you do not wish to join the Union of India nobody will force you to do that" - Mahatma Gandhi, in Bhangi Colony, New delhi on 19th July 1947.
"Comparing the case of Punjab and Nagaland, Mr. Chaman Lal (Director General of Police) said in Punjab it was terrorism while in Nagaland it is insurgency. And we have to distinguish between the two." "We are here not to end the insurgency. Nagaland's is a political problem and it has to be solved politically."(The Naga Banner) Kohima, Saturday, November 26, 1994.
Jayaprakash Narayan: India says that all Nagas are Indian citizens but we do not accept what India says (Ng. Ngareophung. 1976. Legacy of R. Suisa. Phadang Village, Ukhrul. 24 March 1965, p. 19).
You can live as a nation and preserve your integrity (ibid,. p. 18).
The Naga people are unquestionably a nation (ibid. p. 27).
The kind of relationship between Nagaland and India may be negotiated (ibid. p. 28).
I must admit that before my association with this work (Peace Mission) I had little idea of the seriousness of the situation here, because so little about the situation in Nagaland appeared in the press either in India or elsewhere. But during these last months, the seriousness of the situation has been brought home to me in all its depth, danger and frightfulness. By the grace of God and wisdom shown by both sides, we have got a kind of peace, an armed truce in Nagaland. People are breathing freely; people in India too are feeling relieved. The scanty news they have received of firings, ambushes, sabotages, have filled them with anxiety (ibid. p. 31).
We regard the Nagas, particularly those connected with the Federal Government of Nagaland, as Naga patriots and not as outlaws. They are not breaking laws, but fighting for freedom. We have the greatest respect, regard and affection for you and we are here as your friends (ibid. p. 34).
We, the three Peace Mission members, would like to see the Security Forces of India withdrawn from Nagaland tomorrow. Once we made an attempt to get them out from all internal security posts, but we did not succeed. The very fact of their presence here makes the Naga people feel that they are not free. They feel that the presence of Indian Security Forces in Nagaland is a visible expression of the lack of freedom for the Nagas. We are anxious to see the Indian Security Forces withdrawn. As soon as a decision is taken by this House, your delegation might sit with the Indian delegation and we will press for the withdrawal of Indian Security Forces from Nagaland (ibid. p. 36).
" We realize it is an all embracing movement and is much more than a mere political issue. But it is also one aspect political and requires a political solution." Rev. Michael Scott one of the peace mission member said during the Tatar Hoho Session (Parliament) at Wokha on 25 March 1965.
"Military solution is not possible. We have realized it. It is the time for India and the Nagas to talk across the table. So, why not start political dialogue?" General Shankar Roy Chaudhury, the former Chief of the Indian Army.
" Naga insurgents never adopted terror tactics" (Lieutenant General E.A. Vyas. 1989. The Search for Security. Dehra Dun: Natraj Publishers, p. 126).
" I feel that we have not dealt with this question of the Nagas with wisdom in the past. We must not judge them as we would others who are undoubtedly part of India. The Nagas have no such background or sensation and we have to create that sensation among them by our goodwill and treatment. We shall have to think how we can produce this impression and what political steps may be necessary (Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's secret letter to Assam Chief Minister B.R. Medhi. New Delhi, 13 May 1956. No. 1116-PMH/56. Quoted by Sanjoy Hazarika. 1994. Strangers of the Mist. New Delhi: Viking Penguin India, pp. 359-361).
Unfortunately the Nagas have got a particular grouse against the Assam Government. Your Government may not be responsible for this and the mere fact that you have to deal with them led to this situation. But the fact remains that they are very dissatisfied with the present position. One of their grivances is that under our Constitution we split them up in different political areas. Whether it is possible or desirable to bring them together again is for us to consider. Also what measure of autonomy we should give them so that they can lead their own lives without any sensation of interference (ibid.).
In 1995 the then Prime Minister Narasimha Rao when he met the collective leadership of the NSCN in Paris stated that: " I believe in political solution. We must solve the problem through political talks and dialogue. We should be patient enough and tolerant in tackling the problem." " I believe in peaceful solution. Violence is ruled out. We must seek political solution because it is a political issue".Prime Minister Mr. A.B. Vajpayee " Prime Minister categorically said that Nagaland was a political problem not mere law and order problem. And the only solution to that problem is a political solution".Mr. Swaraj Kaushal, former Governor of Mizoram Sate, who was the Emissary of the Prime Minister Mr. A.B. Vajpayee for the peace talks, had stated in an interview with the SUN Magazine Editor, Deepak Dewan
"Nagas are Nagas. Their fierce sense of independence, their attachment to their homeland, their pride in their heritage. All of it facinates me. To top it all I am an Assamese and we have a history of kinship with the Nagas. They are an indigenous people in our vicinity and I must confess with shame we turned a blind eye when hundreds of thousands of their people were murdered. The film is a tribute to the Naga resistance against their incorporation into an alien scheme of things. In fact the Naga resistance is truly symbolic of the struggle of all indigenous peoples worldwide against the appropriation of their land and their heritage".-Young film-Maker Shankar Borua had stated in an interview with the SUN Magazine Editor, Deepak Dewan
"To my mind, a just and honourable settlement is the answer to the Indo-Naga conflict. It is imperative to understand that the Naga armed resistance began as a response to the barbaric atrocities committed by the Indian Army on Nagas soon after the occupation of their homeland in the 1950s. The Nagas have always maintained that they are defending homeland."--Young film-Maker Shankar Borua had stated in an interview with the SUN Magazine Editor, Deepak Dewan
VIEWS OF EUROPEAN LEADERS You (the Naga people) are here today; many are dead. They have died for a cause more sacred than life itself, died for their freedom and right to determine their own destiny. We admire the struggle to attain such self control. This self control, perhaps, is the greatest of all arts; it is the art of living. Every one here is aware of these responsibilities for your nation. I watched from a far and admired the valiant struggle you put up for eleven years or more. You have tried your case known to the world. Your struggle has not ceased with cease-fire. Your cause is elevated from a military struggle to a political level now (Rev. Micheal Scott. 24 March 1965. As quoted by Ng. Ngareophung. 1976. Legacy of R. Suisa. Phadang Village, Ukhrul, pp. 12 & 13).
"The Naga political leadership had not only claimed the right to independence from India on the departure of the British, but had also attempted to make its own unilateral declaration of independence, has even now not been reconciled to inclusion in India; and in consequence the Indian Army is, as it has been on and off for not far short of twenty years, engaged in another draconian attempt to crush the resistance of the people concerned, the Nagas ..., their political leadership is mature and sophisticated, and their sense of national identity as strong as that of any other people of the sub-continent, and stronger perhaps than most." - Neville Maxwell, who won the 1982 UNA Media Peace Prize for his famous report Report No. 17, INDIA, THE NAGAS AND THE NORTH-EAST, Minority Rights Group, 29 Graven Street, London WC2.
Sir Robert Reid: "The Nagas are not Indian in any sense of the word, neither in origin, nor in language, nor in appearance, nor in habits, nor in outlook."
WRITE-UPS OF THE EUROPEAN Non-Governmental Organizations Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (Christopher A. Mullen [Editor] and J. Atticus Ryan [Associate Editor]. 1996. Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization Yearbook. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, pp. 105-107).
Nagaland is situated at the junction of China, India and Burma, occupying an area of 1200,000 km2 of the Patkai range. The Indian-ruled part of greater Nagaland is today administered by four different administrative units, the states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Nagaland. The Burmese portion of Nagaland has been placed under two administrative units, the Kachin state and the Sagaing division. Having migrated from Mongolia in the 10th century, the Nagas are racially and ethnically distinct people. The population of slightly more than 3 million people is comprised of 16 major and 20 minor tribes, of whom about 90% are Christian.
The economy relies primarily on agricultural products, forest products and cottage industries. There is little industry.
Prior to the British invasion in 1982, the Nagas were living in permanently established village-states. In 1879, the British established an administrative post in Kohima, and by 1881 had declared several parts of Southwest Nagaland as a British District. A set of regulations meant to "protect" the Nagas effectively isolated them from political movements in India.
In 1929, the Nagas submitted a memorandum to the British Simon Commission on constitutional reforms, stating the Nagas' opinion that any attempt to include their territory in a proposed reorganization of British India would gravely endanger their interests. Subsequently, the Government of India Act of 1935 declared Naga Hills district an "Excluded Area" at the recommendation of the Simon Commission. One day before India gained its independence, the Naga National Council (NNC) declared Nagaland's independence. Nevertheless, the Naga Hills District was considered a part of India according to the Indian Independence Act of 1947 despite Mahatma Gandhi's reported assurances to the contrary.
An agreement recognizing the right to self-determination of the Naga people was concluded between the NNC and India in 1948. According to the NSCN, India revoked the validity of the agreement the following year but the Indian government denies this. In response to the formation of the Federal Republic of Nagaland on 22 March 1956, the Government of India enacted the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, and began operations to restore Indian authority. This activity provoked the formation of the Naga People's Convention (NPC) in 1957, which held that the political future of the Naga people lay within the Indian Union. Despite an agreement between the NPC and the Government of India concluded in 1960 which resulted in the creation of the state of Nagaland in 1963, fighting between the Nagas and the Indian Union continued. The resulting high level talks between the two governments were discontinued by India in 1972. They resumed and resulted in the signing of the Shillong Accord in 1975.
The Naga leadership experienced a rift following the 1975 Shillong Accord, which stipulated the unconditional acceptance of the Indian constitution and the surrender of arms. The NNC President stood by the agreement, while other leaders denounced it. As a result of this rift, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was established on 30 January 1980.
Since 1992, the Nagas have been involved in bloody clashes with the Kukis, who inhabit the same territory. In March 1995, the Indian government declared the state of Nagaland a "Disturbed Area", empowering the armed forces under the Armed Forces Special Power Act of 1958. The situation in Nagaland continued to be tense throughout 1995-6, with recurring incidents of arrests, abductions causing disappearances, torture and summary executions. Indian forces present in Nagaland stand at well over 100,000.
In 1996, the NSCN leadership met with the Indian authorities and agreed to hold talks on the long standing political conflict and cessation of hostilities. The talks would be unconditional from both sides, would be held at the highest level. The venue of the talks remains to be decided, but this will be outside of India. Considerable progress has been made in informing the international community on the issues of concern to the Nagas. Seminars on the situation in Nagaland have been held in various places such as Kohima, New Delhi, etc. As a result, a significant number of people are understanding the crux of the problem and the urgency of its resolution. On a local level the NSCN is determined to deal with problems related to drugs and narcotics trafficking and give serious attention to the acute environmental problems. The NSCN has stopped rampant felling of forests, has prohibited the exploitation of mineral resources and any plan for construction of dams is strictly examined. The NSCN has also reformed the laxity of the academic authorities and teachers. Nagaland, through the National Socialist Council of Nagaland, has been a member of the UNPO since January 1993.
Walking the Gender Tightrope Reaching Equity in Difficult Times Rita Litwiller and Aküm Longchari
Violence against women – gender violence – continues to be the leading category of violence in the world today. Gender violence takes many forms – psychological, emotional, spiritual, and physical and creates pain and perpetuates human suffering in unthinkable ways. One predominant _expression of gender violence is human trafficking where “each year an estimated 1 to 2 million people are trafficked worldwide of which 225,000 are believed to be from South Asia. Other estimates show that over the last 30 years trafficking for sexual exploitation has victimized some 30 million Asian women and children.” 1
Human trafficking is the modern day name for slavery. As defined in the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, which supplements the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime:
. . . trafficking in human beings is the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons by means of force. It may also involve abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or the giving and receiving of payments for purposes of sexual exploitation, forced labour, slavery-like practices, servitude or the removal of organs.
The United Nations reports that the international trade in humans/trafficking is now the fastest-growing business of organized crime. It has become a $7 billion industry, ranked with the sale of illegal drugs and guns as the most lucrative criminal enterprises.2
Historically human trafficking has been rooted in strong preference for male children with gender discrimination and inequity at its core. “In South Asia, perhaps more than anywhere else, vulnerabilities are strongly linked to gender discrimination together with other forms of social exclusion such as ethnicity and caste. Girls and their family are under pressure to find ways to earn money for dowry payments, which could easily lead them to debt bondage, or fraudulent marriages, . . . the most common causes of trafficking. Further, societal expectations of female submissiveness create a fertile ground for traffickers to exert control on them.” Various studies show that “although human trafficking in South Asia is a centuries-old phenomenon current issues such as poverty, war and conflict, globalization, improved communication and transport links have accelerated the speed, magnitude and geographical coverage of human trafficking.”3
Patriarchy, power imbalances, and male dominance are the pre-existing conditions that pave the way for human trafficking around the world. This complex phenomenon is fueled by multiple factors including: poverty; lack of substantial livelihood/lack of employment opportunities; structural inequities in society; gender-based discrimination; war/armed conflict; illiteracy and lack of education; present development model; and globalization/consumerism. Ultimately the anti-feminine climate combined with trafficking complexities increases the environment’s receptivity to human trafficking, siphoning countries of vital, irreplaceable human resources.
War, armed conflict, and militarization and economic hardship go hand in hand for women and children residing in conflict/war zones. Armed conflict generally forces more people to migrate increasing the natural movement of people in search of new opportunities and a better life. Women and children are more likely to be separated from their families and communities in search of a safe environment and economic stability. Ultimately separation of women and children from the family unit and the larger support community causes them to be vulnerable and marginalized becoming easy prey for traffickers.
Post conflict situations can be equally if not more challenging for women who have been heads of the family and primary wage earners during the conflict. One example of post war impact on women’s livelihood and economic viability can be found in the former Soviet Union where high unemployment has bred an unfriendly climate for women who are constantly exposed to sexual harassment and exploitation, preyed on by employers, and forced into prostitution. In Nepal, what is commonly referred to as the People’s War has waged for six years where women bear the brunt of violence from the military, the police and the Maoists. Men are missing from their homes for many reasons including detention by the army and flight from the Maoists. These circumstances force women to become sole breadwinners searching for livelihood outside of their home communities.
In recent years global consumption patterns have dramatically shifted, thereby impacting trafficking trends. Basic needs of previous generations have become far more complex and luxurious in terms of material goods and food. Is this change truly representative of a shift in people’s basic needs or has it overlaid illusions and images that generate confusion and greed? Construction of more so-called complex needs spawned by globalism have disseminated the forces of consumerism directly fueling and perpetuating the trafficking phenomenon.4
A relational pattern can be seen between developing and developed countries as consumption trends become more pronounced in developed countries, a corresponding increase also takes place in developing nations. The increased demand for goods by developed countries has subsequently resulted in an increased demand for cheap labor from developing countries to supply the necessary goods. As developed countries’ demand for goods has increased so has their demand for female labor from developing countries. In order to fill the demand women are often trafficked for domestic labor, arranged marriages, prostitution or forced labor. Consequently developed countries have not only become consumers of goods produced in the developing world but consumers of the “new human cash crop”. Thus globalization has effectively reinforced domination by developed nations over the developing nations and this supply and demand dynamic has exponentially increased trafficking.5
It is the drive to maximize profit in a situation of least risk that creates demand for workers who are the most exploitable and controllable. Children, followed by women, fit this description perfectly.6
Developed countries have spread the virtues of consumerism to ensure that a ready supply of cheap labour is constantly available to meet continually growing demands for goods. These virtues depict luxurious lifestyles beyond the willing labor force’s imagination believing that the myth of consumerism will bring them happiness and prosperity, fulfilling their every dream. Inevitably the pressures of supply and demand of goods have resulted in social, economic, and political conditions that make women and children more vulnerable to trafficking.7
Unfortunately, the protracted political conflict in Nagaland that has been waging in excess of fifty years has given rise to the same conditions previously described. Naga people are continued targets of violence interrupting everyday existence whether they are cultivators going to and from their fields, children going to school or mothers working in their homes and fields. As the militarization of Naga society by the Indian state increases, forms of psychological and physical violence are systematically exercised against Nagas threatening their lives at every level. Because of militarization, people are forced to be constantly on the move, displaced from their homes, breaking down the social and economic fiber.
The present state of Nagaland has one of the highest unemployment rates in the Asian sub-continent. The pervasive nature of unemployment is attributed to the complete nonexistence of a private sector and its domination of a strong public sector. The imbalance between the sectors further contributes to marginalizing women in search of work as the state expands and exerts its control over people’s lives. When society is weakened economically, an atmosphere is created which is more conducive to gender violence, exploitation of women and children, and human trafficking. Ongoing violence perpetuated by the Indian state is the primary means by which Naga society is being universally weakened and most negatively impacted. During colonization violence was introduced by imposing alien systems counter to traditional Naga lifestyle and worldview. Naga homeland was artificially split apart through the imposition of new political boundaries overlaid by oppressors and colonizers. This splitting apart allowed space for alien systems to be inserted and new political identities to arise. Simultaneously as the process of state formation occurred, these boundaries became the means of fracturing Naga identity.
The alien systems that were imposed on Naga society included two significant developments: the categorization and discrimination against so-called “minor and major tribes” described as either backward or developed; and the shift from selecting leadership by consensus to the ballot box where people are victimized by electoral politics (not in a democratic sense but in processes that sustain and reinforce violence). The electoral process became a cloaked isolating method of choosing leaders that separates Nagas from each other, where people cast their votes in exchange for jobs, security, etc. Nagas lose their collective power through a more individualistic democratic method of decision-making and are in turn abused by the power of the ballot box.
The introduction of alien systems supplanting local norms is leading to other visible consequences in Naga society. Trauma, which Naga people have experienced and internalized during the past fifty plus years, is being expressed through other forms of violence as Nagas turn the pain inward and outward, hurting themselves and others. Several recent incidents illustrate this increasing trend: in one particular region during a span of three months seven cases of suicide have occurred. Other unfortunate incidents of parents hurting their children and partners have occurred. Sexual violence against women is rising. Rape used by oppressors/colonizers as a weapon of war (both publicly in the presence of community members and privately) is also increasing.
Naga worldview is founded on the celebration of life – all folklore and legends are based on a relationship with nature, land, the earth and giving thanks to the Creator. Committing violent unprovoked acts contradicts their value system. Hands are never raised against unarmed individuals; and women and children are highly valued, never to be harmed. These acts of violence against one another contradict the Naga way of life and have begun to erode the meaning and purpose of co-existence.
Another significant example of structural violence ushered in by alien systems is the institutionalization of customary law. Customary law blankets all aspects of Naga existence defining the full continuum of how one interacts and restores relationships with other human beings, the land and nature. It is a living and evolving system of norms and practices. Any process undertaken to codify customary law only strengthens the institutionalization of structural violence, hence legitimizing the powers that be to further tighten their control over people through the use of force. The integrity of customary law as a vital tool within the polity of Naga life can be realized only when all forms of discrimination and gender bias it perpetuates are removed and a mechanism to check abuse of power is put into place. For customary law to reclaim and rediscover itself as a life giving democratic concept, its applicability and relevance must be rooted in today’s aspirations based on values that embrace the richness of human life and cultures with dignity and respect at the core of its world view.
The policies and practices of colonization are insidious, dividing and ruling as they institutionalize violence throughout society. Instances of divide and rule as well as political identity creates conditions instilling fear, suspicion, mistrust and hatred, ultimately creating the image of an enemy. Dehumanizing neighbors, community members and family begins to take place paving the way for violence, which can gain momentum and take a life of its own. Eventually during the course of events basic human needs are neglected and human rights are summarily violated further widening the gender barrier.
Many examples of mass violence exist in recent memory from previous and current conflict situations around the world. One particularly disturbing instance that demonstrates how structural violence sustains cycles of violence decimated mass numbers of human beings killed in Rwandan during the 1990s. It took more than 40 years to divide Rwandans; it also took 90 days to kill more than one million people. It may take generations to heal wounds of victims, perpetuators of the genocide and the entire country of Rwanda. (General Commissioner of Police - Dr. Frank Mugambage, July 2002.)
From time to time we must be reminded of how the state system covertly creates and intensifies a spiral of violence (while labeling the violence as inter-tribal or inter-ethnic) through state initiated violence with its sophisticated statecraft of dividing and ruling people. It may be good to point out that most of us – especially the media - now only look at or remember Rwanda for those 90 odd days – whereas those 90 odd days are the consequence of 40 years of oppression. However, in order for peace and healing to begin we must critically assess those 40 years to understand how and why a situation was conducive for the unthinkable to occur. It is imperative that we do not lose ourselves in confronting only the consequence of conflict; rather we must identify, isolate and confront the root causes of conflict if societal transformation is to occur.
Vigilant examination of society’s systems through a gender lens is essential to creating an egalitarian society where women and men are equally valued as participants. Remnants of traditions and customs embedded throughout society’s systems in education, governance, legal/justice and the economy must be safeguarded simultaneously preventing further deterioration. When life is interrupted by war all sense of normalcy is gone – traditional practices are often erased from human memory.
Increased incidents of violence are opening the way for gender discrimination and possibly human trafficking to occur in Naga society. Reversing the trend, which weakens civil society, is difficult enough in peacetime and compounded even more during times of military suppression and armed conflict. Developing awareness about gender discrimination and the potential for human trafficking becomes even more critical during these times. Highlighting and honoring women’s roles, showing how women become marginalized and their economic livelihood threatened, emphasizing the necessity for educating girls and women are essential steps in overcoming stereotypical perspectives. Recognizing women’s value and contributions to society are essential both in peacetime and conflict. Ultimately equal participation of women and men working together side by side will form an egalitarian society free of violence and human trafficking.
To many people war is seen as something masculine and peace as feminine. In fact both men and women need to work together to build a genuine peace.
Dalai Lama Alien systems have taken their toll on traditional Naga society, which has historically been community-based. Military suppression and being in a state of perpetual political and armed conflict during the past half century have caused the erosion of traditional infrastructures that once were the core of Naga society. The very right of assembly has been eliminated as defined by the Armed Forces Special Powers Act where a gathering of five or more persons can be declared an unlawful assembly. Peoples’ relationships are under scrutiny as opportunities to be together such as community meetings, feasting, and community work have broken down. Traditional decision-making practices have also become a casualty of militarization. The closeness between individuals is rapidly disappearing, as opportunities to be together are limited, consequently the social fiber becomes only a memory or relic of the past.
Transcendence is the only alternative to extinction.
Vaclav Havel 1994 All sectors of Naga society are affected and usurped by alien systems that have been imposed upon indigenous systems of the Nagas. These systems are generally hierarchical and gender imbalanced which is counter to more egalitarian oral traditions. Reversing the trend is critical, as they must become gender responsive and socially responsive, not based on precepts inherited from the colonizers. In order to achieve gender equality, focus must be placed on eliminating elements that oppress women, not to overturn the cultural identity while assuring freedom of movement and the ability to live a normal life.8 Nagas want a culture that is life giving, supporting and meeting their needs. In particular, the educational system and process needs to embrace Naga values of respect and dignity, create critical thinking, so that every individual can become an instrument of social change.
New governance systems must be based on indigenous structures that are responsive to Naga people’s aspirations. These systems must be rooted and centered around people preventing it from becoming a casualty to the rigid structures of state systems and the legalities and limitations of bureaucracy. In doing so it provides dynamic space promoting democracy with dignity for all people.
Creating an environment of gender equity requires examination of the society prior to the time when gender discrimination was institutionalized as well as what it looks like today. This will require conscious scrupulous efforts to ensure eradication of violence in its myriad forms by those most susceptible to its influence – women and children. Steps need to be identified and taken to address gender discrimination that makes human trafficking possible.
The existing justice system needs to make a shift from the customary law to one that is based in restorative justice. Mass based organizations must therefore be engaged in creating a new justice system guided by values of restorative justice, human rights, gender equity, democracy, dignity and accountability. Incorporating principles and values of restorative justice are vital to war torn societies recovering from protracted violence and conflict. Forms of restorative justice free from condemnation or retaliation open the space for healing to take place. The healing process more holistically addresses the conflict through acknowledging wrongs that were committed and steps taken to put things right, to make right relationships. Further restorative justice is not about approaching justice from either the victims’ or victors’ perspective, but one that is approached from the survivors’ perspective. Beginning with a restorative justice system promises a future of co-existence with dignity and respect.
The challenges faced by today’s Nagas represent similar dilemmas faced by many other struggling people. Simply put how do they transform and create a new system that reflects and represents their indigenous value system and their worldviews in a more realistic and respectful way? Returning to how justice was practiced prior to colonization is not only impossible but is unrealistic! Deep examination of indigenous systems is critical if we are to modernize traditional systems. Focus must be placed on their positive attributes and values as well as those that embrace indigenous beliefs and values of restorative justice. These actions will allow a system to emerge that combines the best of traditional practices reflecting indigenous value system of dignity and respect to meet modern day aspirations and demands. However, it is important to acknowledge that such a transformation may only occur when the people have attained their right to self-determination. Thus, the issues around gender equality, dignity, equality, and justice are all tied up with the struggle for self-determination.
Mass based organizations through their broad reach and public awareness campaigns play a significant role in understanding gender violence and discrimination and achieving gender equity. It took women’s organizations around the world decades of constant and concerted effort to attain international recognition of the fact that violence against women is a human rights issue.9
The work of Naga mass-based organizations in creating awareness of human rights issues will be equally demanding. Local communities and mass based organizations working together can engineer democratic space for indigenous infrastructures that are responsive to: trauma healing; human rights education; trends in HIV/AIDS; prostitution; drug abuse; domestic violence and human trafficking.
As Nagas the journey of rediscovering and reclaiming ourselves is essential to our very existence. This rediscovery process includes finding our roots, learning who we are as a people and regaining our humanity through strengthening and rebuilding families and communities, overcoming suspicion, discrimination, and hatred. Unmasking the myths and symbols that oppress and subjugate people is important for the whole society as it goes through the process of reclaiming its rightful place through healing of the spirit. The spiritual and political journey of rediscovering identities by celebrating human life is the inspiration for the future.
A prophetic process that will be meaningful must involve a concerted search in evolving a Naga theology that will accommodate the co-existence of Christian teachings and values of Naga culture. Such a spiritual pilgrimage for Nagas would enable an environment that recognizes and appreciates our commonness, rediscovers our values of mutual respect and relocates our interconnection and interdependence with each other; feasts together, shares needs between families; addresses fear – intentional fear that has been introduced; tells stories and, nurtures each other. In essence the celebration of life must be relocated at the core of Naga existence in harmony with our worldview.
Thus, the struggle to liberate a peoples’ from the forces of subjugation involves a search of creating meaning together and recognizing the purpose of its existence that includes co-creating a new society, which is free of gender bias and one where equity between all people exists. A people’s struggle that does not address the purpose and significance of its existence would only perpetuate ongoing oppression. It is therefore crucial that the Nagas as a people struggling for self-determination must begin addressing the roots causes of violence and conflict in order to be able to break free from the cycle of violence and status quo so that a new democratic society can be born. The struggle for self-determination can only be successful if a society is able to transcend oppression, power imbalances, and the nature of State violence. In essence the struggle must transcend beyond the situation of hate, fear and suspicion created by the oppressors and must look towards building a future of hope through courage, love and respect.
Indeed as Cheryl Carolus reminds us through her profound statement that: “Self-determination lies at the heart of much struggle for women’s rights and gender equality . . . Gender equality is inseparable from wider peace and development goals.” 10
End Notes
Sonomi Tanaka, Project Officer, Asian Development Bank, Philippines, May 2002, interview, awid@awid.org.
1. United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention www.undcp.org/oddccp/trafficking_human_beings.
2. Op. cit.
3. Advocacy Against Trafficking in Women Training Manual, WOREC, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Ibid.
4. 2nd World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, Yokohama, Japan, 17-20 December, 2001, www.focalpointngo.org/yokohama/themepapers/theme6.
5. Op. cit.
6. Women at the Peace Table: Making a Difference, Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, UNIFEM, United Nations Development Fund for Women, 2000.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
Flapping the Wings of Hornbill Festival Abraham Lotha
The tourist season in Nagaland is from November to March. But tourists, especially foreign (even if not permitted to visit all of Nagaland) are happy at the prospect of getting a birds eye view of Naga people, so they take pains to plan a visit to Nagaland during the Hornbill Festival. However, there is fear that the Hornbill Festival is an occasion where Nagas are being exhibited as exotic species, some see it as a commodification and prostitution (metaphorically and literally) of Naga culture. Others argue that by singing and dancing in loincloths or half-naked attire we are only exhibiting our backwardness. Some question: “Why do you want to invite important dignitaries just to show them that we are backward people?”
Entertainment is part of life. Everyone wants to be entertained and why deny Naga entertainment to tourists. If the pseudo modern and moralist Nagas can spend money on cars, TVs, CDs, DVDs and other forms of entertainment, what’s the issue in entertaining a few tourists? Actually more Nagas are being entertained at the Hornbill festival than the few tourists who come.
There are those who feel that every time Nagas put on a cultural performance they are being projected as exotic species to foreigners. Some tourists, domestic and foreign, do come in search of the exotic Naga, particularly a naked Naga, but if Nagas are the owners of their own culture, there should be no fear of being exocticized. An ‘other’ is always exotic to some extent for people who are open to life. At the Hornbill Festival we are not projected as exotic species by the Indian state or other external dominating force. If at all, as owners of our culture, we set the trends and agenda for our cultural destiny. We project the exotics of our culture.
Going back to one’s roots is a dominant discourse in contemporary culture. However, it doesn’t mean becoming backward. Among other things, it’s a way of solidifying the foundations of one’s identity as it makes claims for the present. By singing songs and dancing in traditional Naga attire we are not perpetuating the primitive Naga or a frozen Naga culture. If anything, Nagas are very aware that culture is not static but dynamic (Christianity was not part of our traditional culture but now it is part and parcel of our identity). Actually, to a keen observer, the dynamics of cultural change in Naga society is very conspicuous at the Hornbill Festival.
To those who think dancing in lengta (loin cloth) is a sign of backwardness and sin, it is important to understand where such attitudes come from. Our ancestors wore loincloth, some of them totally naked (we still see some elder Nagas in the villages wearing only loincloths), but the villagers don’t consider them as sex objects. At one time the Konyaks were one of the least dressed among the Nagas but now a days, during cultural performances some of them are dressed in western attire, robbing their performance of originality and ingenuity. If wearing clothes is a sign of good morals, are the performers of ice-skating competitions or people vacationing at the beaches, people with bad morals? I am sure modern Nagas will feel proud if their children won an Olympic gold medal in gymnastic or swimming and diving, where performers wear fewer clothes. So where is the consistency in the moral standards of half-nakedness? Those who associate loincloths as backward have their minds still colonized by the moral standards of 19th century American Puritanism and colonial notions of modernity.
In fact, Nagas should be ashamed of the high level of corruption in the Naga society where, as they say, one has to get a recommendation from the Ministers even to go to the bathroom. There is a lot of inconsistency between Nagaland as a Christian state and as the third most corrupt state in the country. Even some churches are built with money stolen from the people’s money through false bills and in the name of discretionary funds. Many so called modern and civilized Nagas are also beneficiaries of the rampant corruption in the Naga society. And, be sure, there is corruption even at the Hornbill Festival. These are the major issues that Nagas need to be concerned about.
To those who are into moral policing, i.e., Nagaland should not be turned into Bangkok, the reality is that there is more sex going on at Kisama during the rest of the year than during the Hornbill Festival. Drive up to Kisama on any Sunday and you’ll see what I mean. So, why moralize only the Hornbill Festival? If it is prostitution, there is a lot of it going on in Dimapur and along National Highway 39 within Nagaland even without the Hornbill Festival. Why should Nagas’ sexuality be threatened by the presence of a few tourists? If Naga sexual morality is so shaken by the presence of a few tourists, domestic and foreign, how strong is the foundation of that morality? Before long it will be uprooted by for forces of the changing times and left to whither. And why moralize Bangkok? Bangkok is a cosmopolitan city, certainly at least a hundred years ahead of Nagaland and the people there are much more modern than the pseudo modern Nagas. The people of Bangkok have learned to make use of their culture to boost their economy. Nagas have a lot to learn from Bangkok for matters concerning tourism and hospitality industry.
The Hornbill Festival is not only about cultural performances. It is also about boosting the local economy. Since Naga economy is very dependent on free handouts from Delhi, the Hornbill Festival is one time when Naga artisans, merchants, tour guides and entrepreneurs can do some business to better their income so that everybody need not depend on the State government. I know of some unemployed youth who make a good earning from the tourist season. Is it an exhibition of our backwardness if some of the women self-help groups sell their handloom products to tourists in order to supplement their income so that their children can go to school? Is it backward if a youth group from a far-flung village gets invited to come to Kohima (for some of them their first ever visit to a city) so they can exhibit their dance or song or traditional sport so other Nagas can also appreciate it?
The Hornbill Festival is not organized by the dominant Indian state. It is not the former colonials or the Indian army or Indian media trying to mastermind a representation of the Nagas. The Nagaland state government funds it, and the people responsible for planning the festivities are Naga people. Nobody has a leash on us (like a dog) telling us what to do and not to do or where we can go and not go. We are owners of our own culture and the Hornbill Festival is a self-representation of our culture. We are showcasing our own culture and we are charting the course of our own destiny. Naga society is ridden with tribalism and factionalism. At least the Hornbill Festival is one venue where we can promote our unity in diversity, and also reinforce in each other our traditional values of hospitality, friendship treaties, sharing, comradeship, and also the hardships.
There are also some historical antecedents to the Hornbill Festival. The first experience was the Naga Week in December 1993 where 26 Naga communities came together as one people to celebrate the cultural diversity of the Naga people on the occasion of the International Year of Indigenous Peoples. It gave a boost to Nagas’ self-esteem and sense of peoplehood. In the late nineties, some Nagas who saw the value of the individual tribal feasts wondered about the possibility of a platform where all Nagas could come together and celebrate a common festival. They discussed and disseminated that idea with government officials and interested people. Such experiences and envisioning informed the beginnings of the Hornbill Festival when it started in 2000. The present government realized the potentials of the Hornbill Festival and has taken pains to make it a positive experience for the Nagas. As a result, the Hornbill Festival has created an alternate image about the Nagas in the Indian mainstream media; now, when people in mainland India and the rest of the world read about the Nagas, it is no more only about the headhunters, undergrounds and factional killings, but also of Nagas as peace-loving people who possess a rich cultural heritage and enjoy celebrating life through festivals. Additionally, in the world of tourism, Nagaland is becoming a safe place to visit.
The Hornbill Festival is one of the sites where we Nagas construct contemporary Naga society and identity. The Hornbill Festival is more than commodification and objectification of Naga culture, it is more than just putting on a performance for tourists. It is one of the mediums through which we Nagas say we are united as one people in spite of different communities and factions. It is a medium for a self-representation of our identity, to appropriate the opportunity and make it work to our own benefit. We can promote our own cultural values that are spontaneous, natural, colorful and at times sensual. We can even use the cultural representations at the Hornbill Festival to justify our struggle for self-determination and say, “This is how we are different from mainland/dominant Indian culture.” This can be another nation building discursive (instead of perpetuating tribalism and factionalism) for Nagas.
