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10/26/2007: "NSCN factions lose men in feud rerun OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph"

NSCN factions lose men in feud rerun OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph

Kohima, Oct. 25: Nagaland slipped back into the routine of fratricidal feuding today with the warring NSCN factions mounting tit-for-tat attacks on one another. The groups lost three men each in the fighting, which broke out barely two days after the one headed by S.S. Khaplang claimed to have extracted an assurance from Delhi that all “unauthorised camps” of the Isak-Muivah faction would be destroyed.
Police said a group of NSCN (I-M) members attacked a hideout of the Khaplang faction near Medziphema town, 60km from Kohima, and killed two of the inmates. Around 11am, NSCN(K) members retaliated by gunning down two from the rival camp at New Market in Dimapur.
Two more rebels — one from either faction — died in another shootout at Nagarjan in Dimapur around 4pm. The two factions also clashed near Chumukedima town, but there was no casualty. A police team reached the area immediately and forced the two groups to disperse. An NSCN(K) spokesman said an “informer” helped the Isak-Muivah faction locate the hideout near Medziphema. Apart from inflicting two casualties, the raiders captured one member of the Khaplang faction and snatched his 9mm pistol.
The victims were Akabo Sumi and Hekato Sumi, a “sectional officer” in the outfit’s “civilian” wing. The captured cadre could not be immediately identified. The police handed the bodies of the slain militants to their families. The NSCN(K), comprising mostly Sumi and Konyak tribesmen, has long been fighting with its rival for control of Medziphema and Athibung.
The NSCN(K) indicated the fighting would continue with its forthright rejection of the unity campaign by some Naga organisations and the Church. Kughalu Mulatonu, a senior functionary of the faction, ruled out patching up with a “terrorist organisation”. He asked the Naga organisations and the Church not to send any more unity proposals. “Nagas cannot make peace with the terrorists and no one should try to do so,” Mulatonu said. He advised organisations that were talking of Naga unity to first address issues raised by the community. Mulatonu also accused Naga organisations and the Church of being biased towards the NSCN(I-M).
Six killed in gun battle between rival NSCN rebels Earth Times


Kohima, Oct 26 - At least six tribal separatists were killed and several others injured in heavy fighting between two rival rebel groups in Nagaland. A police spokesperson said a group of heavily armed militants belonging to the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) Thursday attacked a camp of the rival group headed by guerrilla leader S.S. Khaplang (NSCN-K) near village Medziphema, about 70 km from Kohima.
'Two NSCN-K militants were killed and a few more injured in the attack. The NSCN-K cadres were taken by surprise when NSCN-IM rebels descended,' a senior police official told IANS. In retaliatory strikes, NSCN-K rebels shot dead two NSCN-IM cadres in a daring raid in one of their camps located near Dimapur, the commercial hub of Nagaland.
'In another encounter between the two NSCN factions, one each from either group were killed on the outskirts of Dimapur,' the official said. NSCN-IM rebels have also taken a leader of the rival group hostage.
The two NSCN groups are operating a ceasefire with New Delhi. The NSCN-IM is currently holding talks with the Indian government after entering into a truce in 1997. The Khaplang faction of the NSCN is yet to begin formal peace talks although it entered into a truce in 2001. 'Under the ceasefire agreement, cadres of both the NSCN groups were to keep themselves confined to their designated camps. The attack by the Isak-Muivah group on one of the designated camp of the Khaplang faction is definitely a violation of the ceasefire terms,' the police official said. The two NSCN groups have been engaged in a bitter turf war for territorial supremacy in the area. 'The NSCN-IM cadres are getting increasingly restive and desperate as peace talks with New Delhi have almost fizzled out and deadlocked,' senior NSCN-K leader Kughalo Mulatonu told IANS. More than 200 rebels were killed in separate clashes between the two warring militant groups in the past three years.
What Truce? Source: IMPHAL FREE PRESS

The kidnap of three IFCD engineers by a particular Kuki underground organisation has put a question mark once again on the so called “suspension of operation” against UG organisations of the Kuki and aligned tribes by the Army as a prelude to political dialogues with the government. Or is it a case of this agreement not being applicable to all Kuki underground organisations? Exactly what is going on? Is there a peace negotiation with the Kuki groups on the anvil or is this just a myth? These are important public concerns about the move initiated by the Army which the state government finally had to fall in line with. The authorities owe an explanation to the public in the larger interest of the state and its common security. It would also be in the interest of making the peace initiative appear honourable and devoid of ulterior motives to all other parties in the multi-pronged conflict situation, who we are certain are closely following the events, and perhaps even weighing their options. If the government’s peace agenda is meant to be universal, the answers to these questions are extremely vital. For the moment, considering the developments, it is essential for the Army and the government to clarify exactly at least what the terms and condition as well as the extent of the “suspension of operations” are. Is it a unilateral generosity extended by the Army, or is it a bilateral or multilateral one? Are underground organisations which come under this agreement to be allowed to carry on with the activities which in the first place made them banned organisations? Again, where does the state government stand in this at the moment? State counter insurgency forces still continue to have encounters with Kuki underground groups every now and then, including the one yesterday which is gathering up a controversy currently. Why is this confusion being allowed to remain so deliberately and so unscrupulously? Why are the authorities so unconcerned about the suspicions they may be introducing in the minds of the people about their motives?

While we think any peace initiative is welcome, without a clear blueprint of these initiatives, we are given to be sceptical of their success, and more seriously, their underlying motives. We had expressed this suspicion even as the Army’s “suspension of operations” against Kuki militants became known in the Moreh area. If the suspension of operations had been accompanied by clear and unambiguous ground rules, this suspicion would have been totally unfounded. But at this point, it seems to be proving to be totally in place that it was indeed aimed more at achieving a state of what is referred to in mathematical economics as the “zero sum game”. In a conflict scenario, this would translate as “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”, and the ultimate goal of this game is to have the various ethnic insurgencies fight it out amongst themselves and neutralise each other in the process. As a war strategy, this may have a legitimacy, but not if an ultimate and all round peace is the objective. However, whichever the motive is, whether it be one of war where destruction and defeat of the enemy by whatever means is the guiding principle, or whether it is one of peace where transparency of motive, and winning of hearts and minds, are considered vital, let it be known.

Let the peace initiative continue with the Kuki militants just as is happening with the Nagas, but let its terms be made absolutely and unambiguously clear so that the people would be in a position to know what to expect. Clarity on the matter would also help in other underground organisations, still at large, to make an assessment of these initiatives. We raise these questions once again, as we have so many times before, all in the interest of a more broad-based dawn of peace appearing on the horizon of this beleaguered land. We are surprised that this lesson still seems to elude so many who matter, despite the fratricidal mayhem in Nagaland caused precisely by a similar “zero sum game” played out there, as well as by the ambiguity of the peace terms themselves, deliberate or otherwise. Let peace prevail, but let it also be known, that no lasting peace can be had from a piecemeal approach.
NSCN-IM laments NBCC’s reaction The Morung Express
Dimapur, October 25 (MExN): Responding to the NBCC’s criticism over razing of villages by the NSCN-IM, the outfit’s MIP today justified its stand offering explanation. The outfit condescended that “any civil society or church organization rather than passing volatile statement…should go for a more pragmatic approach…” While acknowledging that “doing” social justice is no doubt a Christian trait, “delivering justice sometime comes with harsh burden and that is the reality today” the MIP stated adding that “reverends are not outside of this obligation.”
The NSCN-IM asserted that what happened in Mungleimukh-Jalukie Zangdi has to be viewed from a “very perspective angle” and reactions should be considered from the point of actual state of the “story.” Stating that this is not fair and “justice does not come that way” the outfit lamented that NBCC’s reaction as being something “not really appreciated” when considered from a “deeper analysis of the history of the issues involved.” The outfit continued that violence is not a weapon of solution and “using fire is the last option.” The Church’s concern for the victims is understandable “but things could have been much better” had the NBCC shown “equal concern to the history of the issue that sparked the fire…” The MIP stated: “NSCN certainly respect human values but not at the cost of depriving national justice. It is highly regretted that despite NSCN’s effort to present the true face of the cases in question, certain sections of our people are still desperate to smear the NSCN’s image bereft of human respect.” THe NSCN-IM also explained the reason for the Intangki flare-up: “The state of Intangki forest was that even shooting a bird was not allowed, not to talk of human settlement. That was the reason why Inavi village was (burned) two-three times by several governments including GPRN…” The outfit explained here that it was the last to act “after exercising (restraint) for long enough.”
Forest, NSCN-IM asked to clarify on Intangki British “invited any Naga tribe” to occupy land The Morung Express
Dimapur, October 25 (MExN): The Forest authority of the Government of Nagaland and the NSCN-IM is demanded a clarification be made on certain points the ongoing Intangki issue. The Western Sumi Kukami Hoho (a Sumi GBs’ organization) in a statement titled “demand for elucidation” made this demand. The Forest authority of the State government was asked to make clear the matter of land exchange of Intangki National Park with Besumpuikam, based on relevant documents, land records and survey reports etc. The said authority is also asked to clarify ‘how, when and why the land was exchanged. The WSKH in the statement demanded how the local administration “forwarded the encroacher” without “executing the criteria of the village recognition.” The Hoho lamented that old Besumpuikam village ‘still exists untouched and new Besumpuikam also exist with new settlers” in the national park “resulting in the bias attitude of NSCN-IM to Inavi villagers.”
The WSKH asserted that if the state government doesn’t evict new Besumpuikam village, then the former “should conformist with Inavi village” which is adjacent with Besumpuikam. They should be treated with the same yardstick and justified equally.
The WSKH also asked the NSCN-IM to clarify what was stated as baseless claim by the Zeliangrong community demanding withdrawal of the acknowledgement letter to Shikavi village that the land covered by the underground outfit’s GHQ was donated by Shikavi village. The WSKH explained that Shikavi land is well within the “western Sumi” region or “western Sumi block since 1926.” The Hoho claimed that “so many decade has passed with peaceful co-existence with no sign of land dispute” until the Zeliangrong community” suddenly spark out claiming the land belongs to them.”
The Hoho also asserted in the statement that the Angami villagers in the area had abandoned their villages due to hostile environments. The WSKH claimed these points: ‘Most of the plain sectors were uninhabited. The Naga Hills district was placed under the British Assam province. The British classified the district into reserved forests, Rengma Hills, Mikhir Hills, Nambor Reserved Forest, Degar Mouza etc. There were “vacant” lands in the foothill area inhabited by Angami and Zeliangs.’ The WSKH claimed that the British government desired these vacant lands be inhabited and “invited any Naga tribe to establish villages in the said areas.” “Some Angamis” responded by establishing villages such as Nakama, Seduma and Tisemphema, it added.
“However, the Angamis could not withstand the hostile environments and abandoned their villages and went back to their original villages” the Hoho claimed. Further, in 1926 Lhoudelie, DB of Khonoma village led a Group of Semas to Tesephima village which was “abandoned by his villagers and allowed Semas to establish a village named Shoxuvi village.”
The WSKH continued that Besumpuikam village was at “Missa Dissa Nala” outside Intangki wildlife sanctuary and was recognized by the government of Nagaland on February 8, 1991. Besumpuikam, however, “shifted” nine kilometers and encroached into the boundaries of the wildlife sanctuary. Finding no alternative, the settlement of encroachers was discussed. However, the land offered “by the Besumpuikam were not allowed to survey by the Kukis as the offered land falls under the jurisdiction of legally established Kuki villages.” So the question of forest land exchange does not arise and the matter was stopped on the day of survey by the Land Record & Survey department, the Hoho stated.
JD-U withdraws support to Rio govt OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telgraph
Kohima, Oct. 25: The Janata Dal (United) has withdrawn support to the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) government. This move was being widely anticipated as the JD (U) was disillusioned with what it termed as step-motherly treatment meted out to the party by chief minister Neiphiu Rio. The party has two legislators: Deo Nukhu and Huska Sumi. With this step, the strength of the government has been reduced to 36 in a House with 60 members.
The Nagaland People’s Front (NPF) has 31 MLAs while the BJP has five. Earlier, on September 4, dissident NPF legislators resigned from the Assembly and an Independent member withdrew support to the government. After withdrawing support to the Rio ministry, Nukhu has also given up his assignment as deputy chairman of the State Planning Board. The JD (U) leader said it was unfortunate that though the original DAN alliance had workers from the Samata Party, JD (U) and the BJP, who helped the NPF lead the DAN coalition, they have been sidelined.
“After the ministry was downsized in July 2004, the JD (U) was left out of the ministry. There has been no reshuffle of the ministry in its entire tenure of five years, precluding any opportunity to share power among DAN legislators. The regime has been practically reduced to an NPF-BJP coalition government,” he complained. Nukhu said this afternoon that he would decide later whether to remain with the JD (U) or switch to some other political party. “I’ll decide, but right now I’m waiting for an opportunity,” he said. The Nagaland state unit of the JD (U) also criticised the DAN government’s inability to control rampant extortion, violence and killings in the state. The party said it has disowned any responsibility for the deterioration in the law and order situation in the state, arguing that the party was not part of the government.
Factional fighting besiege Dimapur The Morung Express
Dimapur, October 25 (MExN): After a considerable spell of apparent calm, the two warring factions of the NSCN clashed in various areas across Dimapur district in the last 24 hours, leaving a total of six cadres dead. One of these factional incidents also includes a case of “friendly fire” when NSCN-IM cadres fired, and killed, one of their own mistaking him to be from the NSCN-K.
According to various sources including the police, the casualties on both sides totaled six and a suspected ‘many more’ injured over the day. Both the NSCN-IM and the NSCN-K lost three each of their cadres in shootouts that broke out in Ghaspani, Nagarjan and Borlengri last night and today.
Last night, two NSCN-K cadres were killed in Ghaspani near the Veterinary Farm. Identities of the two killed cadres could not be made available at the time of filing this report. Details regarding the Ghaspani shootout are grainy. The police are still ‘waiting for a clear picture’ on the shootout. The cadres are suspected to have been ambushed by NSCN-IM cadres.
Later, today at around 10:30 am two NSCN-IM cadres were killed in an area between Nagarjan and National Highway-39. This is believed to be in retaliation of the Ghaspani shootout where two NSCN-K cadres were killed. The two NSCN-IM cadres are said to have been proceeding towards 3 Mile in an auto-rickshaw when they were ambushed along the way by an unspecified number of gunmen. Police strongly suspect the gunmen to be from the NSCN-K. The NSCN-IM cadres killed have been identified as “2nd lieutenant” Tekanungsang Longchar and “sergeant” Ato Sema. Two empty bullet shells of M20 and 9MM were recovered from the spot.
Again, an hour or so later today an NSCN-IM cadre was shot dead while another sustained serious injuries at Borlengri. The incident happened around 11 am, it was informed. However, this time it was not factional, sources said but cadres from the same faction opening fire at each other. The Borlengri shooting was a case of mistaken identity where cadres from the NSCN-IM mistook some of their own for the rivals, sources said. The deceased was identified as one “lieutenant” Shikavi.
In a separate shootout his evening at around 4:15-4:30 pm an NSCN-K cadre was shot dead at Nagarjan-C (Mao Colony) by suspected NSCN-IM cadres. The deceased has been identified as one Kanito. Details on this incident could not be had. The Dimapur police are also ‘waiting’ for ‘clearer picture’ on the incidents. The Dimapur Superintendent of Police could not be contacted.
6 killed in gun battle between rival NSCN rebels Indo-Asian News Service
Kohima, At least six tribal separatists were killed and several others injured in heavy fighting between two rival rebel groups in Nagaland. A police spokesperson said a group of heavily armed militants belonging to the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) on Thursday attacked a camp of the rival group headed by guerrilla leader SS Khaplang (NSCN-K) near village Medziphema, about 70 km from Kohima.
"Two NSCN-K militants were killed and a few more injured in the attack. The NSCN-K cadres were taken by surprise when NSCN-IM rebels descended," a senior police official told IANS. In retaliatory strikes, NSCN-K rebels shot dead two NSCN-IM cadres in a daring raid in one of their camps located near Dimapur, the commercial hub of Nagaland.
"In another encounter between the two NSCN factions, one each from either group were killed on the outskirts of Dimapur," the official said. NSCN-IM rebels have also taken a leader of the rival group hostage. The two NSCN groups are operating a ceasefire with New Delhi. The NSCN-IM is currently holding talks with the Indian government after entering into a truce in 1997. The Khaplang faction of the NSCN is yet to begin formal peace talks although it entered into a truce in 2001.
"Under the ceasefire agreement, cadres of both the NSCN groups were to keep themselves confined to their designated camps. The attack by the Isak-Muivah group on one of the designated camp of the Khaplang faction is definitely a violation of the ceasefire terms," the police official said. The two NSCN groups have been engaged in a bitter turf war for territorial supremacy in the area.
"The NSCN-IM cadres are getting increasingly restive and desperate as peace talks with New Delhi have almost fizzled out and deadlocked," senior NSCN-K leader Kughalo Mulatonu told IANS. More than 200 rebels were killed in separate clashes between the two warring militant groups in the past three years. Minister Shurhozolie Lizietsu claimed there was no threat to the Rio government, which would last its full tenure. He added that the DAN conglomeration would soon take action against the JD (U) legislators. In another interesting development, the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) has decided to contest the forthcoming Assembly elections in alliance with regional parties. This decision by the party’s high command is likely to create some heartburn in the Congress camp, considering that the NCP is part of the UPA coalition government at the Centre. Sources said the NCP is likely to align with the RJD, considering the close proximity of NCP chief Sharad Pawar to RJD supremo Lalu Prasad. Both of them are cabinet ministers in the UPA government at the Centre.
NPF to contest all 60 seats Correspondent Nagaland Post
Kohima, Oct 25 (NPN): The Nagaland People’s Front (NPF) will contest in all the 60 assembly seats in the forthcoming general elections, expected early next year.
This was disclosed by NPF president and Minister for Planning and Urban Development, Dr. Shürhozelie Liezietsu to media persons here on Thursday.
Talking to the media on the sidelines of a wild pigeon-release function, Shürhozelie said a number of aspirants had expressed willingness to contest the polls on NPF tickets.
Asked about the number of ticket seekers, Shürhozelie said “We have received much more than the Congress”. He added there was no woman among the ticket-seekers.
To another query, the NPF president said the party had not taken any decision as yet over announcement of the names of the candidates.
Asked if Deo Nukhu of JD (U), who had withdrawn his support to the government on Wednesday, would be dropped as the Deputy Chairman of State Planning Board, Shürhozelie disclosed that the government would take a decision in this regard soon.
The NPF president claimed that there was no threat to the DAN government at present even though the JD (U) pulled out of the coalition.
Shürhozelie said the NPF wanted to continue with the “spirit of coalition”, adding that “There could be friendly contest in some assembly seats”.
Open Letter to Dr. Tuisem A. Shishak The Morung Express
I am a freelance political analyst, with great concern for peace in Nagaland. Without any hesitation, I'd like to admit that I have a high regard for your scholastic achievements and your outstanding contribution towards the Nagas in the field of education. With due respect, may I take the liberty to express my opinion and seek your substantiated view through this paper in regard to the subject of discussion which you have initiated.
2. It's been months since you published your article- "A Confession" in the local daily of Nagaland. Interestingly, many commended that you had taken a bold step towards reconciliation. Some even went to the extend of recommending this to be a model to follow suit. However, there are still others for whom your confessions turned out to be venomous. The NSCN came down heavily on the so called bombastic statements, refuting every point of your confession. To this I do not have any comment. You also appeared before the Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL) and for reasons well known to you, the unprecedented verdict of 'ex-communication' was issued against you, which literally shocked the whole Naga communities. The saga of controversy continues and I am afraid, the aura has not completely died out. If this was what you intended for in the first place, you have somehow succeeded in creating a ripple in the turbulent sea. I am here, not as an authority to condemn or to endorse the decision of the TNL; Neither do I write to justify nor to refute anybody's viewpoint. Taking your article as a literary piece which got entangled in the Naga imbroglio, I am making a humble attempt to unwind, analyze and try to reorient the essence of confession in the spirit of a Christian.
3. You are a venerable elder, a revered priest, a doctor of Theology and an esteemed educator. Allow me to quote some of the relevant instances of confessions with which you are well versed. When Nehemiah heard about the problems faced by the Isrealites, the conflict of the remnant Jews with those who returned from exile and about the broken wall of Jerusalem, he mourned and fasted for days. He was not making any accusation against his fellow Jews; he did not condemn the tribe of Judah. It was a prayerful supplication before the God of Heaven, confessing the sins the Isrealites had committed including himself and his family. Nehemiah's confession is a testimony of God's healing of an ailing nation through a sincere prayer of a humble servant. On the other hand, the confession of St. Augustine was his own autobiography, recounting his sins, the inequities in his self and the lustful nature of the flesh with which he had to constantly struggle. The Church took a strong exception to his vulgar confession, terming it to be defiling and defaming the sanctity of priesthood. Nevertheless, his writing is considered one of the most influential book in the early Christian era that changed the perspective on the indepth understanding of human nature.
4. I do not rule out the horizontal aspect of confession. Of course, it pays well when we say 'Sorry" to one another for wrong doings. In fact, taking an independent initiative to admit one's own mistake is seen as a positive step towards transforming relationships. There are instances in the history of the world too when confessions were made in the form of political statements. The Papacy in the nineteenth century, tendered an official apology to the Muslims for the war crimes committed during the Crusades. Although the statement was made centuries after the event, this open confession, to a large extent helped reduce collective hatred and vengeful attitudes among the Christian and Muslim communities. Likewise, the White Australians launched a 'Sorry' Campaign in 2000 apologizing to the Aboriginal Minorities for the centuries of subjugation and maltreatment. These are some of the epoch-making confessions that changed the face of peacemaking and brought reconciliation among mutually hostile communities.
5. Against this backdrop, let us re-examine your article. You opened up with a skepticism about 'confession' itself; then you pointed out exclusively the wrong doings, misdeeds and whatever unsolicited actions of the Tangkhuls, identifying them with the NSCN. Forgive me if my opinion does not concur with yours on second thought, but I could not see any wisdom in the terminology that you carelessly or advertently used: Tangkhul (I-M). There was a time when the Angamis spearheaded the Naga National movement but I have not come across any usage as Angami (NNC). The gist is that, whichever tribe may be taking the leadership, it will be wrong to identify the movement on tribal lines. For, the Angamis alone, or the Tangkhuls for that matter does not own the National Movement. If my reading is not wrong, the media is responsible for suffixing the letters K and IM after the respective leaders in order to differentiate the two NSCNs. Interestingly, the NSCNs too seem to be comfortable with these connotations. In a recent development, there appears in the media another name IK used by the NSCN (K) to identify the rival faction. I don't know what exactly IK stands for and I don't either see any positive point in this trend of branding names against one another. At this scenario, creating the term Tangkhul (I-M) is adding salt to the wound. You also went on to say 'sorry' to all who have been hurt by the Tangkhul(I-M), deeming yourself obligated and implicated. Let me not question the responsibility that you may own or the legitimacy that you have earned, for you claimed that you were 'inspired'. But let me ask you a very blunt question: What is your idea of "Confession"?
6. When Jesus narrated the parable of "The Lost Son", he was aware of the presence of the Pharisees among the audience. He was trying to bring home the virtues of forgiveness and acceptance without any condition. At the same time, he was warning against jealousy borne out of a self righteous mindset and unforgiving heart. Very often we focussed on the prodigal son as the central character of the parable. Of course, his realisation of his own folly was the turning point. However, before he could utter a single word of confession, his father was waiting there with open arms accepting him just as his son, no matter how bad he had been hurt by the son's action. Jesus wants us to be like the forgiving father. And in this atmosphere, confession becomes just a ceremonial procedure. In all its essence, ACCEPTANCE must precede CONFESSION. When the Nagas from outside the Nagaland State are treated as "second class", "underprivilege" and "wannabe" Nagas; when the Tangkhuls are not accepted as Naga brethrens; when the National workers do not accept one another, what good will the call for "confession" do? Who among us is the prodigal son? Let us be the ever forgiving and accepting father, as Jesus taught us: Lest we end up ourselves 'the other brother'.
With malice towards none and commitment to work for peace and reconciliation among Naga brethrens, I admit I am a Naga Nationalist. Syo Peh Kwo Research Student Delhi. (spk_wo@yahoo.co.in)
Religious Manifestations of Terrorism in India shantanu.dutta
India has since independence seen largely three manifestations of terrorism; ethno linguistic, left wing terrorism and religious. Of course, there have been other movements which can be classified into one or more of these boxes – most prominently the Dravidian movement in the 60s and the Shiv Sena inspired sons of the soil movement driven originally by the fear that the States Reorganization Committee would take away, Bombay, the capital of the then composite Bombay State at the time when Gujarat was carved out. Subsequently the Shiv Sena began to be driven by the slogan – Maharashtra for the Maharashtrians and it certainly had and has a violent edge but can never though be classified as a terrorist movement. However this classification is only indicative and no water tight. For instance the terrorism in Kashmir is as much inspired in part by Islamiyat as by Kashmiriyat – the essence of what it means to be a Kashmiri – in terms of language as well as ethnicity.
If you look at the association of religion with terrorism, the two major non Indic religions – Islam and Christianity stand indicted covertly or overtly. The church has been known to be involved or known to be sympathetic depending on how you choose your words in many places in the North East where it has influence. India’s northeast is one of Asia’s up-to-the-minute trouble spots, with as many as thirty armed insurgent organizations working and making extortionist demands as well as political demands ranging from autonomy to secession. Four of the seven northeastern Indian states, Assam, Manipur, Nagaland and Tripura, witness scales of conflict that can be categorized as low-intensity wars.
The north east of India has a chequered political history. For instance, the Nags had declared their independence from British rule on the 14th of August 1947, a day before the birth of independent India. In fact in 1947, Mahatma Gandhi had told a delegation of Naga leaders, that Nagas have every right to be independent.” But after Gandhiji was assassinated, his promises die ended with him as the new Indian government decline to accept Naga hope for independence. Naga protests and resistance to the incorporation of their land into the Indian union began to steadily grow. Then in 1955 the Indian army occupied the Naga areas and martial law was declared. Violence quickly escalated.
Although the churches of Nagaland initiated some efforts at peace building which led to the signing of the Shillong accord of 1975, it is a fact that the church has often tacitly or passively sided with militants and insurgents for two reasons: 1) in many instances, the church though nominally powerful was still a distant second in commanding loyalties compared to tribal and ethnic allegiance. Christianity is only 125 years old in Nagaland and about the age in Mizoram, the two main Christian states but tribal and linguistic identities go back centuries. 2) The church tried to be a moderating influence in a spiral of terrorism which might have otherwise completely spun out of control. In Mizoram, the church was actually successful in bringing Mizo National Front Terrorists to the negotiating table and getting them to sign a Mizo accord which has largely lasted to this day. Be that it may, the history of terrorism and insurgency in the North East cannot be written without reference to the church and its involvement though the interpretation of this role will always depend on which side of the fence once is on.
Islamic terrorism in an organized fashion in India is to be found in Kashmir and the movement is relatively new though the separatist movement led by Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference is old and is another legacy of the unfinished British business as they left. If it has received and continues to receive more attention than similar movements in the North East, it is because it became internationalized with the involvement of Pakistan and later the United Nations. But the movement in Kashmir was in its initial stages a secular movement and it was a separatist movement yes, but a terrorist movement no. it turned that way some time later ….. generally considered to be in 1989. The Pakistani Military ruler Gen. Zia Ul Huq who deposed Z.A.Bhutto in 1977 rapidly started injecting religion into the largely hitherto largely secular military and body politic. In neighboring Afghanistan, the Soviet troops began withdrawing in 1987 leaving a virtually open field for Muslim jihadists who had been fighting the Soviets thus far to be shipped across the border into Kashmir and lunch a fresh Jihadi there. In fact, the All Party Hurriyat Conference which is the public face of the Muslim Separatists was formed as late as 1993 whereas the secular Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front was founded by Amanullah Khan in 1977. but with the rise of Islamic fundamentalists globally, the older secular and nationalist forces were marginalized and sidelined.
Sikh religious insurgency is also relatively new and was inspired by a small section of the Sikhs who wanted an independent Khalistan roughly in the same time in the 80s as when Kashmir was simmering as the geo political forces operating in the neighborhood were the same. Post independence, to a large measure, Sikhs were satisfied with the division of undivided Punjab in to Sikh dominated Punjab and the Hindu dominated Himachal Pradesh and Haryana and for a long time Khalistanis were no more than a few disgruntled elements writing extremist religious slogans outside Gurudwaras walls. But with the rise of Sant Bhindaranwale in the early 80s with political support from the ruling establishment in Delhi and supply of arms from across the border in Pakistan, the dormant movement gained life. But it was a short lived movement self programmed to self destruct. Sikh history has its very roots of its evolution, the cruelty and death the Sikh Gurus experienced during Mughal rule, so much so that the present day Khalsa identity of the large majority of the Sikhs was forged in the furnace of the battlefield. Such an unholy alliance could not and did not have any thing more than the shortest of shelf lives and this lack of public support which rapidly waned along with brutal police repression broke the back of the short lived Sikh insurgency which was fuelled more by NRI dollars, arms from across the border and the huffs and puffs of unemployed youth.

India's Psychological Warfare on Minorities and lack of Academic Resistance A. Soni, Hertfordshire, UK Panthic weekly
It is not a coincidence that every minority region under Indian rule whether it is Kashmir or Tripura is facing the threat of demographic change. Tripura is the most extreme victim of this enforced altering of demographics where the indigenous Borok are now a mere 30% of their ancestral homeland whereas in 1947 the Indian-Bengali population in Tripura was minuscule if non-existent. Because India has an enormous poverty and homeless stricken population it is too easy for the GOI to shift large numbers of their poor people into the minority and occupied regions under the false pretence of 'economic migration' and to make fabricated claims that the poor Indian migrants are 'integral' to the economy of these regions. We hear the word "integral" used all too frequently by the Indians; Kashmir is an "integral" part of India, Bihrai or Bengali migrants are "integral" to the economies of Punjab or Assam and so on. This is all apart of India’s psychological warfare against the minorities it has subjugated. One has to wonder is there anything of Indian origin not considered to be integral to the existence and survival of the non-Indian and non-Hindu peoples living on the fringe of the Indian mainland like the Nagas, Boros etc or outside the orbit of the Hindu civilization like the Sikhs of Punjab and the Muslims of Kashmir?

Evidently none of what India claims to be integral to itself or integral to the survival and prosperity of the homelands of smaller nations it occupies is in fact, true. No one would ever question whether a place like Gujarat or some Patna, Bihar is integral to India or not. If such a question ever did arise it wouldn’t even be met with a serious response let alone the type of insecure and shaken adamancy of "integralness" to India one hears from Indians when the relationship between India and Kashmir or India and Arunachal Pradesh is questioned. So an Indian would never need to declare that Mumbai is an "integral part of India", why? Because Mumbai IS India, as much as any Calcutta or Lucknow is. It would be an idiotic assertion to make. So then what is the logic behind Indian politicians and ‘journalists’ making such statements when it comes to Kashmir being "integral" to India or the Sikhs being "integral" to the Hindus if all of this was true? Frankly there wouldn’t be any logic to make such blanket statements if they were true. Therefore when an Indian does officially declare something to be "integral" to India we can safely assume he (or she) is lying Afterall should blurting out adamant statements that something is integral to India or that Indians are integral to something make Kashmiris or Boro's feel special now (considering that Biharis or UPites are never bestowed the ‘honour’ of being integral to India) or is it a clear indication of India's insecurity towards those who it occupies and tries to forcibly assimilate?

We often hear the present regime in Iran lash out at the Western media and Western governments for what it calls "psychological warfare" against the Islamic Republic (and even the broader Iranian nation itself). But for a long time now there have been (though often muted) voices from India's suppressed and occupied nationalities of the “psychological warfare” they are enduring from the Indian state and right-wing Hindu nationalists in the Indian media. The oldest of these challenges to Brahmanical psychological warfare has come from the Sikhs who have borne the brunt of this assault ever since the fall of their Kingdom to the British Empire in the 19th century. But with the forcible military annexation and annexation under duress of independent nations such as the Nagas, Manipuris and Kashmiris into post-independent India the targets of India’s psychological warfare have grown as have the challenges to Indian-Hindu hegemony come in from new quarters, but to no real success on the intellectual front.

The conflicts minority peoples and nations are engaged in with India is as much intellectual and psychological as they are political and physical. But increasingly it appears as though the intellectual fight against India is becoming the sole domain of political and revolutionary factions, legitimate academics seem almost absent from the fight. Perhaps most academics would rather remain a-political but then where is the justice in leaving the psychological warfare of the Indian state unanswered?

There was a time and a century not too long ago when the driving force and spark that ignited successful revolutions and resistance movements was lit in large part by academics and political thinkers rather than actual politicians. Perhaps it is time for those resisting the onslaught of the Indian state to ponder why this key component of any successful revolutionary or liberation movement has drifted into obscurity whether it be in Kashmir, Nagalim, Boroland or Khalistan.

In the Punjab state the Dal Khalsa is planning a 2-day ''Punjab Jagao March' from October 31st to November 1st under the theme of 'Punjab for Punjabis'. During the march the Dal Khalsa will be addressing the issue of the "chanakya mind of the Delhi rulers", primarily in relation to the "dilution of the Sikh majority in Punjab because of migration from other states" which has been "engineered" by Delhi according to a recent Dal Khalsa statement. For many years now the Punjab's leading English-daily, the Tribune (under the control of biased right-wing Hindu nationalists) has been reporting that the migrant labourers to Punjab are "integral" to the economy of the state, and by implication, "integral" to the prosperity of the Sikh's and their homeland of Khalistan. So for this the Dal Khalsa must be congratulated for undertaking this latest overt challenge against this one aspect of the psychological warfare of the Indian state. However, addressing these "lies" from a political podium is all well and good, but has the Dal Khalsa attempted to have the "lies" addressed from an academic platform too? For any lasting and successful intellectual campaign the Dal Khalsa must question where does the true credibility in attacking the "changing demographics of Punjab" issue lie? Is it through the mouthpiece of the political factions, or through that of the academics? Time will only tell.
12 more Ulfa to surrender A STAFF REPORTER The telegraph
Guwahati, Oct. 25: The Ulfa leadership’s “apprehension” about many of its activists surrendering in the next few months has turned out to be almost true with a dozen more militants deciding to lay down arms at an army base in Upper Assam tomorrow. Barring last-minute change in plans, the surrender will come barely two days after 33 militants returned to the mainstream in a Lower Assam army base. Of them, nine are Ulfa members and one each from the NSCN (K), the DHD and the KLNLF.
One of the Ulfa surrenderees is the wife of Pranjal Saikia, who had surrendered earlier and two are self-styled sergeant majors. All are from Ulfa’s 28 battalion, which is the strike force of the outfit in Upper Assam. The nine militants are said to be close to Saikia, commander of the A company of the battalion who surrendered on October 16 at the Dinjan base of the army.
Assam director-general of police R.N. Mathur said on Tuesday that several militants were sending feelers expressing their willingness to return to the mainstream. Central intelligence had informed New Delhi about six months ago that several Ulfa militants, including top leaders, were likely to surrender within the next few months. Ulfa top gun Jibon Moran, a member of Ulfa’s central committee, had expressed his willingness to surrender about six months back. But before the process could begin, the Ulfa leadership got wind of it and sent Moran to Myanmar, where he has been kept under house arrest.
Bhutan, the promised land OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kokrajhar Oct. 25: The Bodoland Territorial Council has hit upon an ingenious way of arresting deforestation — it is deporting woodcutters to Bhutan. Not forcibly though, and not even as a form of punishment. Instead, it is with the promise of better living and sustainable employment. The BTC deputy chief, Kampha Borgoyary, spoke to some Bhutan officials, including industrialists, recently to engage these woodcutters as wage earners. And the woodcutters are not complaining. In fact, most are willingly giving up their axe to work as labourers in neighbouring Bhutan. Take, for instance, Lauga Basumatary, a resident of a forest village along the Indo-Bhutan border in Kokrajhar. After living under the shadow of forest guards’ guns and in fear of being caught chipping at a trunk, Basumatary now earns Rs 100 daily as a labourer in Bhutan. The job of persuading the woodcutters to take up jobs in the neighbouring country has been entrusted to NGOs working for the conservation of forests in the area.
“Bhutan is happy to have the labourers as there is genuine scarcity of labour in that country. The labour requirement is expected to go up by over 10,000 when the Puna Changchu Hydro-power project begins,” Borgoyary said. He said the main objective of sending the woodcutters is “to provide alternative sustenance to the poor people who are dependent on the forest for a living and making conservation a success. We have only to ensure that they get what is due to them”.
Nearly 350 people have already been sent since the beginning of the month, including 200 who were sent by the Biodiversity Conservation Society, a Ultapani-based NGO. Manas Maozegendri Ecotourism Society of Baksa has enlisted about 250 forest villagers near Manas National Park. NGOs like New Horizon of Koilamoila and Forest Conservation Society of Kachugaon are also recruiting woodcutters as labourers after obtaining “undertakings” that they will never take up woodcutting again. Every morning, over 800 Indian labourers tiptoe into Gelephu in Bhutan and bring back foreign exchange worth Rs 80,000 by evening. The workforce comprises villagers from 19 frontier hamlets near Hatisar-Datgiri and the neighbouring areas inhabited by Bodos, Nepalis, Rajbangshis and Santhalis.
They work as domestic helps and labourers in farms, factories and stone quarries. In fact, Gelephu alone offers employment to 24,000 Indian labourers. According to a conservative estimate, the town spends Rs 24 lakh per month on the services of these migrant workers.
The seven solitary sisters Nagarealm.com
It never failed to annoy me when my friend from Aizawl would announce, every time she flew from home to college in Mumbai, that she was returning to “India”. “How dare you,” I’d retort, always a tad more aggressively than my sense of nationalism demanded, “why do all you North-east Indian wallahs have such separatist leanings?”


And if you’re scrambling to find a map to locate Aizawl, consider yourself as having contributed to that growing sense of alienation that North-east Indians feel from the rest of India (the Mainland as some of them erroneously call it). The region remains, even today, one of the most inaccessible parts of the country. Never did I realise this as much as this last week when the same friend struggled to make her way from Mizoram to New Zealand via Mumbai, and lived to tell the tale.

Airport routes, within and out of the North-east that are essential, are almost always deemed uneconomical and Kolkata remains their primary link to the rest of the country. When that connection is obliterated owing to inclement weather (God knows their airports can’t handle it) and other crises, you’re officially wrecked. After a two-day trek on a variety of transportation modes through rural Assam and West Bengal, that could easily have rivalled the toughest leg on reality television series The Amazing Race, she made it to Mumbai.

Her travails put into perspective the recently announced multi-million dollar fund that Union Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar said India could mobilise to upgrade infrastructure in India’s North-east. A large chunk of that will be directed towards improving road, rail and air links, so the region can become a gateway to South-east Asia, he said. Ill-concealed is the government’s motive to make the resource-rich province an attractive investment option for South-east Asian nations like Thailand.

After all, on a recent visit to Shillong, the Thai commerce minister compared the region to Thailand, and Mani Shankar Aiyar promptly declared 2008 as the “Year of Thailand and North-east India”. The underserved region is also expected to benefit from the civil aviation ministry proposal for a five-year exemption for regional airlines from airport and navigation charges. Despite having the potential to be the most popular eco-destination in South Asia, the states of the North-east are among the least explored tourist destinations of India.

Tourism campaigns have always marginalised that region and the fact that it has been a minefield of ethno-political conflict hasn’t helped in creating a reassuring environment for visitors either. Thankfully, the ministry of tourism is waking up to the region’s unique natural heritage and extensive bio-diversity and has recently sanctioned upwards of Rs 300 crore to develop various destinations around India as world class attractions, chief among them several projects for the North-east region.

Hopefully, this sudden fascination won’t be the region’s undoing — till now far removed from the ravaging multitudes of tourist footfalls. For now, it’s still the intrepid traveller who heads there for the thrill of angling fish like the chocolate mahaseer and the common carp in the rivers of Meghalaya, or perhaps goes negotiating the remote and difficult terrain in mountainous Nagaland. I, for one, having given up on seeing the tiger in its natural habitat, plan to go seek out some of Sikkim’s native faunal species like the red panda, Himalayan black bear and barking deer. Before they disappear as well. [Arati Menon Carroll , BS]