[Previous entry: "Zeliangrongs reiterate unflinching support to Indo-Naga peace process Withdraws non co-operation against NSCN –IM The Morung Express"] [Next entry: "Dutch group blasts Ulfa OUR BUREAU The Telegraph"]

11/19/2007: "Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim Ministry of Information & Publicity Press Release"

Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim Ministry of Information & Publicity

Press Release

Given the nature of its existence as nothing more than a criminal gang but desperate to who the Naga public with it devilish charm the Khaplang Group is showing its true face again with its insidious invention of lies and malignant statement. In the fitness of preserving the good name of the Nagas while relentlessly pursing our political aspiration the emptiness of utterance from Khaplang Group does not augur well for the healthy development of people’s thinking vis-à-vis the Naga’s elusive political solution. To generate venomous attack on NSCN the Khaplang Group failed to go with the accepted fact that to write against somebody is as easy as you love to hate somebody. But to have that public taste it should go beyond that to make in acceptable and digestible to the wisdom of the people whose level of judgment of everyday happening in the name of Naga political struggle should not be under estimate and undermined.

The transforming society of ours needs to be properly educated and informed in a perspective manner and not necessarily by way of resulting to use of malicious language bereft of any face value. In the true sense of the term the slanderous attack of Khaplang Group pinpointing the ‘Tangkhuls’ will only go towards vulgarization of the Khaplang Group that often shout from the rooftop professing to be fighting for Naga political cause. But in actuality very remotely connected to it.

It is very unbecoming for another notorious member of Khaplang Group in the person of Mr. Athrong Konyak, Senior Kilonser to have indulged in something bombastic but not realistically interesting for public consumption.

NSCN never deviate from the path of respecting the revolutionary standing of each group on the northeast. In the matter of ULFA the NSCN have its own standard of dealing and respect. But at the moment, other than operational ethics that each group should adhere to there is no reason NSCN and ULFA should develop any conflict of interest. But parroting somebody’s interests with vicious intention will only go towards aggravating the atmosphere. This calls for exercise of maturity of thought and moral conviction lest we make victims of our own making bereft of any morality without which revolutionary movement is hard to survive.

Notwithstanding the unpleasant records of the conflicts between the Nagas and Kukis, certain section of the Kukis with the dawn of new political wisdom desired that the Nagas and Kukis must work in unity to secure their future political set up. Late. K. Hangsing Commander-in-Chief of KRA was one with the revolutionary vision for the Naga-Kuki unity. But for the forces who are against his visionary zeal, he was assassinated in New Delhi. NSCN took no time in condemning such act of cowardice. True to NSCN’s friendship with KRA, it advised KRA to remain steadfast in its determination to carry on the movement to fulfill Mr. K. Hangsing’s vision.

In this context the allegation of Khaplang Group who again took the pleasure of using ‘Tangkhuls’ as assailants of Mr. K. Hangsing is as unpalatable as any anti-Naga utterance from Khaplang Group. In the message to the NSCN the KRA clarified that KRA will never be carried away emotionally or politically the Khaplang Group allegation naming ‘Tangkhuls’ who killed its leader. They are rather pointing their fingers at KNA and KLA as the main suspects. They are learnt to be thoroughly investigating the deeper meaning behind the murder.

To the indignation of the Nagas who matters for Naga unity and for Naga-Kuki unity the painful reality of the Khaplang Group jumping in hurry to align with those very groups like Meiteis’ UNLF who stands deadly against Naga unity and Naga-Kuki unity. This is maddening for NSCN to watch and to forbear with. Because NSCN is concern for the earliest solution of the Indo-Naga problems. This is the reason why NSCN is compelled to target the Khaplang Group as the obstructionist forces working at the behest of anti-Naga groups and controlled by Indian Intelligence Agencies to counterweight the NSCN.

Issued By:- Ministry of Information & Publicity

NSG-UK clarifies- Nagaland Post
Whereas Jacques de Kort, a well-known and well-respected Dutch human rights campaigner, is the President of the Naga International Support Centre (NISC), Professor Kaping is the President of the Naga Support Group-UK (NSG-UK). And whereas the well-established NISC is based in the Netherlands, the tiny NSG-UK is based in Great Britain. Though the NISC and the NSG-UK maintain a cordial friendship, they are completely independent from each other.
Secondly, no Naga community has ever issued any quit notice to another Naga community since time immemorial. The shameless and self-defeating quit notice was issued to the Tangkhuls by the Khaplang Terrorist Gang (KTG) from Burmese-occupied Nagalim at the behest of the cunning UNLF of Kangleipak.
There are over forty-five Naga communities in Nagalim and all of them have their apex bodies, including the APO, CPO, Memei Council, Zeliangrong Baudi, Sumi Hoho, Lotha Hoho, Konyak Union and Ao Senden. Every sane Naga knows for sure that not a single community endorses the UNLF-inspired quit notice of the KTG.
Thirdly, the letter "Daring acts of NSCN men" that appeared in a local daily on 18 November very clearly shows the ugly design of the wily KTG, which is surely drowning deeper and deeper to death every day, to bring bad name to the Konyak community by intentionally putting the name of one Athrong Konyak. Also, true to its devilish nature and usual practices, the KTG is desperately trying to make the Nagas fight with the Asomiyas and the Kuki brothers. However, this kind of criminal plan will never succeed, for the citizens of Nagalim are not as stupid as the KTG takes them to be. Nagas want JustPeace and very good relationship with their neighbours.
Mrs K.S. Esther Information Service Secretary, Naga Support Group-UK
Nagas want JustPeace, good neighborly relations ‘Naga Support Group, UK independent from NISC’ The Morung Express
Dimapur, November 18 (MExN): The Naga Support Group (NSG), UK through its Information Service Secretary Mrs. K.S.Esther issued a statement responding to the NSCN (K) statement that distortingly clubbed NSG, UK President Professor Timothy Kaping as ‘so called President of NISC’ which was carried in one of the local dailies on November 18 edition under the caption ‘Daring acts of IK (NSCN-IM) men’.
Clarifying that the Naga International Support Centre (NISC) is a well-established human rights organization based in the Netherlands whereas NSG, UK is a tiny support group based in Great Britain. The statement asserted that ‘Though the NISC and the NSG-UK maintain a cordial friendship, they are completely independent from each other’ and that Jacques de Kort, a well-known and well-respected Dutch human rights campaigner, heads the Naga International Support Centre (NISC) as its President, and not Professor Kaping who is the President of the Naga Support Group-UK (NSG-UK) as alleged by the NSCN (K).
The NSG,UK rejoinder further mentions that ‘no Naga community has ever issued any quit notice to another Naga community since time immemorial’ and that ‘The shameless and self-defeating quit notice(was) issued to the Tangkhuls by the NSCN(K) whom they labeled as - Khaplang Terrorist Gang (KTG)- from Burmese-occupied Nagalim at the behest of the cunning UNLF of Kangleipak.’
‘There are over forty-five Naga communities in Nagalim and all of them have their apex bodies, including the APO, CPO, Memei Council, Zeliangrong Baudi, Sumi Hoho, Lotha Hoho, Konyak Union and Ao Senden’ and that ‘Every sane Naga knows for sure that not a single community endorses the UNLF-inspired quit notice of the KTG’ the statement maintained.
Making mention of the news item carried in one of the local dailies, the NSG,UK stated that the letter reflects the ugly design of conspiring to bring bad name to the Konyak community by intentionally putting the name of one Athrong Konyak’. The statement also alleged the KTG of ‘desperately trying to make the Nagas fight with the Asomiyas and the Kuki brothers.’
The Naga Support Group, UK contended that this kind of criminal plan will never succeed, for the citizens of Nagalim are not completely unaware and that ‘Nagas want JustPeace and very good relationship with their neighbours.’
NSCN (K) cautions ULFA flirting with its rival The Morung Express
Dimapur, November 18 (MExN): The NSCN (K) today advised the ULFA to be wary of the NSCN (IM) especially after the recent shoot out with the Assam based militant group in Tizit. The NSCN (K) said that even if it declared that the NSCN (IM) cadres live side by side with the ULFA cadres and maintain good understanding with them, the recent Tizit killing shows otherwise.
“Back home in the North East Region of Indian Sub-continent the ULFA men are flirting with the I-K terrorists and supporting each other in one way or the other,” the NSCN (K) in a press statement issued by its Senior Kilonser, Athrom Konyak said.
The NSCN (K) cautioned the ULFA about their relationship with the NSCN (IM) in the wake of the killing and capture of some ULFA cadres by the NSCN (IM) cadres on November 11 in Tizit. “It is unmistakable lesson for the ULFA leaders to learn what kind of men, the Tangkhuls are. The Tangkhuls, both underground and overground are staying everywhere in Assam, specially in Guwahati, but without thinking left or right, their obsession is to kill anyone they encounter,” the release stated.
The release also strongly alleged that the NSCN (IM) cadres killed the Army Chief of the Kuki National Army (KRA), K Hangsing Kuki in Delhi on November 12. Referring to the subsequent condemnation issued by the NSCN (IM) over the KRA Army Chief’s killing, the NSCN (K) opined that the NSCN (IM) “immediately declared condemnation of the killing by shedding crocodile tears”.
In this regard, the release said that if the NSCN (IM) could ‘shoot’ the then Chief Minister of Nagaland, SC Jamir in Delhi or anywhere else in India, then, ‘what is the problem for them to kill an insurgent leader in Delhi or anywhere else in India, taking advantage of the security and legal system of India?” the release questioned.
The Senior Kilonser of NSCN (K), Athrom Konyak, disclosed that he was in the company of Tangkhuls for many years in the past.
“I know that they are very expert in committing crimes and putting the blame on others,” said Konyak. The release further added that the ‘quit notice issued to Tangkhuls by many tribes of the Nagas is very wise decision’. Furthermore, the release said that the ‘Nagas know what Tangkhul Kaping Timothy is doing as so-called President of NISC which is a very good example,” the release added.
NSCN (K) appeals- Nagaland post
The authorities and leaders of GPRN/NSCN fully understand that peaceful condition is the pre-requisite thing for everything. As such, by honestly considering and respecting the peace initiatives undertaken by different groups including foreign well wishers, we have even stopped writing any provocative statements against any group, except some write ups by some individual authorities expressing their view points on the prevailing situation here and there for the last three four months in the interest of peace. But taking the advantage of our silence, the IK terrorists have all the more activated their envious campaigns against the GPRN/NSCN. Everyday in all the local papers, they (IK) have been writing against us with the best possible condemnable, abusive and provocative words. Those were again re-enforced by the provocative write ups of Tangkhul Timothy Kaping, a big liar and womanizer self styled president of the so called NISC.
Therefore, the GPRN solemnly and honestly appeals to all peace bidders among the Nagas, whether individual or organization and whether foreign or local not to contact us with peace efforts without fully knowing or studying the behaviour, activities, writings and political scope of the IK terrorists. They are politely advised to study first as to what kind of people the IK terrorists are and what they can do with them (IK), and also to examine deeply whether Th. Muivah Tangkhul is the appropriate person to represent the Naga people.
We don't want the peace loving people to get embarrassed and offended when they approach us. We cannot be yoked together with the satanic people led by Th. Muivah. If the peace bidders sincerely want peace in Nagaland and among the Naga society, don't ever support the agenda of Th. Muivah who is the chairman of the Combined Intelligence Bureau and Research and Analysis Wing of India in his bid to divide the Nagas further and destroy them completely. Beware of the wolves in sheep's clothing! MIP, GPRN/NSCN (K)
Has ULFA joined the 'how to divide the Naga Peoples' bull market? Naga International Support Center, NISC
Amsterdam, November 18, 2007

Save the methods used, like striking on innocent people with bombs, the Naga International Support Center, NISC, believed in the quest for self determination of the United Liberation Front of Asom, ULFA, on behalf of its own people, the people of Asom. However, it is practically unbelievable to witness ULFA’s teaming up with a bunch of criminals under the control of the Government of India. Knowing too ULFA was once a friend of the Naga forces, it astounds to see how low ULFA has sunk morally. Though many a time tempted to criticize, NISC until now did not interfere but now states that any assault on ordinary people is deplored and condemned. NISC questions the sincerity of ULFA:

A – for having established camps in Eastern Nagaland/Burma with the Khaplang Group
B - for using an incident to turn against a Naga tribe, just like the Khaplang Group did with their quit notice against the Tangkhul tribe
C – for wanting Assam as a whole to be independent; implicitly denying the prime Indigenous peoples, the Boros, their independence.
D – for planting bombs in markets, cinemas and other public places, for blowing up pipeline and for attacking trains

Considering these four points alone it is obvious ULFA, locked in a bitter war with the Government of India, can only be a trustworthy partner when it abandons terrorism on innocent people. ULFA squandered Human Rights and by teaming up with an armed gang, deployed and fed by the Armed Forces of the Government of India, ULFA stooped to the criminal level of the Khaplang Group.

The Naga International Support Center condemns any terror meted out by ULFA and the Khaplang Group and deplores the parroting attitude of the ULFA.

NISC calls on the humanity left in the United Liberation Front of Asom and urges ULFA
- to stand up and fight for a just cause
- to fight for its people on the basis of human and Indigenous Peoples Rights
- to refrain from deflecting attention by pointing to others
- to stop hitting on innocent people and
- to abandon the blindly following of criminals out to divide the tribes

For more information visit www.nagalim.nl or get in touch with us nisc@nagalim.nl
India’s Myanmar policy could provoke the Northeast MeriNews
Nava Thakuria,
THE NORTHEASTERN part of India comprises of eight States. Each State has a unique culture and tradition. This part of India is often termed as a breeding ground for separatists’ movement. The landlocked region nurtures more than 30 insurgent groups, who are fighting with the New Delhi over demands ranging from autonomy to self-rule. Surrounded by Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet (China), Burma and Bangladesh, the region’s land connectivity with mainland India is achieved through only three per cent of the boundary line.

The union government has drafted many plans and proposals to transform the region into a business hub in South and Southeast Asia. New Delhi’s ‘Look East’ policy is meant for the economic benefit of the indigenous people of the region. The multi-million dollar Kaladan project, which is designed to develop the Sittwe port in the Arakan coast of western Burma and connect it with Mizoram, is on high agenda of the government. Moreover, the Indo-Burma gas pipeline, though in cold storage presently, was projected as a big opportunity for the Northeast (particularly after Bangladesh showed reluctance in allowing the pipeline to pass through its territory).

Things went well for New Delhi until the sudden uprising in adjoining Burma (also known as Myanmar). While New Delhi invited critical comments from international communities including the UN and EU for its junta (Burmese) - appeasing policy, the real challenge has surfaced from the alienated region, where public meetings, rallies and other initiatives have received support, condemning the military rulers of Burma and visibly supporting the pro-democracy icon, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In a recent conference in Manipur, a Burma-bordering State in the Northeast, it was unanimously decided to extend support to the people of Burma in their struggle for democracy. Organised by the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights on October 13 at Ukhrul, the conference, which was attended by different social organisations, representatives of Churches, NGOs and institutions also called upon the Burmese junta to resolve the long pending issues in a democratic and peaceful way.

Earlier the State witnessed a solidarity meeting on October 2, which strongly urged New Delhi to withdraw all kinds of its engagement with the junta. Attended by a hundred participants including prominent legislators, political activists, human rights activists, peace activists and others, the meeting resolved to convey its unconditional support to the pro-democracy movement in Burma.

More recently, thousands Christians in Manipur joined in a prayer campaign for freedom and democracy in Burma. Organised by the Myanmar Christian Fellowships on October 21, which is comprised of Burmese Christians in exile too, they expressed solidarity with Suu Kyi and prayed to almighty for the release of all political prisoners including the great lady.

Earlier on October 6, civil society groups of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Assam observed a ‘global day of action’ for a free Burma with different activities. The simultaneous demonstration in these states highlighted the common concern for the agitating monks and peaceful protestors of Burma, who were brutally suppressed by the Burmese regime. Nearly 20,000 people assembled at Mawphlang, near Shillong and urged the centre to intervene in the Burmese crisis and apply diplomatic pressure on the junta for initiating a dialogue with the democratic forces.

In Nagaland, another Burma-bordering State, indigenous people took out a rally demanding tougher action against the Burmese group of Generals and sought immediate intervention by the UN in the prolonged Burmese crisis. Organised by influential civil society groups like Naga Hoho, Naga Students’ Federation, Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, Nagaland Baptist Church Council and others, the October 6 rally showcased placards reading ’Stop Crackdown on Peaceful Demonstrators’, ’Free Burmese people from the Junta’, ’Do not repeat the 1988 Massacre’.

Similarly in Assam, hundreds participated in a Candle Light Vigil to express solidarity with the struggling Burmese people. Organised by the North East Peoples’ Initiative, the programme attracted hundreds to spread the message of support to the Nobel Laureate-lady, who is under arrest for the last four years in Rangoon. Guwahati earlier witnessed a citizens’ meeting on October 4, which urged the central government’ to create diplomatic pressure on the Burmese junta to refrain from repressive measures against those carrying on the democracy movement’. Organised by the Journalists’ Forum, Assam, the meeting also resolved to call upon the government ’not to remain silent on the happenings in the neighbouring country and do the needful within its powers to facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy’.

Likewise, the ’Mizoram Committee for Democracy in Burma’ appealed to New Delhi to adopt a pro-active role in persuading the Burmese junta to change its constitution to a democratic set up. In a press meet at Aizwal on October 20, the committee asserted that it wanted democracy in Burma. Comprised of civil societies, human rights activists, intellectuals and concerned citizens of Mizoram, the committee insisted that government intervene in the present political crisis in Burma. Earlier, a solidarity meeting in the Burma-bordering state on October 4 unanimously demanded that New Delhi snap all diplomatic and business ties with the junta until democracy is restored in country.

The anti-junta meeting in Mizoram assumes significance because the tiny State has nearly 40,000 Chin refugees (from Burma), who are yet to be recognised by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. These refugees, who entered India in different groups after the military crackdown during the 1988 Burma uprising, however feel safe in Mizoram as both Mizo and Chin tribes share similar linguistic accents and socio-religious morals.

New Delhi, even after attracting criticism for its strategic ties with the military rulers of Burma (known as the State Peace and Development Council) continues trying to justify its stand, when it emphasised on engaging (not alienating) the junta. During a recent visit to the Northeast, the Indian Foreign Minister reiterated that New Delhi had been involved ’in a variety of projects with Myanmar in diverse fields such as roads, railways, telecommunications, IT, science and technology and power’. Delivering a lecture in Guwahati on India’s Look East Policy, Pranab Mukherjee also affirmed, "As a close and friendly neighbour, India hopes to see a peaceful, stable and prosperous Myanmar, where all sections of people will be included in a broad-based process of national reconciliation and political reform."

India, which supported the pro-democracy movement in Burma till the early nineties, is concerned over growing Chinese influence in that country. New Delhi later changed its Burma policy and decided to engage the junta in greater economic cooperation. Another major concern for New Delhi is insurgency in the Northeast. Armed groups are using the jungles of northern Burma for their training camps. India’s argument is it cannot ignore the junta since it is supporting its efforts in dealing with the insurgents along the 1,600-km porous Indo-Burma border.

But the ground reality is that public resentment against New Delhi in Northeast is usually high. The indigenous people here strongly believe that the Union government exploits the region keeping an eye on oil, coal, tea and forest resources of the region, but always turns a deaf ear to the perennial problems of the Northeastern states. It will be a challenge for New Delhi to deal with the public resentment that is growing in its alienated Northeast region.

There is however no doubt that the Northeastern people have been suffering for long on various fronts with significant implications because of an unstable Burma. While the region has been compelled to provide shelter to refugees from Burma, its residents have been exposed to illicit drugs and arms trafficking by the people of the poverty-stricken, troubled country. People in the northeast have been falling victim to HIV / AIDS at an alarming rate.

Manipur, which has given birth to some of the outstanding sports personalities of our times, has now emerged as one of India’s highly HIV-infected States. The talented and promising youth of the region fall prey to addiction (thanks to abundant supply of illegal drugs from Burma), thus paving the way for contracting other dreaded diseases.

The question that arises is should New Delhi overlook all these developments, which affect our region? In fact, it is in the interest of the Northeast region to have a stable and democratic regime in Burma. The Central government must take note of the situation clearly while dealing with the situation in the Northeast, where anti-New Delhi voices have emerged and sustained since the days of India’s independence. It will add to New Delhi’s problems, if the growing anti- junta sentiment in the Northeast stirs up resentment against the Central government in the days to come.
‘DAN govt will continue in office’ The Morung Express
Kohima, November 18 (MExN): BJP National Council member and spokesman Johny G. Rengma said that Neiphiu Rio led DAN government will continue in the office “as DAN coalition will win thumping majority in the coming assembly election because the Naga electorates is going to exercise their franchise honestly.”
“Congress can no longer fool the civilized Nagas with their old tactise. The massive economic development throughout the state within 5 years of DAN government has surpassed the erstwhile Congress more than 15 years government in the state in the field of economic development,” Johny said.
BJP may not field all the 60 assembly seats, he said, “however Congress faces a major challenge from BJP in Nagaland as the benefit received by the people of Nagaland during the BJP led NDA government not only economic development through special packages but also liberal funding towards the state including a major breakthrough in the Naga political issue comparing with the last 3 years of Congress led UPA, Government’s step motherly treatment towards the Nagaland state and its people have clearly exposed the Congress party and its national leadership.”
The National Council member also stated that the formation of BJP led government in the Christian dominated southern state in Karnataka has once again reminded to those who doubts “BJP’s secular ideological foundation.”
Creation of separate Ministry for the NE region in particular Nagaland has promptly remain in the radar screen of BJP’s programme for development and creation of rural infrastructure, he said adding that BJP felt the growing unemployment as a matter of deep concern “ which the Congress led UPA central government completely failed to supplement our effort.”
“Vote BJP for prosperity to yourself, your family and your land,” Johny added.
Paw-brigade victims strike back - NGO leads campaign against abuse of people from region in New Delhi OUR BUREAU The Telegraph


Stop gawking!
Nov. 18: Sherlin Yanthan can still feel the knotty middle-aged fingers creeping up her thighs. But what the young girl from Nagaland remembers clearer still are the cold stares of her co-passengers on that crowded Delhi bus.
“I did not scream. I simply grabbed one of the fingers on the groping hand and snapped it, trying to break the bone,” recalls Sherlin (name changed). “And when I threatened to gouge his eyes out, the space around me cleared. It was a clear message that there was one insane, uncivilised and wild northeastern girl among well-mannered ladies and gentlemen. But I had faced such situations before — people don’t judge the culprit but make it a point to recognise us northeasterners as outcastes,” she said.
Sherlin’s case is just another statistic that corroborates a study by the Delhi-based Northeast Support Centre & Helpline: close to 59 per cent of sexual assaults in the capital are perpetrated against girls from the Northeast.
The newly formed NGO works to help victims of sexual harassment and racial discrimination and caters to people from the Northeast living in Delhi and the National Capital Region.
Social activist Madhu Chandra from Manipur, who is the spokesman for the organisation, said the figures could be higher as many cases go unreported. “We cannot trust police as they often refuse to register cases involving people from the Northeast,” he said. Chandra said the organisation often has to rely on newspaper and television reports to collect data.
Over 85,000 people from the region work or study in the national capital. While most are from Assam, Manipur and Nagaland come a close second and third.
“We needed a platform to fight to give a better deal to the people of the Northeast,” Chandra said. The “platform” is a joint initiative of various human rights activists, students, journalists and lawyers seeking to prevent harassment of people from the region and from tribal communities of other states. The support centre exerts pressure on the authorities to take action against the guilty, Chandra said. “The culprit becomes more courageous when the police let them go scot free. The public looks on as a mere spectator and if we defend ourselves, people judge us as outcastes,” he said. Chandra said the forum was in touch with public leaders, bureaucrats and political leaders of the region to add teeth to the campaign against discrimination. He also stressed the need to place the issue of discrimination meted out to people from the Northeast before the Centre in a more forceful manner. “And that’s what we are trying to achieve,” he said. The Sherlins in Delhi are listening.
NDFB rescues fawn - Outfit to guard against poachers A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph


Members of the National Democratic Front of Boroland hand over the fawn to forest department personnel. Picture by North Bank Landscape
Guwahati, Nov. 18: The National Democratic Front of Boroland, that has been waiting for the Assam government’s initiative to take the peace process forward, has decided to don the mantle of environmentalists. The outfit embarked on its new mission by rescuing a fawn and handing it over to the forest department.
Praise has come from none other than the World Wildlife Fund for Nature (WWF) for the initiative.
The NDFB, which is into a ceasefire agreement with the government, also told forest officials that it would not allow woodcutters and poachers to have a free run in the WWF’s North Bank Landscape — the area between the northern bank of the Brahmaputra in the south to the foothills of the eastern Himalayas in the north and the Manas in the west to river Dibang in the east.
Spanning nearly 3,000 square km of protected area, it can accommodate 3,000 elephants.
The landscape programme aims to preserve elephant population in the long term by maintaining habitat contiguity, significantly reducing existing and potential threats and building professional and public support for conservation of elephants and their habitats.
The assurance was given on Friday when a team of forest officials of Nameri National Park and Charduar Range, led by Bhadra Kakati and Nripen Kalita, reached a designated point near Sotai forest village in Sonitpur district and met NDFB representatives to take custody of the fawn that was saved by the militant group. The fawn will be released in the forest after some days as it is too young to fend for itself. The process was facilitated by the landscape programme and its partner Socio-Economic Rural Development Organisation of Charduar, an NGO.
“The compassion of a section of people towards wildlife is still alive in our society and that is a flicker of hope on this planet.
“When the world knows Assam and the Northeast as a strife-torn area infested with gun-toting insurgents and as a militarised zone, the region still preserves its tradition of compassion and conservation,” Soumen Dey, a senior official of NBL programme of the WWF, said. Members of the outfit rescued the fawn from the clutches of predators and gave it a fresh lease of life. The barely three-month-old fawn could have died had it not been saved by them. The outfit contacted Bir Kumar Tamang of the rural welfare organisation and wanted to hand over the fawn to the forest department.
Tribal front plans mass agitation - Dispur target of ST ire A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph
Guwahati, Nov. 18: The situation in the tribal-dominated areas of Assam, which are already simmering, is set to deteriorate further. The apex body of all the tribal organisations of the state today decided to launch a statewide mass-based agitation to seek a “solution to the burning problems” confronting the state’s tribals. The All Assam Tribal Sangha has announced plans to go in for a largescale agitation, which is a cause of great worry for Dispur. Several tribal communities in the state are already up in arms and plan to prevent the panchayat elections from being held in the areas under the tribal councils.
The apex body has been persistently demanding that tribal blocks and belts be cleared of encroachments and all allotments made to non-tribals be revoked. It also wants Dispur to clear the backlog in filling up government posts reserved for the Scheduled Tribes.
The decision to launch the agitation from December 17 was taken at the executive meeting of the apex front. General secretary of the front, Aditya Khakhlari, later told reporters that the government would be held responsible for any untoward situation that arises if its demands are not fulfilled. He said the government has been allotting lands at random to non-tribals in the state’s 47 tribal blocks and belts by violating laws.
“We have been asking the government to immediately clear these blocks and belts of occupation by non-tribals. But the government has so far not paid any heed to our demand,” Khakhlari said.
At its meeting, the apex tribal body also took strong exception to Dispur’s failure to clear the backlog in government posts reserved for Scheduled Tribe candidates. Khakhlari claimed that there were more than 12,000 reserved posts which have to be filled up.
Accusing the government of being apathetic towards the plight of tribals, Khakhlari alleged that the government has denied many tribal officials their promotions for years on flimsy grounds. “The prolonged neglect and indifference towards us has forced us to embark on the path of agitation to get justice,” he added. Adding to the government’s worries, the front has also cautioned Dispur against holding panchayat elections in the areas under tribal councils. Citing the recent incidents of violence over the issue, the front said the situation would become very dangerous if the government tried to forcibly hold elections.
“Our stand on the issue is very clear. The government should immediately hold the council elections to prevent the situation from worsening. It is unfortunate that since 1995, despite promises galore, no government has held elections to the councils that are outside the purview of the Sixth Schedule,” Khakhlari said.


A grab from The Telegraph report on secret killings published on November 16
State as the assassin PATRICIA MUKHIM The telegraph
Much has been written and spoken about the Justice K.N. Saikia report, which indicts former Assam chief minister Prafulla Mahanta for the secret killings of Ulfa kin and sympathisers between 1998 and 2001. Mahanta was then also the home minister and it was under his initiative that the Unified Command structure was formed.
Ironically, a similar inquiry by Justice J.N. Sarma stopped short of naming the people involved in the mass killings although it had no doubts about the fake encounters, which took a toll of 188. Why the two accounts are inconsistent is anybody’s guess. But Justice Saikia’s report is a compendium of damning evidence against Mahanta. It also finds definite proof of the involvement of top army and police brass in the secret assassinations.
Mahanta, himself a product of the Assam Movement of the late seventies is closely associated with the current Ulfa leadership, all of whom were ideologues having similar aspirations. Why a section of those activists turned radical and preferred to go underground instead of joining electoral politics is a matter of conjecture. But given the intricate nature of politics there is no knowing what went wrong in the relationship and why enmity has replaced a former comradeship.
Having been groomed in the same soil and imbibed the same political milieu, Mahanta’s philosophy cannot be too different from that of Ulfa’s. However, as chief minister of a state nurtured in the eco-system of democracy, Mahanta had to disown his former colleagues.
Volte face? Given the intimacy that Mahanta shared with his former comrades they must have expected him to give them a free operating space with regular doses of oxygen to enable them to breathe easy. At the very least that would have been dichotomous. Mahanta could not have ignored Ulfa’s acts of terror, which by then had escalated and resulted in the exodus of capital and industry from Assam.
Also, Ulfa had by then made public its aspirations for a sovereign Assam. This declaration of open, conditional warfare against the country, without leaving any room for negotiations, naturally pushed India to the offensive. India had enough knowledge even then about Ulfa’s support base. If there were assumptions then that Ulfa had become a pawn in the hands of the ISI and other extremists, all that has been more than amply vindicated over the years. To speak of the rule of law in circumstances where non-state actors operate by their own rules and spit on the laws of the state, is rather presumptuous.
Scholars who prescribe strict adherence to the rule of law by state actors but have no gumption to stipulate similar rules for non-state actors or to condemn the acts of terror perpetrated by these so-called revolutionaries, are at best rabble-rousers. Could Mahanta have countered Ulfa’s onslaught without the assistance of the Unified Command structure? These are questions that require insightful deliberations and not mindless condemnation of the entire exercise.
Commenting on the rule of law in a 2005 article in The Telegraph, columnist Tarunabh Khaitan says, “The sine qua non for the rule of law is an independent and freely accessible judiciary which fearlessly tries people, irrespective of power, wealth, status or political affiliation. The rule of law also demands an independent police organisation and an independent prosecution service, which are free from political interference in their day-to-day functioning while being accountable for their actions.”
Khaitan is speaking of a normal situation where the state is in a position to use its police force to quell internal disturbances. Considering that the police are by and large politicised and owe their loyalties to the ruling government, there is need for a non-partisan force. In the current scenario there is no such trained, special counter-insurgency force.
The Assam Rifles, which calls itself a paramilitary organisation, draws much of its manpower especially at the higher echelons, from the Indian army. Hence it operates like the army, replete with wartime preparedness. The attitude of many of the army operatives is superciliousness towards the local population. Since the Northeast, especially along the Myanmar border, is treacherous terrain, the posting here is considered punishment enough for them to treat the entire region as a battlefield and not just the ideologues but their close kin and sympathisers as enemies who have to be decimated for providing the wherewithal to their gun-toting family members.
Ineffective law There are several instances when the rule of law has been deficient in handling the host of nationalist movements in the country, which are dubbed as “secessionist” by the nation state. Sadly, even after tackling the Naga movement which has now reached its 60th year, the Centre has still not developed adequate mechanism to fight terrorism without inflicting casualties on the ordinary citizen.
Justice Saikia had warned that the army should not be politicised and the police should not be militarised. This is a very appropriate warning. But what are the alternatives to counter insurgency? Can Assam afford to throw the bay out with the bath water? The learned Justice should have prescribed the most effective remedy for countering terror groups like Ulfa which strikes targets with impunity.
Tackling terror Tackling terrorism is like shooting in the dark. As terrorism spreads its ugly tentacles and innocent targets are eliminated at will by terrorists and agent provocateurs, there are fewer and fewer options for the state. Going soft and sticking by the rules will not pay dividends. Citizens will complain that the government is not doing enough.
That was what the Gogoi government was accused of during the spate of Ulfa attacks against Hindi-speaking residents of Assam. Counter-terrorism is a hard option and those involved in these operations are putting their lives on the line.
When the options become narrower and information gathering gets too tedious, operatives tend to take short cuts. Part of this shortcut method is to get relatives and sympathisers of terrorist outfits to spill the beans and to punish those who refuse to squeak.
These shortcuts are unpardonable in the International Courts of Justice just as they cannot be condoned by the nation state. But we seem to suffer from the dilemma of having fewer and fewer options to deal with the culture of terror.
It seems so inadequate to simply comment on the secret killings without having alternative suggestions for the state to act upon. This is the appropriate time for the people of Assam and its politicians to transcend the blame game and try and find lasting solutions to the Ulfa dilemma.
The Justice Saikia report cannot be used as a political trump card to flog Mahanta and the AGP. But why flog a dead horse? The AGP is already split into irrelevant units. It is no longer an effective Opposition. In fact, that is one of the travesties of Assam politics today. Parliamentary democracy, which envisages a strong Opposition to put governments on the mat, is almost dead.
The writer can be contacted at patricia17@rediffmail.com
Many Peoples – One Struggle Nagarealm.com
The 13th of September 2007 will be remembered as one of the most historic day for the indigenous peoples as well as for all those who believe in justice and democratic values, especially those who have suffered and walked the painful path along with the indigenous peoples.

The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is indeed a remarkable achievement and a victory for those who have struggled inspiringly and worked selflessly in crafting the declaration. This is a major victory for the Nagas as well for we have been a part of this process. There are many among the Nagas who have worked uncompromisingly and this goes back much before the Nagas celebrated the International Year of the World’s Indigenous People in 1993. It was during this occasion that the Naga public declared themselves as one of the indigenous peoples of the world. It is these processes that have brought about this historic declaration. It is the fruits of the efforts our elders and others that we have come this far. And I believe that if we continue the struggle with the same commitment and perseverance, the Declaration will materialize into reality.

However, what prompts me to write is not just about these words of celebration. What I think is more important is to go back to the roots or basics if we have become confused or doubtful of what we have once embarked upon. With the people that I have interacted with and what I have read in the papers tells me that we are unsure of whether we should take ownership of the Declaration or not. It is in this context that I would like to address few issues that relate to the current confusion. The primary question that has arisen is whether Nagas are indigenous peoples or not (within some quarters). Hence, who are the indigenous peoples? Secondly, what do we mean by self-determination and what does the declaration imply? These are basic and fundamental questions that one is required to be sufficiently clear of to be able to take an informed decision. This is the basis on which one can continue to walk the path of a common struggle with a common vision for a dignified existence. In this article, I shall address the question of who the indigenous peoples are.

To begin with, the UN does not have an official definition on indigenous peoples. What exist now are all working definitions. Within the UN system, the debate on indigenous peoples began with the realization of their unique situation and condition. In 1971, the UN commissioned a study and Dr. Jose R Marinez Cobo came up with the following definition:

indigenous peoples are composed of the existing descendants of the peoples who inhabited the present territory of the country, wholly or partially, at the time when persons of a different culture arrived there from some other means, more in conformity with their particular social, economic and cultural customs and traditions than with the institutions of the country of which now they form apart, under a state structure which incorporates mainly the national, social and cultural characteristics of other segments of the population which are predominant” [UN Document No.E/CN4/Sub/2/L566, June 29, 1972].

This definition covered mainly the indigenous peoples of North America, South America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand but left out other regions, especially Asia as the study was not comprehensive enough. This definition implied that indigenous peoples were subjugated through conquest or colonization and continues to be ruled even today by nation states. It was in this light that the indigenous peoples of Asia joined hands with other struggling indigenous peoples of the world in the 80s. Ever since, the scope and the process have become as wide and as inclusive. Subsequently, Erica-Irene Daes, Chairperson of the UN working Group on Indigenous Populations suggested a number of variations, designating certain peoples as indigenous peoples.

According to her: although they have not suffered conquest or colonization, isolated or marginal groups existing in the country should also be regarded as covered by the notion of indigenous populations for the following reasons: • they are descendants of groups which were in the territory at the time when other groups of different cultures or ethnic origins arrived there;

• precisely because of their isolation from other segments of the country’s population they have almost preserved intact the customs and traditions of their ancestors which are similar to those characterized as indigenous;

• they are, even if only formally, placed under a state structure which incorporates national, social and cultural characteristics alien to them”. [UN Document No.E/CN4/Sub.2/1983/21 Add 8, para 379]

Dr. Martinez Cobo himself added new elements to his earlier working definition as part of the process of drafting the UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples. He wrote in his report in 1986: indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those, which having historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of them. They now form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems”.

These later working definitions eventually covered the historical reality, circumstances and situation of the indigenous peoples in Asia, including that of the Nagas. The key features and significance of these definitions are as follows:

• it does not seek to define the history of suffering and situation of the indigenous peoples as being uniform in nature;

• it neither implies that indigenous peoples are the same. Rather, indigenous peoples means ‘diversity of peoples within a group as a whole’;

• the definition does not imply that indigenous peoples are only those who have suffered conquest or cololisation. This is not a qualification but could be a factor among many others;

• in general terms, indigenous peoples are the politically disavantaged inhabitants or are those in a politically non-dominant position of a present day country (with or without their consent) who have lived in the area before it became a nation-state. Their problems occur not only from the process of conquest or colonization but also from state formation arising from decolonization;

• it clearly implies that it can be resolved only through multiplicities of political solutions basing on the uniqueness, merit and the ground reality of each peoples.

The other important document to look at is the International Labour Organisation Convention 169 (commnonly refered to as ILO 169). In essence, their definition echoes a similar understanding and meaning of the above definitions. But the Convention inserted a qualification to the concept of self-determination.

Whether the indigenous peoples are numerical minority (as could be the case in some parts of India or other countries) or majority (such as the Nagas) is not only insignificant but it is neither a criteria for defining the indigenous peoples. Also, a numerical minority does not necessarily occupy a non-dominant position (politically). Indigenous peoples have always maintained that it is their basic right to define themselves, and hence, self-identification is the most important criteria [here, self-identification does not refer to individuals or organisations but as a group/community/people]. Secondly, it has been made very clear that indigenous peoples’ issues has to be dealt with as ‘peoples’ issue’ and not as a ‘minority issue’. The declaration is the result of this assertion that indigenous peoples are peoples and not populations or people or a minority. The debate over these terminologies and concepts were considered to be very crucial during the development of the declaration, however, I do not have the space to get into those arguments here. But it may be important to keep in mind that there is a separate UN Declaration on Minorities. Also in more than 50 years, the UN has never agreed on a definition of what constitutes a minority.

Further, the argument that ‘original inhabitants’ are indigenous peoples is not sufficient. It is only one of the criteria among several others. It is for this reason that all nationalities do not qualify to be called ‘indigenous’. The Kashmiries for instance does not come under the category of ‘indigenous peoples’ nor do the Burmans (who are fighting for restoration of democracy in Myanmar/Burma) even though the Karens, Kachins, Chins, etc. do.

The above definitions, variations and criteria are all important in understanding the issue and question of who the indigenous peoples are, even though they are not conclusive. However, what is more important for us to keep in mind is the political nature of the issue. In this sense, indigenous peoples are those who share a common vision in their struggle (in a broad sense) based on their worldviews. This is what makes their struggle unique. It has the potential of redefining the world history. The recent UN declaration, I believe, is part of that process. But it has to be by the people and only by the people. Hence, it is necessary for us to understand that no revolution can be carried out without the power of the powerless.

The writer is Indigenous Advisor (Asia Region) to the UN Convention on Biological Diversity Research Fellow at Kimmage Development Studies Centre, Holy Ghost College, Dublin, Ireland. [Gam A. Shimray, KOL]
Hornbill Festival and Tourism: What Are Their Likely Cultural and Social Costs? By Tezenlo Thong Kuknalim.com

Lately, an increasing number of Nagas seems to be awakening to the fact that our cultural practices and values need to be reclaimed and revived not only for ourselves but also for posterity. This is not in contrast to a global trend of shift toward a more informed, enlightened and favorable perception on indigenous cultures, which took a hard hit beginning with the first interface between the indigenous peoples and Western colonizers.
Along side this welcome development, there seems to be a strong inclination to commodify and commercialize our culture for economic benefits. This provokes some serious questions: How do we understand our culture? Do we see it as a cash-making commodity that can be sold and bought like any other items in a capitalist economy? Or do we perceive and talk of our culture as our indispensable heritage and a vital part of our life and identity? For many Nagas, the talk on reviving our culture is almost always intertwined with the former, if not for the sole reason of generating funds. Given the perceived widespread poverty and a high unemployment rate among the Nagas, one can understand such an ambition. Nevertheless, there is a high risk of Nagas ending up in paying tremendous cultural and social costs if we misstep in our approach to cultural “renaissance”. Therefore, we need be careful in avoiding the degeneration of our culture because of commercial interests.
Often, our people are upbeat about the annually held Hornbill Festival and the prospects for growth of tourism industry and money pouring in. The likelihood of their negative social and cultural impacts on the fabric of Naga society is rarely considered or discussed. In our desperate attempt to attract tourist money to improve our economy, we should not overlook the social and cultural costs that are associated with tourism industry around the world. I’d like to make a few observations and suggestions in relation to the touted Hornbill Festival and anticipated boom in tourism industry.
To begin with, let us ask, what has the act of clowning to do with Hornbill Festival or prostitution to do with tourism industry? First, let us consider clowning and ask the following questions: During the annual Hornbill Festival, why do we engage in the performing of our traditional songs and dances? And for whom do we perform them?
A clown is someone who temporarily alters “its” appearance and performs for monetary benefits. In other words, a clown is paid to entertain others, and so it performs to entertain. A clown is not what it is. It is not real or genuine but fake, and anyone hardly takes it seriously. A clown is perceived as good only for entertaining the Other. A clown, therefore, represents someone or something that is used or misused for a brief moment of fun and entertainment. Its opinions, wishes and rights do not count much to others – good only for its amusement value at a minimal price.

The idea of performing to entertain and make money is a foreign concept to our foreparents. The commodification and selling of our culture began with the unwanted intrusion of colonial culture and capitalist economy. Much as a clown must be transformed to don a different outfit and appearance to entertain someone and make money, I am afraid the purpose of our performance is entertainment for economic gains, rather than a joyful and exuberant celebration of our cultural heritage and unique identity. Our foreparents performed and sang, not because someone wanted to be entertained, let along paid for by somebody. At the least, they did so to entertain themselves. Therefore, our culture should not be commodified and then sold and bought, nor should we perform our traditional dances and songs for someone, but for ourselves. In other words, our dancing and singing should be done not because someone wants to have fun, but for our own entertainment, to honor our tradition and to maintain its sanctity and continuity. Simply put, we need to see our culture beyond its mere monetary returns or values.
As colonial subjects, we need to understand the exhibition of our culture for entertainment in the light of colonial history. During the hay days of colonialism, global or world fairs were organized in major Euro-American cities, and the display of indigenous peoples from various colonies formed the salient feature. Exhibition of native peoples and their cultures for white people who wanted to experience exotic sensation, the “fantastic” experience of a sense of cultural distance mixed with physical proximity, drew huge public attention. Besides bringing them for literally exhibiting in fairs and museums, indigenous peoples were made to sell their products, perform exotic dances and rituals and serve their native food and drinks. In our long colonial history, we have being performing, singing for and entertaining British colonial officers, Indian Prime Ministers and Members of Parliaments, military dignitaries, and even our own state legislative members, sometimes even when visiting their own village folks. Having been complicitously performing or clowning for more than a century and a half for our colonizers and beset by economic wants, it is no wonder that we are prompt to think of converting our cultural heritage into entertainment and a money-generating commodity.
What, then, has prostitution to do with tourism industry? Tourism is often characterized as an “internal export industry,” and what are sold are the various ‘attractions,’ be these natural or cultural attractions of the land and the people. In many cases, especially in impoverished or economically deprived countries, the ‘selling of attractions’ to tourists includes prostitution or flesh trade. So literally speaking, it is a foregone conclusion that, among an increase in many other vices, tourism promotes flesh trade, and much can be said about it.

However, here I am thinking metaphorically or figuratively and would like to consider the kind of tourist attraction we are trying to promote as prostitution of one’s culture. Reclaiming or reviving one’s culture for the sole reason of its entertainment value and selling and making money is a classic example of prostitution of one’s culture. We need to be extra-cautious in becoming complicit in the planned execution and destruction of our land and the prostitution of our culture when organizing festivities like the Hornbill Festival or any other event that aims to sell our culture and attract tourists.
Tourism is often associated with leisure, fantasy and pleasure, and just as a prostitute is paid and used as an object to satisfy the lustful pleasure and fantasy of a person, the exotic ‘primitive’ culture and pristine forests of ‘backward’ people have often served the fantasy and pleasure of the ‘civilized’ person. Also, tourism industry is almost always perceived and hailed as an opportunity for ‘civilizing’ and ‘developing’ a people whose ways of life are perceived as backward and uncivilized. At the end, just as an old and dilapidated prostitute is abandoned and left to nurse her guilt and wound for the rest of her life, it is well documented around the world that tourists abandon and leave after exhausting native resources, polluting air, water and environment and degenerating hosts’ cultures and values.

Among various Nagas tribes, observance of a major festival at the end of the cycle of a harvest year was a major component of our collective culture in the past. Such traditional festivity has its own underpinning values and philosophies, focusing on thanksgiving, communal sharing, joy, rest, recreation and rejuvenation. In contrast, a planned commercial oriented modern festival, like the Hornbill Festival, has a different set of values and goals. It tends to promote an exaggerated aspect of pleasure of the festivity, which is or could be seen as a festival of orgy and unrestrained indulgence in physical pleasures, having nothing of spiritual and cultural values. No doubt, the aspect of pleasure has to be promoted aggressively and unashamedly if the goal is to attract tourists and make money. This desire to adapt or cater to the taste of tourists is responsible for the transmutation and degeneration of indigenous cultural practices in many parts of the world, affecting the values of and perception on the culture that is being represented.

In conclusion, let me concisely make a few suggestions. First, if we truly desire to revive and reclaim our cultural heritage, start teaching cultural values and meanings to our kids, e.g., in schools, church, etc. A cultural form without its content is at best a travesty. Second, limit the number of tourists according to the carrying capacity of our land. Efforts needs to be made to accommodate ‘eco-tourists,’ activists, scholars and others who are genuinely interested in learning from interactions with people of diverse cultures. ‘Hippies’ and pleasure-seekers need to be discouraged or, if possible, restricted. Third, ensure that extended use and depletion of local resources do no occur, e.g., water – our precious commodity. Fourth, promote tourism to empower villagers and let them take charge over it and have the maximum benefit. Otherwise, tourism will serve only to accentuate further the gap between the rich and the poor. Measures need to be in place so that the poor are not coerced to subsidize the rich and their opulent and extra-vacant lifestyle. As for instance, gullible and innocent villagers are asked to perform on eventful occasions, but are they being adequately compensated? Fifth, train our unemployed youth to become guides for visitors and guests and to disseminate our history and culture in their right perspectives.
Myanmar army hits Indian rebels: officials Indo Burma News
November 19, 2007: (AP) Guwahati: India, Myanmar troops have launched a crackdown against Indian separatists, raiding several rebel bases, officials and militant leaders said on Monday. An Indian defence official said camps belonging to the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) had been smashed in northern Myanmar's Sagaing division.
"The offensive is continuing... since the last four days with some key ULFA bases demolished according to information available so far," a commander of India's paramilitary Assam Rifles told AFP, asking not to be named. The ULFA, fighting for an independent homeland in northeast India's Assam state, has well-entrenched bases inside Myanmar, from where they stage cross-border bombings and hit-and-run attacks on federal soldiers.
At least half a dozen separatist groups from India's northeast have bases in Myanmar under the patronage of the dominant Khaplang faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-K). Kughalo Mulatonu, a senior NSCN-K leader, told AFP by telephone from an undisclosed location that "a routine winter operation is currently on in Myanmar."
"We do expect some clashes in the coming days, but we are capable of protecting ourselves," he said. The NSCN-Khaplang, which is pressing for an independent tribal homeland, entered into a ceasefire with New Delhi in 2001. The ULFA, the region's most potent separatist outfit, is an ally of the NSCN-K, which runs about 50 camps with 5,000 guerrilla fighters in Myanmar.
Myanmar, which staged a deadly crackdown on pro-democracy protests in September, last raided Indian separatist camps in January. That followed a visit by India's Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee to Yangon to request the junta's help. More than 50,000 people have lost their lives to insurgency in the northeast since India's independence in 1947.