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11/24/2007: "Rift apparent in NSCN (IM) over 'unification declaration' Nagarealm.com"

Rift apparent in NSCN (IM) over 'unification declaration' Nagarealm.com

Dimapur, NOV23 [IFP] : In a major development pertaining to the NSCN factions, there have been a "Joint Declaration" of the two factions today at Niuland, off Dimapur this morning.

The declaration read as "with a view to end bloodshed and fratricidal killing that has shed darkness all over Nagaland for decades, the warring factions of NSCN having decided to unify, declares its unification to be under a single banner of NSCN/GPRN on this day of 23rd Nov, 2007 at Hovishe village under Niuland, UT-I." The Joint Declaration was signed by C.Singson, Kilonser of the Khaplang group and Kilo-Kilonser (Home Minister) Azheto Chophy of the Isak-Muivah faction.

However, well-placed sources from the Isak-Muivah faction informed Newmai News Network late tonight in Dimapur that the Joint Declaration was done without the knowledge of the NSCN-IM 's "higher authority". Reports have been going on since this morning in Dimapur that the development appears to be the case of NSCN-IM Home Minister defecting to the rival NSCN-K side. Around 60 to 70 cadres of the NSCN-K were around the Niuland area this morning, according to the reports received. Interestingly, C.Singson of the NSCN-K and Azheto of the NSCN-IM are hailing from the Sema community.

There have also been reports going on that the development is quite serious as it was likely that today's development was a launching-pad to have a Sema based militant outfit. Meanwhile, confusion has reigned among the public leaders in Nagaland as to where today's development will lead to. Whether it was the case of NSCN-IM Kilo-Kilonser (Home minister) has defected to the rival faction or it was just a sticky ploy of revolt against the NSCN-IM leadership engineered by the outfit's adversaries, things are yet to be cleared. Our correspondent adds: Meanwhile, informed sources said, NSCN-K general secretary, Kitovi Zhimomi is arriving in Niuland to have further to attend a ‘peace meeting’ initiated by Sumi frontal organizations.

Ulfa hits back at Naga group A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph
Guwahati, Nov. 23: The proscribed Ulfa has invoked the Justice (retd) K.N. Saikia Commission report to absolve itself of the charges levelled by the Naga International Support Centre (NISC), an Amsterdam-based Naga support group.
On November 19, the NISC accused Ulfa of being a terrorist organisation and providing support to the Khaplang faction of the NSCN. It urged the banned outfit not to kill innocent people, but instead, stand up and fight for a just cause. In response to the charges, Ulfa asked NISC not to cast aspersions on the outfit. It reminded the Naga support group about Ulfa’s role in saving the lives of the NSCN (I-M) chairman Isak Chisi Swu and general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah at Kachin. “Today, the same Ulfa is being accused of trying to split the Nagas. All Nagas, including Swu and Muivah, should decide whether the divisions among the Nagas were brought in by the Ulfa or by themselves,” the Ulfa said.
“To put the blame on Ulfa and label us as a terrorist organisation internationally, causing fatalities of innocents by exploding bombs in crowded place is a design of the occupation forces. This has been proven by the recently released report on “secret killings” conducted by Justice (retd) Saikia. Therefore, the NISC trying to blame Ulfa even after the report of the commission, implies that the NISC has close association with the Indian occupation forces,” Ulfa said in a statement.
The NISC's silence on the alleged encroachment of Assam land by Nagaland also came in for flak. “ The NISC is not only unconcerned about the opposition from the masses of Asom in inclusion of large areas of Asom inside Greater Nagalim, but, campaigning on behalf of people who are illegally occupying parts of Asom by force. The NISC is also supporter of forceful occupation of the Dimasa ancestral land Dimapur and inclusion of this historical Dimasa land inside Nagalim. Just for the cause of Naga rights how can they support gross human rights violations on the indigenous Assamese who have lived next door to the Nagas in kinship from time immemorial?” it stated.
Goa Governor S C Jamir escapes bid on life in Nagaland Times of India PTIKOHIMA: An abortive attempt was made on the life of Goa Governor S C Jamir by unidentified assailants in Mokokchung district of Nagaland on Saturday morning, police sources said.

While Jamir, also the former Chief Minister of Nagaland, escaped unhurt, a security personnel accompanying him received injuries as the attackers fired mortars from a distance while the Governor was returning from Mokokchung to Dimapur, the sources said.
The incident occurred near Changki village on Nagaland-Assam border road at around 6.30 am. This is the fourth attempt on the life of Jamir in the last two decades.

FGN annoyed with Jalukie resolution Source: The Sangai Express
Imphal, November 23: While appreciating the resolution of the Zeliangrong people’s convention held at Jalukie on November 15 to protect, preserve and maintain the unique territorial existence of the Zeliangrong traditional and ancestral land, the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) took strong exception to the unscrupulous expression such as “unflinching support to the ongoing peace process Isak-Muivah” as reportedly found mention in the resolutions.

A statement issued by Munsin Panmei of FGN Zeliangrong region, Publicity and Information Dept asserted that “unflinching support” with regard to the ongoing peace process was never and will never be the voice of the Zeliangrong people as it only a process to sell out Naga national rights.

That the Zeliangrong people have been steadfast in defending the Naga sovereignty and their ancestral land is known to the Baudi leaders and as such the alleged treacherous act of IM group can never be supported by the Zeliangrong people, the FGN noted.

Any public leader or citizen of the Zeliangrong region supporting such perfidious act will be treated as a traitor, it cautioned.

Citing the reported statement of Th Muivah that “he now stands for a special federal relationship with India”, the FGN questioned the Zeliangrong Baudi leaders their rationale behind extending unflinching support to the peace process of IM group.

Stating that hundreds of Zeliangrong people have made supreme sacrifices for the sovereignty of Nagaland in the last more than half a century, the FGN again asked the Baudi leaders if they are attempting to betray their own people.

The resolution of the convention is like adding fuel into burning fire and as such, the Baudi leaders should be held responsible for more killings in Zeliangrong region, it warned.
NPMHR mobilizes on UN declaration of rights The Morung Express
Senapati, November 23 (MExN): Several Naga frontal organizations, churches and individuals from various walks of life from Ukhrul, Chandel, Imphal and Tamenglong under the aegis of Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) gathered at Tahamzam (Senapati) to discuss at length the issues that are prevailing and confronting the Nagas in various forms under the framework of the Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples. The discussion which was held on November 23, Friday was facilitated by Gam A Shimray, member of NPMHR and Indigenous Advisor to the UN Convention on Biological Diversity.
The gathering affirmed the importance and implication of the declaration as a historic victory of the world’s indigenous peoples. “It is a framework and the basis to address the political issue of the indigenous peoples globally based on the diverse merits and ground realities. The Nagas too have been instrumental in the realization of this declaration. Hence, it also forms the basis for an honorable settlement of the Naga political struggle”, stated a press note issued by Phamhring Sengul Convenor, NPMHR (South Sector). The meeting urged that the Government of India must take steps towards its logical realization in an earnest and consistent manner.
The participants dwelled at length on the concept of self-determination that emanates from the declaration, vision and worldviews of the indigenous peoples. It was deliberated that the concept is giving rise to new understanding of the term that is rooted in peoples’ lives and as a source of meaningful existence as peoples. “The declaration is a potential tool for redefining the history of the world particularly in the context of the indigenous peoples”, the NPMHR note states. The participants expressed concern over the repressive and subversive tactics employed not only of over the political talks but as well as on the community governance of their lands, territories and resources. The gathering also discussed on the various tools of domination and oppression being promoted through the various programmes, projects, schemes and subversive manipulation of the protective laws in the Northeast, particularly in the Naga Areas. One such tactics of the GoI is the new definition of ‘forest’ by the Supreme Court and the process undertaken by the MoEF to enact it. It is in this context that the ‘state forest’ in Manipur and Mizoram shot up to 78% and 80% respectively overnight (even though it was less than 9% in Manipur). The meeting pointed out several other such examples where the Forest Department is literally claiming ownership over community forests. These are tactics not only to delay and derail the peace process but to completely paralyze the communities in a subtle manner.
Such tactics will not deter the spirit of peoples’ struggles. The meeting concluded with the affirmation to take their struggle forward without any reservation for the realization of the declaration in the context of the Nagas.
GOI human rights record under UNHRC scanner Newmai News Network
Imphal | The government of India's human rights record will be put under scanner in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in April 2008 under the newly established Universal Periodic Review (UPR) procedure where more than 200 NGOs from all over India submitted their own stake holder’s report to the UNHRC in a 12 pages report in five sections, according to Human Rights Alert (HRA) Executive Director, Babloo Loitongbam.
The stake holder reports have been sent to the UNHRC by the NGOs under the banner of 'People Forum for UPR in India' which was constituted in an urgent national consultation held on November 13-14 in New Delhi consequent upon the failure of the GOI to consult civil society stakeholders before the deadline for submission by the stakeholders under UPR, which had expired on November 20. The report included sections on NGO consultation on the UPR, Human Rights situation on the ground, State's obligation/commitments, Enhancement of state's capacity/technical co-operation, Co-operation with the human rights council and office of the high commissioner for human rights.
Addressing media men on the development today at HRA office in Imphal today, Babloo Loitongbam said that the Forum's report has also prominently highlighted the issues of north east India. He pointed out that, among the five sections which are to be examined in the UNHRC includes issues concerning the NE states like issues on armed conflict. It said that about 21 out of 28 states in India are afflicted by armed conflicts where many of those states are 'heavily' militarised and the use of special laws like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) of 1958 that warrants the power to shoot, kill to a non-commissioned officer with virtual impunity has unleashed a vicious cycle of violence and shielded the root of 'political' disputes that triggered the violence. The Forum had also highlighted cases on impunity [sec 2(I)] which is a concern for the NE region. It stated the executive in India acts as the supra-judicial body. It also said that the culture of impunity exacerbates human rights violations as the public officials consider themselves beyond the reach of law while mentioning the provision for virtual impunity for 'public servants' and politicians from President to the head of the village council, and even for the law enforcement personnel accused of rape and murder, prior sanction from the government is mandatory under law. The UNHRC are also to study on the attack on Human Rights defender which the Forum included in section IV(b) of the 12 pages report. The report mentioned the cases of arrest and torture of Hedal Adel Koloi, the chairman of Bork Peoples Human Rights Organisation of Tripura as well as that of Leitanthem Umakanta Meitei and Yengkokpam Langamba Meitei of the Threatened Indigenous People's Society (TIPS) Manipur.
The report also included the delay official release on the Report of the Committee to review the AFSPA submitted to the government of India on June 2005 [sec 2(I)]. It also highlighted issue concerning on key economic, social and cultural rights (sec III).
UNLF cries plebiscite OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Imphal, Nov. 23: Manipur’s United National Liberation Front (UNLF) today iterated its demand for a plebiscite in a statement on the eve of its 43rd raising day.
“We will continue our armed struggle to regain the sovereignty and independence of Manipur even more vigorously as long as the issue of plebiscite remains unsettled,” the central committee of the outfit said in its annual statement.
The UNLF came up with a four-point proposal to hold a plebiscite for the first time on January 31, 2005. The proposals include a plebiscite under the aegis of the UN, deployment of UN peacekeeping force in Manipur, deposition of UNLF weapons to the UN ahead of the plebiscite and withdrawal of central forces from Manipur and handing over political power in accordance with the result of the plebiscite.
The UNLF described the peace talks as a “trap” to suppress the “liberation struggle”. The most glaring example of New Delhi’s success was the NSCN (I-M) peace talks that began in 1997 and are still continuing. India gained everything, while the NSCN (I-M) lost everything.
Today, the NSCN (I-M) has become wary and exhausted and is ready for a compromise, it said.
Surviving the winter of violence Paul Pimomo The Morung Express
Since the appearance of part one of this essay last month, there have been more clashes between the two NSCN factions in which more soldiers were killed and others injured. According to Indo-Asia News Service, October 26, more than 200 soldiers have been killed on both sides in the last three years as a result of the “bitter turf war for territorial supremacy.” There are also increasing signs that the Naga public’s patience with factional violence is running out. Clearly, Naga nationalism is at a crossroads, and the factions have the choice to either make peace and survive together as a legitimate movement for the Naga cause or disintegrate and fall into the dustbin of history as failed revolutionary armies.
As frustrating as it must be to the factions, the image of organized crime is being associated with the warring groups in the minds of many Nagas, especially of the younger generation, not because they are against nationalism but because of what the NSCNs are doing in Nagaland. Educated, younger Nagas see the activities of the two groups as incompatible with Naga nationhood. From their perspective, what (I-M) and (K) are doing to one another is absurd. It is as though they were saying: “Let’s kill each other, destroy each other’s property and reputation and, in the process, create fear and insecurity among the Nagas because we are Naga patriots who love our homeland.” This statement makes no sense of course, and it is not what (I-M) or (K) have set out to do for themselves or for the Naga people. But intended or not, the effect of their actions on the public in Nagaland, as well as the perception they create in people’s minds, is real. Both (I-M) and (K) need to recognize this reality about themselves and deal with the situation in a real hurry.
For starters, they can look to history for a lesson. The absurdity of nationalist groups destroying one another in the supposed interest of the nation they wish to create is not new. Infighting among rival groups for dominance is as old as nationalism itself. And they are not entirely to blame either. Nationalism has been inevitably tied up with violence, to begin with, mainly because of the refusal of dominant nation-states to consider the cause of the aggrieved people unless the latter back up their cause with physical force. And when the dominant nation-state’s intransigence persists long enough (it almost always does), the aggrieved liberation party splinters into ideological groups and turn on each other. There are too many examples from the past to prove this point. Two will suffice here – Ireland (probably the longest lasting nationalist movement in the Common Era) and Palestine (the best known and consequential in our time.)
Ireland’s problems with invaders started as far back as 1166 CE, with the Normans and the English. By 1700, only 14% of Ireland was in Irish hands, the rest under English control. Their economy and way of life devastated, millions of impoverished Irish left the country, mostly for the United States, especially following the potato famine in the middle of the nineteenth century. Meanwhile, Irish nationalism grew and came to a head in 1920, with the Government of Ireland Act, which divided Ireland into two: Irish Free State for the mainland (later to become The Republic of Ireland) and Northern Ireland, which is still a contentious region. The rivalry between the supporters and the critics of the 1920 Treaty continued -- deadly and unresolved -- under different leaders and incarnations, until more than seventy years later, in 1998, when the Good Friday Agreement put an end to the cycle of internecine murder and reprisal in Northern Ireland, at least up to now.
All this is well-known information. The point of this summary, though, is to draw attention to the moment in Irish nationalism that changed it from a liberation movement against English colonial rule to the self-destructive war among the Irish themselves that it became in 1921. What is going on in Nagaland today between the two factions of the NSCN parallels the deadly rivalry between the supporters of the Irish Free State Treaty, led by Michael Collins, and the anti-Treaty Republican group under Eamon de Valera. The Irish are still paying for those leaders’ lack of vision at the momentous crossroads in their struggle for a united Irish nation.
If in the heat of present challenges, the NSCNs find Irish nationalism of the 1920s too remote for instruction, then they need only look to Palestine and see the plight of the world’s most intractable national struggle for existence. The fratricidal war between the Fatah party and Hamas. Again, outside forces have bedeviled their relations, but what Hamas and the Fatah are doing to themselves has derailed the Palestinian people’s dream for a homeland. Palestinians have never been farther from realizing their goal, since 1948, than they are today, thanks to the Fatah-Hamas rivalry.
Naga nationalism does not come close to the power and longevity of Irish nationalism nor to the global reach of Palestinian nationalism, but it shares, on a smaller scale, the same story of self-destructive behavior on the part of freedom fighters. In the prevailing circumstances in Nagaland, individuals and traditional organizations have been rendered powerless to effect change, and can do little more than exhort the leaders not to doom themselves and the Nagas by failing to learn from history. A useful way for the NSCN factions to learn is to recognize that what is going on between them is the enactment of a script from the grant narrative of nationalism itself. Simply put, they are at an agonistic moment of truth for their future, and with it the future of Naga nationalism. The narrative script indicates that each faction feels compelled to look at and approach this moment as a question of its own survival against the other party’s. But the script also shows that there is, in fact, no lasting victory in this war for one side alone. They both fall or rise together.
Of late, NSCN (I-M) has been put in the unenviable position of riding two horses (New Delhi and NSCN- K) going in opposite directions. (I-M) wants to renew the cease-fire agreement with New Delhi so it can continue to operate as the official nationalist organization in Nagaland, but New Delhi seems in no hurry to negotiate the cease-fire. And (K) is determined not only to challenge (I-M)’s position, but to put it out of business if it can. Caught between these forces that cut both ways, (I-M) feels pressured to settle for less than it is ordinarily comfortable with. But that is a premature direction to take in the absence of unity among the nationalist groups and of support from the Naga public.
As for the Naga public, the desire for unity among the nationalist groups takes precedence over factional deals with India. Last week, the GB and DB federation of Nagaland made a formal appeal to the rival groups to get past the “calls” and “press releases” for peace to real “action” for peace. Naga church leaders and organization too have repeatedly called for unity and peaceful negotiations, so have Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, Naga Student Federation, several apex tribal bodies, newspaper editorials, intellectuals and prominent citizens. In addition, organizations from outside Nagaland, including American Baptists and the Society of Friends (Quakers), have either sent or are planning to send delegations on a mission to reconcile the NSCNs. The interest of the Quakers is particularly noteworthy because of their peerless record of work on both sides of the Atlantic for nurturing peace and respect among people in conflict, going back to the time of slavery. It is doubtful there will be another time when all these positive forces from within and outside Nagaland can unite again behind the call for peace and unity among the nationalist groups. The hope, then, is that NSCN (I-M) and (K) will start talking honestly and directly to one another instead of needling each other through the media about grudges and minor logistical details. What this global effort amounts to is that the Naga people and our well wishers expect the NSCN rivals to realize that the time is now or probably never.
Granted, the Naga public cannot fully appreciate the challenges facing the NSCNs because we have not traveled the difficult road that they have. But what is clear to all is the fact that this is a question of survival for the Nagas as a people. All of us understand that survival is an extreme condition to be in, and when the challenge to survive is against organized violence, we must consider new and radical ways of surviving. The appeals for unity suggest that peaceful negotiation is a radical -- and the best -- way to survive honorably in the extreme environment we are in. A successful process of peace-making at this time can become the foundation for nation-building in the future. We could realize, like some have, that the strongest nation-defining moments are those spent in resistance to might and violence, rather than in their use, that the true character of a nation resides not in the use of brute force but in its disciplined restraint, or in the worst-case scenario, its use against a greater inhumanity. For a people like the Nagas who would be a nation, then, regardless of the legitimacy of our cause, the means we adopt to reach our goal are still as important as the goal itself. The choice should be peaceful suasion and “soul force,” and the process must start at home, among us Nagas.
The alternative is devastating, even to the imagination. Without implying a parallel future for Naga nationalist workers, one is reminded of Wilfred Owen’s poetic vision in “Strange Meeting.” Owen, who fought and died in World War I, imagined the strange meeting of two enemy soldiers in Hell. Dazed and beyond help, one says to the other:

“I am the enemy you killed, my friend.
I knew you in this dark: for so you frowned
Yesterday through me as you jabbed and killed.
I parried; but my hands were loath and cold.
Let us sleep now. . . .”

But even more telling and relevant for Nagas is the story of an Irish soldier in “The Sniper,” written by Liam O’Flaherty who fought on the Republican side against the Free Staters during the civil war. The story is set at dusk in Dublin, with the sound of heavy guns in the background, and rife with snipers from the rival armies, hiding, dodging and hunting each other in the streets. After an intense and intricate angling for the enemy, the adept sniper in the story guns down a soldier on the roof of a building across the street. He watches the enemy fall to the ground, and shudders; the lust of battle suddenly dies in him; he is struck with remorse; he curses the war, curses himself, curses everybody. He becomes curious about the identity of the enemy he has killed, so sneaks over to where the body fell, dodging a hail of bullets. Then throwing himself face down beside the corpse, “The sniper turned over the dead body and looked into his brother’s face.”
Patriotism has limits. As O’Flaherty -- who should know - suggests through this story, patriotism is not an end, it is a means to the well being of the larger society, and he knew Irish patriotism had clearly crossed the line when it led to fratricide. Likewise, we know Naga nationalism has crossed the line when Nagas kill one another in the name of patriotism.
Loved, Not Condemned From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 4, Issue 46, Dated Dec 01, 2007 The Miqlat Ministry does not distribute condoms to help women forced into sex work. It gives them a new life instead. TERESA REHMAN reports
HAS NO one condemned you? Then neither do I condemn you, go now and leave your life of sin” (John 8: 10-11). These words from the Bible seem to be the inspiration for all those working in a oneroom office in the squalid Naga Bazaar in Dimapur, Nagaland. This small office, christened the Miqlat Ministry, is a place for succour for many vulnerable women and sex workers of the town.

Miqlat means ‘refuge’ in Hebrew. The Miqlat Ministry has transformed the lives of many women, enabling them to return to the mainstream. Some of these women have given up sex work and are now either running their own beauty parlours, public call offices, and vegetable shops. Some have even found employment as nurses and police constables. Julie is a frail young woman who has come to Miqlat seeking “vitamins and medication”. A few years ago she was lured by a man from a eighbouring village to Dimapur. They were in a hotel for a few days and she was abandoned and sold to another elderly man. She fled from the hotel and started working as a housemaid. Soon, she started running a liquor joint. And that eventually led to sex work. She then got married but later found that husband was an addict and HIV positive. “I got divorced and was literally on my deathbed. I could not even move. I did not want to tell anyone that I was positive. The Miqlat centre urged me to go for homebased care. I am grateful to them,” she says. She now stays with her sister and gets nutritional support from Akimbo Society, another NGO. The Miqlat Ministry is part of the women’s wing of the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC). Nukshila Aying, a woman pastor in Dimapur, says, “It’s the first of its kind organization in Nagaland, where the church is involved in care and counseling, training and rehabilitation of sex workers. In our rapidly changing society, it has often been seen that economic impoverishment breeds a lot of social evils. Many of our sisters are compelled into activities which go against Christian values and principles.”

Expressing concern over the high rate of sex trade in Nagaland, the NBCC women’s department decided to take up a project on social ministry for underprivileged women and girls at risk. The Miqlat Ministry was thus launched on August 30, 2004. Aying adds, “It is a faithbased project. It offers both care and counseling to women on the fringes of society.”

The church forms an important public platform. The census of 2001 recorded the state’s Christian population at 1.8 million (90 percent of the state’s population), making it one of the three Christian-majority states in India, and the only state where Christians form such a huge majority of the population. In fact, Nagaland is known as “the most Baptist state in the world”. Dimapur, Nagaland’s commercial hub, has a thriving sex trade. There is no designated ‘red light’ area but sex workers operate mostly in places like New Market, Elora Line, Supermarket and, Nagaland Gate. They also work out of hotels and rented houses on the outskirts of the town. Most of the sex workers are young school dropouts from economically weaker sections of society or housewives whose husbands are either alcoholics or and drug addicts. Many of them hail from villages in and around Dimapur. Their average earning ranges from Rs 100 to Rs 500. Sometimes, their customers run away without paying them.

Haiyale Kath, counsellor and coordinator at the Miqlat centercentre, explains how they work. “We have our peer educators who are sex workers themselves. They first counsel these women and explain our objectives. If the women are willing, we encourage them to reform themselves through the word of God.” Kath explains that most of the Naga youths start drinking or taking drugs at an early age. For many it becomes a lifelong habit. At the receiving end are the young wives who are burdened with an alcoholic or an addict for a husband. They invariably end up contracting HIV/AIDS. With children to feed, some have no option than to end up as sex workers.
FOR THOSE willing to change such a fate, the Miqlat centre offers the job of a peereducator at a salary of Rs 1,000. Miqlat also helps to rehabilitate the alcoholic husbands of the sex workers by providing them with free treatment and nutritional support. “We have so far worked with 318 women and around 54 of them have changed their profession,” adds Kath. One such reformed woman is Rose, who works as a peer educator for the Miqlat Ministry now. She was married when she was 18 years old to a weak and sickly alcoholic. It was getting difficult to feed their four children and so she started going out to work — as a domestic helper, gardener and also a sex worker. Says Rose, “I was into it for two years and it seemed like an eternity. I was desperate to come out of it and then I was introduced to Miqlat through another sex worker. I come here twice and week and rest of the days I work as an overseer for somebody’s land. I feel stronger now.”

Narola, secretary of the women’s department of the NBCC, explains, “We are different from NGOs that will stop their work once the funding stops. Our work has no such constraints. Counselling is very important for us. We do not distribute condoms but preach purity in life and urge them to change their personality. We love and care for them.”
ULFA-NSCN (IM) tussle continues By A Staff Reporter Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, Nov 23 – The ongoing tussle between the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the NSCN (I-M) continues with the former accusing the Naga outfit of encroaching upon Assam’s land. The ULFA also hit out against the Naga International Support Centre (NISC) and accused the organization of launching propaganda against the outfit. In a statement released to the media through e-mail today, the ULFA alleged that the NISC was supporting encroachment of Assam’s land by the NSCN (I-M) and establishment of subdivisions in Assam’s territory with the aim of creation of greater Nagalim. The outfit said that the NISC supported gross violation of the human rights of the people of Assam with forceful occupation of Assam’s land. The release said that the propaganda of the NISC against the ULFA was similar to that launched by the Unified Command to malign the outfit, “which proved that the organization has close association with the Indian occupation forces”. The ULFA went on to claim that it had earlier saved lives of the chairman and general secretary of the NSCN (I-M) and asserted that it was in no way involved with the division of the Nagas. The ULFA said that ordinary citizens of Nagaland and members of the NSCN (I-M) are using the territory of Assam without any problem. But Indian soldiers are allowed to operate against ULFA inside the territory of Nagaland by the NSCN (I-M). The release said recently two ULFA members were killed and seven others were abducted by members of the NSCN (I-M) without any provocation and a human rights group like the NISC did not register any protest.

Commenting on the split in the NSCN, the ULFA said that the split took place in 1988 and at that time, the ULFA made it clear that it would not take any side and would help both factions against common enemies. Over the years, the NSCN (I-M) used various tactics to force the ULFA to go against the Khaplang faction of the NSCN and the recent killing of two ULFA members was a part of the design.

The ULFA asserted that it supported the rights of all the ethnic groups living in Assam. The release said that during a joint executive council meeting with the National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB), the ULFA had clearly stated that it recognised the right of the Bodos to establish a sovereign Boroland on the Bodo inhabited area. “All the well wishers of Assam need to appreciate that the ULFA sees Assam as a collective habitat of people regardless of race, class, caste, tribe or religious belongingness,” the release added.
India’s Myanmar policy could provoke the Northeast Nagarealm.com
The northeastern part of India comprising of eight states with their unique culture and tradition is often termed as a breeding ground for separatists' movement. The landlocked region nurtures more than 30 insurgent groups fighting the government.

The Northeastern part of India comprises of eight States. Each State has a unique culture and tradition. This part of India is often termed as a breeding ground for separatists’ movement. The landlocked region nurtures more than 30 insurgent groups, who are fighting with the New Delhi over demands ranging from autonomy to self-rule. Surrounded by Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet (China), Burma and Bangladesh, the region’s land connectivity with mainland India is achieved through only three per cent of the boundary line. The union government has drafted many plans and proposals to transform the region into a business hub in South and Southeast Asia. New Delhi’s ‘Look East’ policy is meant for the economic benefit of the indigenous people of the region. The multi-million dollar Kaladan project, which is designed to develop the Sittwe port in the Arakan coast of western Burma and connect it with Mizoram, is on high agenda of the government. Moreover, the Indo-Burma gas pipeline, though in cold storage presently, was projected as a big opportunity for the Northeast (particularly after Bangladesh showed reluctance in allowing the pipeline to pass through its territory).

Things went well for New Delhi until the sudden uprising in adjoining Burma (also known as Myanmar). While New Delhi invited critical comments from international communities including the UN and EU for its junta (Burmese) - appeasing policy, the real challenge has surfaced from the alienated region, where public meetings, rallies and other initiatives have received support, condemning the military rulers of Burma and visibly supporting the pro-democracy icon, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In a recent conference in Manipur, a Burma-bordering State in the Northeast, it was unanimously decided to extend support to the people of Burma in their struggle for democracy. Organised by the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights on October 13 at Ukhrul, the conference, which was attended by different social organisations, representatives of Churches, NGOs and institutions also called upon the Burmese junta to resolve the long pending issues in a democratic and peaceful way. Earlier the State witnessed a solidarity meeting on October 2, which strongly urged New Delhi to withdraw all kinds of its engagement with the junta. Attended by a hundred participants including prominent legislators, political activists, human rights activists, peace activists and others, the meeting resolved to convey its unconditional support to the pro-democracy movement in Burma.

More recently, thousands Christians in Manipur joined in a prayer campaign for freedom and democracy in Burma. Organised by the Myanmar Christian Fellowships on October 21, which is comprised of Burmese Christians in exile too, they expressed solidarity with Suu Kyi and prayed to almighty for the release of all political prisoners including the great lady.

Earlier on October 6, civil society groups of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Assam observed a ‘global day of action’ for a free Burma with different activities. The simultaneous demonstration in these states highlighted the common concern for the agitating monks and peaceful protestors of Burma, who were brutally suppressed by the Burmese regime. Nearly 20,000 people assembled at Mawphlang, near Shillong and urged the centre to intervene in the Burmese crisis and apply diplomatic pressure on the junta for initiating a dialogue with the democratic forces.

In Nagaland, another Burma-bordering State, indigenous people took out a rally demanding tougher action against the Burmese group of Generals and sought immediate intervention by the UN in the prolonged Burmese crisis. Organised by influential civil society groups like Naga Hoho, Naga Students’ Federation, Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, Nagaland Baptist Church Council and others, the October 6 rally showcased placards reading ’Stop Crackdown on Peaceful Demonstrators’, ’Free Burmese people from the Junta’, ’Do not repeat the 1988 Massacre’.

Similarly in Assam, hundreds participated in a Candle Light Vigil to express solidarity with the struggling Burmese people. Organised by the North East Peoples’ Initiative, the programme attracted hundreds to spread the message of support to the Nobel Laureate-lady, who is under arrest for the last four years in Rangoon. Guwahati earlier witnessed a citizens’ meeting on October 4, which urged the central government’ to create diplomatic pressure on the Burmese junta to refrain from repressive measures against those carrying on the democracy movement’. Organised by the Journalists’ Forum, Assam, the meeting also resolved to call upon the government ’not to remain silent on the happenings in the neighbouring country and do the needful within its powers to facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy’.

Likewise, the ’Mizoram Committee for Democracy in Burma’ appealed to New Delhi to adopt a pro-active role in persuading the Burmese junta to change its constitution to a democratic set up. In a press meet at Aizwal on October 20, the committee asserted that it wanted democracy in Burma. Comprised of civil societies, human rights activists, intellectuals and concerned citizens of Mizoram, the committee insisted that government intervene in the present political crisis in Burma. Earlier, a solidarity meeting in the Burma-bordering state on October 4 unanimously demanded that New Delhi snap all diplomatic and business ties with the junta until democracy is restored in country. The anti-junta meeting in Mizoram assumes significance because the tiny State has nearly 40,000 Chin refugees (from Burma), who are yet to be recognised by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. These refugees, who entered India in different groups after the military crackdown during the 1988 Burma uprising, however feel safe in Mizoram as both Mizo and Chin tribes share similar linguistic accents and socio-religious morals.

New Delhi, even after attracting criticism for its strategic ties with the military rulers of Burma (known as the State Peace and Development Council) continues trying to justify its stand, when it emphasised on engaging (not alienating) the junta. During a recent visit to the Northeast, the Indian Foreign Minister reiterated that New Delhi had been involved ’in a variety of projects with Myanmar in diverse fields such as roads, railways, telecommunications, IT, science and technology and power’. Delivering a lecture in Guwahati on India’s Look East Policy, Pranab Mukherjee also affirmed, "As a close and friendly neighbour, India hopes to see a peaceful, stable and prosperous Myanmar, where all sections of people will be included in a broad-based process of national reconciliation and political reform."

India, which supported the pro-democracy movement in Burma till the early nineties, is concerned over growing Chinese influence in that country. New Delhi later changed its Burma policy and decided to engage the junta in greater economic cooperation. Another major concern for New Delhi is insurgency in the Northeast. Armed groups are using the jungles of northern Burma for their training camps. India’s argument is it cannot ignore the junta since it is supporting its efforts in dealing with the insurgents along the 1,600-km porous Indo-Burma border. But the ground reality is that public resentment against New Delhi in Northeast is usually high. The indigenous people here strongly believe that the Union government exploits the region keeping an eye on oil, coal, tea and forest resources of the region, but always turns a deaf ear to the perennial problems of the Northeastern states. It will be a challenge for New Delhi to deal with the public resentment that is growing in its alienated Northeast region.

There is however no doubt that the Northeastern people have been suffering for long on various fronts with significant implications because of an unstable Burma. While the region has been compelled to provide shelter to refugees from Burma, its residents have been exposed to illicit drugs and arms trafficking by the people of the poverty-stricken, troubled country. People in the northeast have been falling victim to HIV / AIDS at an alarming rate.

Manipur, which has given birth to some of the outstanding sports personalities of our times, has now emerged as one of India’s highly HIV-infected States. The talented and promising youth of the region fall prey to addiction (thanks to abundant supply of illegal drugs from Burma), thus paving the way for contracting other dreaded diseases. The question that arises is should New Delhi overlook all these developments, which affect our region? In fact, it is in the interest of the Northeast region to have a stable and democratic regime in Burma. The Central government must take note of the situation clearly while dealing with the situation in the Northeast, where anti-New Delhi voices have emerged and sustained since the days of India’s independence. It will add to New Delhi’s problems, if the growing anti- junta sentiment in the Northeast stirs up resentment against the Central government in the days to come. [Nava Thakuria, Merinews]

Bomb attack on Manipur Chief Minister Ibobi Singh foiled
From Our Correspondent Assam tribune
IMPHAL, Nov 23 – A bomb attack on Manipur Chief Minister O Ibobi was foiled by State police today. The incident took place at Langthabal Hao-Lamkhai junction along the Indo-Myanmar road (NH 39) in Imphal West district when a police team detected the bomb and defused it just before Ibobi and his convoy passed the area around 9.15 am today. Ibobi and Public Health Engineering Department Minister T N Haokip were on their way to inaugurate a water supply augmentation scheme at Chandel district headquarter.

The State DGP Y Joykumar rushed to the spot and sensitized the area, source added. Few years back, Chief Minister had escaped a powerful bomb attack near Wangjing township under Manipur’s Thoubal district.
Five killed in Guwahati mob violence By IANS
Guwahati, Nov 24 (IANS) At least five people were killed and over 70 wounded, 30 of them critically, in a mob attack Saturday on tribal protestors in Assam's main city of Guwahati, officials said. Curfew was imposed in the Bentola area of the city. A police spokesman said the clash took place when about 10,000 tribal people, backed by the All Assam Adivasi Students' Association (AAASA), took out a protest rally demanding Scheduled Tribe status for the community. 'Local residents of Guwahati and the protestors clashed in the streets after the agitators went on a rampage damaging about 100 vehicles and destroying shops. The angry locals retaliated by attacking the protestors in which five Adivasi people were killed,' senior police official Rajen Singh told IANS. Police fired in the air to disperse the protestors when they tried to break a security cordon to take out the march through the city streets.
'Local residents armed with sticks and iron rods, besides crude implements, attacked the fleeing protestors and beat them mercilessly,' said Parag Moni Aditya, a witness. Police and paramilitary troopers have since blocked a major stretch of the city to prevent the protestors from being attacked by the mob. 'More than 3,000 locals were involved in the mob attack,' police official A. Das said. The injured, including women, were shifted to hospitals. 'The condition of at least 30 of the injured is very serious and the casualty figures might mount,' a doctor at the Guwahati Medical College said. The Adivasis are mostly engaged in Assam's tea plantations and account for about six percent of the state's 26 million people.
20 killed as Guwahati erupts in violence, army out The Telegraph
Guwahati, Nov 24 (PTI): The army was called out and an indefinite curfew clamped today after large-scale violence left at least 100 persons injured as thousands of agitating Adivasi students vandalised shops, torched several buses and vehicles.
Witnesses from the spot said atleast 20 people were killed and more than hundred people critically injured. Officially the number of deaths and injured has not been declared till now. The number of injured can increase. Principal secretary (home) Subhas Das told PTI that 60 of the injured were hospitalised and added there were no deaths.
Das said the Adivasi students’ union members after holding a rally at Beltola demanding ST status tried to march towards the assembly at Dispur. When they were stopped by policemen at the lastgate area, the agitating students attacked and injured a magistrate. The students, armed with bows, arrows and lathis, vandalised private property and shops and set several vehicles ablaze turning the area from Dispur to Bashista into a ”battleground”, official sources said.
With no police in sight, the local people furious at their property being attacked, retaliated and clashed with the students resulting in several being injured from both sides, they said.
Angered over this, the sloganeering students ransacked and looted shops in other areas too. An indefinite curfew was imposed in the area and army was called out to control the situation, they said. Mediapersons who went to the spot were not allowed to go further as thousands of people could be seen running and hear the protesters shouting.
Army launches intense offensive at Somtal By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express

A map showing Somtal area where the offensive is on
IMPHAL, Nov 23 : Close on the heels of the attack launched by the proscribed MPA of the UNLF at the 1 Assam Rifles camp at Nambisha in Ukhrul district on November 21 on the Indo-Myanmar border and the subsequent rushing in of additional forces, the Army, Assam Rifles and special forces have launched a multi-pronged and intense offensive at Somtal area in Chandel district against the proscribed UNLF.
Speaking to The Sangai Express, a highly reliable source said that the combined force plans to clear the whole area and drive out the UNLF cadres and set up posts.
Significantly, a spokesman of the UNLF had earlier informed the press that following the skirmish at Nambisha, additional forces have been rushed in by the security force to the areas dominated by the 293 Bn of the MPA in Chandel area. The source further said that the latest offensive follows the earlier operations launched in December last year in the same area wherein a large number of militants were driven out. The troops had to move back to their posts during Monsoon due to the poor infrastructure which would have hampered logistic supplies.
Quoting sources, the source further said that the operations are progressing well and twenty eight IEDs have already been recovered. With the security forces launching the operations on such a large and intensive scale a large number of UNLF cadres have fled into neighboring Myanmar, claimed the source.

India’s rights report to UN Civil organisations cry foul Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, Nov 23: Although human rights record of the Government of India is to be examined in the UN Human Rights Council in April 2008 under the newly established Universal Periodic Review Procedure, India Government has not consulted the civil society stakeholders at the time of preparation as well as submission of its report.
Consequently, more than 200 NGOs from across the country under the common banner of People Fo- rum for UPR in India submitted their own report to the UN Human Rights Cou-ncil. The Forum was constitut-ed after an urgent National consultation on November 13 and 14 in New Delhi.
Addressing a press conference in this connection at the office of Human Rights Alert here today, executive director of the human rights body Babloo Loitongbam said that the failure of the Government of India to consult civil society stakehold- ers before the November 20 deadline of submission of the report is in complete de-fiance of the UN norms whi- ch is really condemnable.
Of the 40-paged report on human rights issues in India sought by the UN, 10 pages are to be from the UN agencies and 10 other pag-es from the stakeholders while leaving only 20 pages for the India Government, Babloo explained. So in the light of the failure of the Govt of India to consult the stakeholders, the stakeholders themsel-ves under the common banner of People Forum for UPR in India prepared and submitted a report of their own, he said, while disclo-sing that 12-page report submitted by the Forum is in five sections and the issue of North East India like the human rights situation and the obligation and commitment of the State have been prominently highlighted.
On the armed conflict situation in North East India, the report pointed out that while the Government of India justifies imposition of Armed Forces Special Powers Act because of the war-like situation before the UN Human Rights Commi-ttee, it denies existence of any armed conflict before the CEDAW Committee to deny applicability of the Security Council Resolution 1325 on protection of women victims. On immunity, the report said even for prosecution of the law enforcement accused of rape and murder ‘prior sanction’ from the Government has made mandatory under section 197 of CrPC and section 6 of Armed Forces Special Powers Act. On National obligation, the report noted that the Government of India is yet to officially release the Report of the Committee to Review the Armed Forces Special Powers Act submitted to the Government in June, 2005, neither has it implemented the recommendation no. 8.5.17 of the 5th report of the Second Administrative Reform Commissioner to repeal the Act submitted to the Government in June, 2007. On key economic, social and cultural rights issues, the report stated that in armed conflict situation, militarisation and military oriented development are being encouraged. Public hearing for approval of the projects is held inside army barracks with selected participants in North East and private sectors have been hiring security agencies/anti-social elements for human rights violations of the victims, the reported added.

Indigenous and non-indigenous religions of Manipur S Pari Khuman Sangai Express
Human Society cannot survive and develop in absence of any well constituted religion. Religion is a life device like a compass of navigators in the dark stormy voyage of human life. Galloway said religion as “Man’s faith in a power beyond himself where by he seeks to satisfy emotional needs and gains stability of life and which he express in acts of worship and service” Galloway emphasised that with the help of religion man can attain stability of life. Another theologian Mr. Martineau defined “Religion is a belief in a Ever-living God, that is in a Divine Mind and Will ruling the Universe and holding moral relation with mankind”, According to Meetei Puya Wakok lol Hillel the meaning of religion is itself the definition of religion. The meaning of religion in Meiteilon (Manipuri) is Laining Lichat which means the character and manner of life in search of the Almighty Supreme God and attain perfect life.
Majority of the population of Kangleipak (Manipur) follows the Sanamahi faith which is the holiest original or indigenous religion of the land. As per relevant records, chronicles and puyas the Sanamahi religion is the oldest and the most genuine indigenous religion of the state with its glorious principles. The first well organised system of this religion could be traced back since the reign of King Kangba who ruled the land before two thousand years of the Christian era. Now the Sanamahi religion is officially recognised by the Government of India and Government of Manipur under certain acts and laws.
In the continuing passage of time some non-indigenous or migrant religion also come into the soil of the State like Hindu, Christian, Islam, Buddhist, Jain, Sikh etc. Christianity has been embraced mostly in hill district after the connection with the British people in pre-independent period through missionary expansion. Islam came to Manipur positively during the reign of King Khagemba. Now they are known as Meetei Pangal. There are small number of Sikhs, Jains and Buddhist in the State. The Sikhs and Jains people came to this State for the purpose of business not as missionary. Buddhism is also a new outlook of some people of the state having ideas of missionary expansion. Many people of India and foreign countries assumes that, Hinduism is the indigenous religion of Kangleipak (Manipur). Really it is not an indigenous religion of the land. It came to this state only after Aryan connection with the Meetei people some hundred years ago. British theologians and writers particularly, Pemberton, Mc Culloch, Brown and T.C. Hudson did not accept the Indo-Aryan theory of the origin of the people in this land. They used to make their own observation on the issue giving due regard to the age old tradition, culture, way of life, physical structure, food habits and language etc. of the people of this land. The social background of the people (even though it has been transformed to a great extend by the new religion i.e. (Hinduism) stands as a refutation of the theory of the Indo-Aryan descent of the Meeteis. In fact the observation of these foreign experts are hundred percent true. Hindu is a non-indigenous religion of the state. Now what important more in the present context of this society is the role of religion to bring peace and harmony. The doctrine of all the religion of the world is to love each other. Therefore religious leaders and institutions like, Laishang of Sanamahi, Mandir of Hindus, Masjid of Islam, Church of Christian, Pagoda of Buddhist, Gurudwara of Sikhs should not be a place of conspiracy and conflict. One community should not threaten another community in the name of religion. When religious institution are totally free from political or social agony, the people will get an easy room to judge any social issues and decide social issues thereafter freely. The news of conflict in between the Sia and Suny of Islam or in between Catholics and Protestants of Christian are not good examples of peace and harmony to be advocated by religious institutions. In the present world scenario the globe seems to campaign and make different blocks like-thristian block, Islam block, Buddhist block or Hindu block. In the process of making religious blocks small communities like the Meetei are targeted to convert and the cover in their blocks at the cost of culture, language and customs of the smaller communities. Such things are not suppose to encourage. Religious leaders can play an important role in making the globe a zone of peace.

Ethnic groups welcome Indian PM’s comments Indo Burma News
November 22, 2007 (DVB) Representatives of the Chin National Front and the Arakan Liberation Party have welcomed comments by the Indian prime minister calling for ethnic parties to be involved in dialogue in Burma. Manmohan Singh spoke to Thein Sein, the Burmese prime minister, in Singapore, where he was attending the East Asia Summit.
A spokesperson for the Indian prime minister said in a press conference that Manmohan Singh had stressed the importance of including ethnic nationalities in the country’s efforts towards national reconciliation. ''The prime minister conveyed India's position that the reform process should be broad based and include Aung San Suu Kyi and various ethnic nationalities and that it should be carried forward expeditiously towards a satisfactory solution,'' the spokesperson said.
Ph Htang Cin, the general secretary of the Chin National Front, agreed with Manmohan Singh’s sentiments. "We believe the political matters in Burma could be solved via a tripartite dialogue. The recent urging of the Indian prime minister on the Burma junta is very encouraging for us," he said. The general secretary of the Arakan Liberation Party, Major Khine Myo Min, also welcomed the comments. "We have never heard this kind of thing from India before. We heartily welcome the Indian prime minister's remark on Burma saying it is necessary to include all the ethnic parties in solving Burma's problems," he said. "The basis of Burma's problems is the argument for democracy and this is directly related to the ethnic issues."