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10/03/2007: "NSCN fumes as troops close in OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph"

NSCN fumes as troops close in OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph

Kohima, Oct. 2: At a time when the Naga peace process is delicately poised after 60 rounds of parleys since August 1997, security forces are closing in on several designated camps of the NSCN (I-M) in Nagaland to restrict the movement of the outfit’s activists. The outfit alleged that security forces were deploying helicopters for the past 12 days to monitor their designated camps, creating a warlike situation around the camps.
“Unprecedented movement of Assam Rifles troops, including regular landing of army helicopters near the designated camps, and checks on every incoming and outgoing vehicle by the Assam Rifles personnel, were in total violation of the ceasefire ground rules as agreed upon,” the NSCN (I-M) said in a statement today. The outfit said “provocative incidents” were taking place in Sukhalu forest under Zunheboto district, Mokokchung and Wokha, where Assam Riffles personnel had surrounded the designated camps of the NSCN (I-M) and restricted free movement of the “Naga Army”.
Asserting that the NSCN (I-M) was fully alert and prepared to face any eventuality, the outfit warned that in the event of any direct clash with the Assam Rifles, the Centre would be held responsible. Chairman of the ceasefire monitoring group, Lt Gen. (retd) R.V. Kulkarni, disclosed that an urgent meeting will be held with the NSCN (I-M) tomorrow to sort out the imbroglio. He, however, declined to comment on the movement of security forces who are overseeing that the truce ground rules with the outfit are followed.
“I don’t want to comment anything at this moment,” Gen. Kulkarni said. Pointing out that the matter was very delicate and has to be settled across the table, he said he did not wish to comment further. Both Gen. Kulkarni and convenor of the ceasefire monitoring cell of the NSCN (I-M), self-styled Brig. Phungthing Shimrang, said tomorrow’s meeting at Dimapur will be crucial, where they would discuss the present situation. The meeting will be attended by officers from the security forces, officials from the state government and representatives of the NSCN(I-M).
“Brig.” Shimrang accused the Indian security forces of being too biased during the past 10 years of the ceasefire, creating problems by deploying cadre of the Khaplang group of the NSCN. “Indian security forces, particularly the Assam Rifles, have been using them as an instrument to create problems,” he said. He said the security forces were using the NSCN (K) not only to create problems, but to try and undermine the Naga political issue. The NSCN (I-M) has often accused the Khaplang faction of being “pseudo-Naga nationalists”, working at Delhi’s behest.
Therie seeks central rule in Nagaland NISHIT DHOLABHAI The Telegraph
New Delhi, Oct. 2: Kewekhape Therie, former Nagaland finance minister and a former friend and colleague of chief minister Neiphiu Rio, has demanded imposition of President’s rule in the state before the elections. He enjoys the support of at least four other legislators, who were also suspended from the ruling Nagaland People’s Front (NPF) for anti-party activities. The Congress appears to be providing moral support to the quintet. Polls are scheduled to be held in Nagaland in March next year. As state Assembly elections approach, the rift between Nagaland’s two most famous friends-turned-foes is widening.
The Congress has adopted a wait-and-watch policy over the party’s position in the hill state. An AICC leader said Rio was willing to join the Congress and while the central leadership was not opposed to this plan, the state unit was unwilling to accept his leadership. Instead, the state leadership would prefer to go with Therie, sources said. Therie and other NPF dissidents have tried hard to dislodge Rio in collusion with the Congress, as the chief minister has of late lost support from sections within his party. The legislators have accused Rio of failing to control the law and order situation in the state where rebel outfits, they allege, are indulging in rampant extortion. Arriving here last week, the trio called on some Congress leaders but were told to convince the allies of the UPA before calling on top leaders. So they met Left leaders like Gurudas Dasgupta (CPI) and DMK leaders in the Lok Sabha to persuade them to convince the Congress of their demands. They informed political parties in New Delhi that the situation in Nagaland was not favourable for holding elections.
Asked whether he had had a talk with his former friend and Congress colleague — Rio was the home minister while Therie the power minister in the former dispensation led by S.C. Jamir — Therie said a blunt no. Asked if there was there a chance of a rekindled friendship, Therie was forthright. “No. He is a traitor,” the Pfutsero leader said of Rio, adding that he was being unfaithful to the people of Nagaland. Fellow leaders from Zunheboto and Peren districts, Khutovi Sema and Vatsü Meru, nodded in approval.In a five-point memorandum submitted to the Nagaland governor recently, the leaders have said that the “rule of the gun” has not been controlled by Rio. Nor has the chief minister brought about a negotiated settlement.
Stung Ulfa in revenge cry - Lynching heat on AGP members A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph
Guwahati, Oct. 2: Ulfa today erupted in righteous indignation at the mob lynching of one of its leaders during a suspected extortion mission, calling it a pre-planned murder that it would surely avenge. Mangal Singh, alias Amrit Goswami, was fatally wounded when residents of 1 Joraguri village near Dergaon in Golaghat district attacked him and two accomplices for trying to intimidate Sajal Chakraborty, an AGP leader, in his house yesterday.
The trio was allegedly trying to extort money from the politician, a panchayat member.
A caller identifying himself as Sujit Mohan, the commander of “A Company” of Ulfa’s 28 Battalion, told a section of the media today that Ulfa had never demanded money from any AGP member and that Mangal’s killing was a conspiracy by the administration. Mangal was a “sergeant major” in the Ulfa battalion’s “B Company”.
Mohan said Ulfa would avenge his comrade’s killing, causing some jitters in the AGP ranks. The party’s panic-stricken leadership immediately asked members to follow the “sunset law” — it means no venturing out after dusk — and approached the government for adequate security arrangements.
“We have investigated the incident and the guilty persons will be punished soon,” the Ulfa commander said. He did not clarify why Mangal had gone to Chakraborty’s house if extortion and/or intimidation were not the motive. Chakraborty had told The Telegraph yesterday itself that Ulfa did not demand money from him, but one Amrit Goswami had been calling him up to ask for a meeting to discuss “important matters”.
Mangal, surrendered Ulfa member Ganesh Pegu and Ulfa conduit Monikanta Sare came calling around 9am yesterday. The slain militant slapped Chakraborty twice. When the panchayat member retaliated by pushing him away, the militant whipped out a pistol from his pocket and fired two rounds. The bullets missed Chakraborty by a few inches, the police said.
As Chakraborty’s family members shouted for help, neighbours who were alerted by gunshots converged on the house and caught Mangal and his accomplices.
The police handed Mangal’s body to his family at Senaichouk village near Pulibor in Jorhat district this morning. He had joined Ulfa in 1993 and played a role in several incidents of subversion in Jorhat, Golaghat and Karbi Anglong districts. Sources said Chakraborty had had a fight with Ganesh, known to be a habitual trouble-monger, only a few days ago over a market lease in Amguri. Ganesh might have sought Mangal’s help to get even with the AGP member.
A senior AGP leader said all party members had been asked to restrict their movements after dusk, at least until the panchayat elections. “We have taken a very serious view of yesterday’s incident,” he added.
Zbto tense as NSCNs face-off AR arrest 8 Khaplang cadres; IM told to vacate Sakhalu The Morung Express
DIMAPUR, OCTOBER 2 (MExN): Assam Rifles officials today expressed concern over the tension prevailing in Zunheboto blaming it on the unauthorized concentration of factions. In this regard, a press communiqué issued by the PI Cell HQ IGAR (North) informed that a combined patrol party of 27 Assam Rifles and police arrested eight cadres of the NSCN (K) along with two AK rifles, one SLR and one .303 rifle from the house of “Maj” Shikaho Sumi, resident of Project Colony Zunheboto. It is also reported that NSCN (K) is trying to use a house in Project Colony at CFSB office without approval. The security forces are undertaking intensive patrolling in the area to prevent any unauthorized concentration in the town, the communiqué informed.
The Assam Rifles again reiterated that the “unauthorized” presence of NSCN (IM) cadres at Sakhalu remains a cause for concern. “Sakhalu is not a designated camp and the presence of NSCN (IM) cadres is vitiating peace in the area”, the press communiqué stated adding that the chairman of CFMG has appealed to the NSCN (IM) to leave Sakhalu for maintaining peace in the area. Likewise, a meeting was also held under Commander 7 Sector on October 1 at Zunheboto, it informed.
The said meeting included representatives of Assam Rifles, civil administration, Police, NGOs and tribal bodies. It was highlighted that both factions be instructed to leave from occupied unauthorized areas and move to their designated camps. It was also decided that NGOs and tribal leaders will request and persuade the NSCN (IM) to vacate Sakhalu as it is not a designated camp and the presence was causing avoidable tension and threat to peace in the area.
‘NSCN (IM) does not exist to please any tribe’ The Morung Express
DIMAPUR, OCTOBER 2 (MExN): Pointing out that “sometimes the road to delivering justice does not come too easy”, the NSCN (IM) stated that the “harsh reality has to be faced” and making it clear that the NSCN (IM) does not exist to please any tribe or individual. “National security and therefore national interest always takes precedent. And it will be unthinkable for the NSCN to stoop that low to deviate from this national priority”, stated an MIP press note received here. It pointed out that the NSCN (IM) was guided by the Nagas’ time-honored customary laws and other legal compulsion and that the scope for being partial towards any particular tribe did not exist. “The Nagas have to co-exist with the customary laws and to go against this will be tantamount to betraying our own identical social values”.
Stating that despite the onslaught of greed for materialistic achievement, making roughshod of customary laws or for that matter any accepted norm of legal obligation ought to be discouraged at any cost. “The Nagas don’t live in isolation and our political aspiration for the last 60 years has made us a part of the globalized world”, it stated while adding that “we need to project our image without any tribal prejudice”.
In the context of the Intangki episode, the NSCN (IM) stated that nothing should be interpreted “to leave room for misadventure”. Pointing out that “emotional upheaval” did not bring any solution and “unwarranted accusations and counter-accusations only vitiate the atmosphere”, the NSCN (IM) called for “learning to face the reality of respecting customary laws and other established legal sanctions, however harsh it may be” as it was the “only road to peaceful co-existence”.
‘Beisumpuikam recognition dubious’ The Morung Express
Dimapur, October 2 (MExN): Continuing its demand for the eviction of Beisumpuikam village in Intangki Reserved Forest, the Western Sumi Hoho today declared that the state Government’s recognition order of Beisumpuikam village is dubious, which has not fulfilled the requirements for recognition and therefore illegal.
A press statement issue by the WSH President Hokiye Yepthomi and General Secretary Akavi Zhimomi said that the exact location of Beisumpuikam village is supposed to be established at ‘Misa Disa Nala’, outside of Intangki and thus the recognition of Beisumpuikam is dubious. “This recognition order is ‘dubious’ because of the fact that the Sate Government in connivance with some Forest departmental officers and Zeliang politicians allowed the Beisumpuikam to establish the village without undertaking actual spot verification,” the WSH stated.
Substantiating their stand, the Western Sumi Hoho said that Beisumpuikam village, under Peren Sub division as in 1991, have boundaries with ‘reserve forest boundary’ in the north, Mongleu River in the east, Jangdilwa in the south and ‘Ndangki Reserve Forest in the west.
In this regard, the WSH pointed out that the demarcated boundaries of the Beisumpuikam should be outside the Intangki Reserved Forest. The WSH stated that the state government recognized the Beisumpuikam village without ascertaining where the village is actually located.
Besides, the WSH pointed out that the Forest Department and the Department of Land Records & Survey should have first survey the proposed area and ascertain from appropriate authourity, find out whether the land ‘offer’ actually belongs to Beisumpuikam or not, make a formal agreement between Beisumpuikam and the forest department that any encroachment will authorize the government to evict the villagers.
“The Department should put on map and on the ground clear boundary line,” contended the WSH. The Hoho also pointed out that an agreement should be executed by the Beisumpuikam with Forest Department, administration, Land Revenue Departments, Old Beisumpuikam and Zeliangrong Hozan (Hoho) as witness and that the agreement should be drafted in consultation with law Department. However, the WSH said that these necessary requirements were not fulfilled ‘by the government’ and that therefore, acting on the directive of the Guwahati High Court, the then DC of Kohima, ‘S Lima Aier served the judgment order against the establishment of Beisumpuikam village’.
“We, therefore, claimed that ‘INAVI’ village which is in possession of the Government letter establish village has got higher legal status than the existing ‘Beisumpuikam’ village,” the WSH declared. The Western Sumi Hoho also made a pointer about the land occupied by Beisumpuikam being ‘exchanged’.
“It is quite possible that the State Government have conceded for the land exchange in good faith and accordingly recognized the now infamous village and issued the notification on 8th February 1991,” the release said. However, the release questioned and noted, “If the Beisumpuikam village land was exchanged with the forest Department, then how does the Old Beisumpuikam village still exist?”
The WSH further said that the 1995 electoral proves that the ‘so called land exchange was not done for the fact that electoral in the Old Beisumpuikam does not exist in new Beisumpuikam’. “If the said village land was exchanged, then those people who have been living in the old village should have been shifted to the new exchanged land and village.”
Standing on the above points, the Western Sumi Hoho affirmed that the recognition of Beisumpuikam village cannot be legalized.
“We firmly claim that the so-called land exchange is yet to be taken place and therefore the Village in question is not and cannot be legalized,” the WSH asserted.
NSCN-IM’s ‘caution’ is a threat: WSH
Dimapur, October 2 (MExN): Terming the NSCN-IM’s ‘caution’ as a threat to the Sumi community, the Western Sumi Hoho has taken note of what it stated is the biased attitude of the outfit. “The Western Sumi Hoho and its frontal organization feels that the term NSCN-IM ‘cautions’ is a threat to victimize the Inavi villagers in particular and the Sumis in general thereby covering their unjustified actions” stated a note from the hoho. Stating that the Sumis have been sacrificing her blood for the Naga cause, the hoho expressed pain that the NSCN-IM is being biased. The hoho also reiterated its stand that the land belongs to the state alone. Further, it stated that Intangki had never been a part of “anyone’s tribe or any individual’s of whosoever wish to be.” This is because history should never be and can never be distorted by the will of a group of people or tribe, it stated. While asserting faith that the NSCN-IM “is aware of the historical background of the land in question” the WSH queried why the outfit is “siding with the Zeliangrong.” The WSH asserted that “historical records” are available with the “then British government” and successive state governments.
Congratulations to Rahul Gandhi- Nagaland Post
I am greatly overjoyed to find Rahul Gandhi appointed as one of the general secretaries of AICC. That he has been asked to lead IYC and NSUI is a proof of his abilities to lead the young. It has been only a matter of time that greater responsibilities have been put on his shoulders and all the Congress workers and supporters have been eagerly waiting for this to happen for quite sometime. Rahul Gandhi has matured with times and has accepted the onerous job of leading in the 21st century, where expectations are too high. A young leader who believes in work than in words, Rahul Gandhi needs to be congratulated for his move to meet the Prime Minister, requesting him to extend the NREGA to the entire country and which has been accepted by the government, speaks volume of this young leader's ability to work for the disadvantaged people of this country.
I congratulate the young and energetic Rahul Gandhi and fervently hope and pray that he, like his illustrious father, late Rajiv Gandhi, who had a very soft corner for the people of the north east, especially Nagaland, outshines all. The young Congress workers have pinned their hopes on this dynamic leader and once again I take this opportunity to congratulate him on his new responsibilities and wish for his grand success in the affairs of the nation.
Khohoto Sema Member, Congress Party, Dimapur.
Urgent need to activate the Naga reconciliation commission Nagaland Post
Letter to the president Naga Hoho and president Nagaland Christian Forum
1. Reactivated Naga reconciliation commission most urgent need of the hour
We address this appeal to you, out of our deep concern and sense of duty to the collective interests and well-being of the Naga People. Thereby at the very outset we would state our view and opinion, which is shared by an overwhelming majority of our people and our friends and well wishers, that there is an imperative and pressing need to reactivate the Naga reconciliation process without further delay and loss of vital time. And therefore there is need to activate the Naga Reconciliation Commission, immediately at the earliest. The Commission will, in all probability be reconstituted and reorganized, based on our experience and learning since the time of the combined Naga National Reconciliation function in Kohima on December 20, 2001. The point we are stressing is that if it was felt to be the need of the hour in 2001 or 2003, then it so remains today with undeniable urgency, in September 2007. The Naga Reconciliation Commission needs to be reactivated before Christmas 2007. We follow with a brief recap and certain observations and specific suggestions for your worthy consideration and action.
2. Brief recap The Naga Reconciliation Process was agreed upon as a solemn pledge taken by Naga Tribe Leaders on December 20' 200I, at the combined Naga National Reconciliation function in Kohima. The first anniversary of the Combined Naga National Reconciliation function was held on December 19 - 20, 2002 at a joint meeting of the Naga Hoho, Church leaders, Nagaland Christian Forum, Naga Students' Federation, Naga Mothers Association, NPMHR, etc. at Kohima. At this meeting, it was decided to dissolve the earlier Co - ordination Committee on Naga Reconciliation and to entrust the Naga Hoho and the Nagaland Christian Forum to appoint a smaller body to work for Naga Reconciliation.
The work of the new Naga Reconciliation Commission was to carry forward the message of Naga Reconciliation as solemnly pledged by Naga Tribe Leaders on December 20' 2001, and the declaration signed by 132 Naga Leaders representing more than 35 Tribes / Sub-Tribes, on that occasion. The Naga Reconciliation Committee was appointed at a joint meeting or the Naga Hoho and Naga Christian Forum on April 9, 2003. The Committee met on April 21' 2003, decided to accept the responsibility and made certain proposals. It felt that it would be more appropriate that it be made a Commission.
The Mission Statement for the Naga Reconciliation Commission, dated May 23, 2003 was "to realize the Reconciliation among Naga People as declared on December 20' 2001". The Commission began its preparations in right earnest. However, there were circumstances and reasons, why it became necessary to signal a "Go Slow". And a little later the Commission members decided to tender their resignation and did so. We are not entering into details thereof.
3. A few observations We accept that there were circumstances and reasons why the members of the Naga Reconciliation Commission decided that they should resign, so soon after having accepted their appointment and the precious responsibility thereof.
We are certain that they were guided by the highest moral principles. The fact remains that the void created by their resignation has not furthered the process of reconciliation. The void has not been filled since the resignation and divisions within the Nagas remain and differences and disagreements are not reduced & probably grown further. Therefore the Reconciliation Process and the Naga Reconciliation Commission are needed even more today than before.
It is also necessary to reflect our learning for our guidance in the future. Some of our thoughts and suggestions are shared below for your worthy consideration and possible improvement.
4. Our learning: 4. 1. One of the major reasons for forming the Naga reconciliation commission and its role:
It may perhaps be accepted that the urgency of Naga reconciliation was felt acutely in the context 'of the Peace Process and the on-going Peace Talks. As express by the Commission they are two sides of the same coin. The Naga Leaders and people and various social organizations are aware that there are internal divisions within the Nagas. And those factional conflicts, including violent conflicts are a reality. And there is a general awareness that these factional differences are affecting the Peace Process. In that, the Naga people are not able to speak with one voice and the Church and the Social Organizations have been striving to bring about reconciliation for a long time. It is against this backdrop that the combined Naga National Reconciliation event of December 2001, eventually led to the formation of the Naga Reconciliation Commission. Conflict is the reason. Unity is the desired ideal and aim.
Thereby the Naga Reconciliation Commission is the highest instituted Mediator in the internal conflicts under reference. There are also lesser but real other conflicts. The commission's role is or involves conflict mediation and conflict resolution/transformation. Fortunately trained expertise for this is available within the Commission in the person of Rev. Kari Longchar and outside the Commission, for example Rev. Pongsing Konyak. There may be others also. The Naga Reconciliation Commission may certainly consider making use of such available expertise.
4. 2. Mediating conflict To be able to function effectively, it is eminently necessary to ensure that parties to the conflict generally accept the Mediator: In this instance for the Naga Reconciliation Commission, and its members, without any reflection on the integrity and honour of individual members, it is necessary to ascertain and secure acceptance by the parties involved. We have learned that considerations of merit and appointment by leaders, key social organizations, even the Naga Hoho and Nagaland Christian Forum may not ensure acceptance. But our Mission demands acceptability and acceptance. It is not the task and responsibility or the Commission to ensure this. In this instance, the Naga Hoho and the Naga Christians Forum, being so authorized and charged by the other social organizations will need to arrive at a final list of members from a larger list of willing persons after duly consulting the major conflicting parties concerned. This is necessary for effective functioning of the Naga reconciliation Commission.
4.3. Dealing with criticism and critical issues as may arise We have experienced the criticism of the work of the commission or members thereof may be encountered. We need to ensure that the Commission is protected from such criticism and not left to fend for itself.
Once the Commission is installed, it needs to be protected against being drawn into critical exchange with anyone at all. It must also be protected from directly responding to criticism which cannot be ruled out and is to be expected and to be prepared for.
It may be appropriate, for instance, that a designated spokesperson or the Naga Hoho and the Nagaland Christian Forum deal with such issues. Clarifications generally may be given by the spokesperson, until an alternative is established,
4. 4. The need to work together We should be prepared to reconsider the issue of autonomy a little. Autonomy will be ensured. However, for the strength and success of the Commission, the Naga Hoho, the Nagaland Christian Forum and the Naga Reconciliation Commission will need to work close to one another and always with one voice. Without allowing anything to cause differences that need to be publicly expressed or converted into non-function. In other words the Mediator or Reconciler will need to demonstrate that they have the capacity to deal with internal problems and differences; even conflict, without letting it affect the "Mission" which must continue until it is fulfilled!
4.5. The strength of the Naga reconciliation commission The Naga Reconciliation Commission draws its strength and its moral power, certainly from the integrity of and high standing and regard enjoyed by individual members. However, in the context of the situation leading to its appointment, the Commission draws it strength and power of function and influence because they are appointed jointly by the Naga Hoho and the Nagaland Christian Forum, being themselves so authorized to do by leaders and representatives of various Tribes and Church leaders who took a solemn pledge on December 20' 200I and the organizations who participated in the first anniversary of the combined Naga National Reconciliation Function on 1920 December 2002 viz. in addition to the Naga Hoho and the Nagaland Christian forum, Naga Students Federation, Naga Mother Association, NPMHR, etc, In a way therefore, it may be a very good practice for the organizations to so meet every year to hear the report of the Commission and to review the progress and the situation and to consider what needs to be done to further strengthen and reinforce the commission. However, other modalities may be considered.
4.6. System and procedures With all the respect and commiseration for the hurt feelings of the Commission members for reasons explained by them and no doubt, perhaps similar hurt feelings in the Naga Hoho and the Nagaland Christian Forum which the resignation of the Commission members may have given rise to, our submission is that it will be necessary to formulate simple but clear rules and procedures for dealing with such situations and thereby to guard against dis-function/non-function of the Reconciliation Commission.'
5. Organization: Functional support teams to assist the Naga reconciliation commission.
Good organization will be an important and perhaps key factor in ensuring effective functioning and success' of the Naga Reconciliation Commission. And it is an established fact or Naga tradition, that Naga people are good organizers. From our experience, we need to acknowledge at the Naga Reconciliation Commission, rather than being looked upon as quote, "A smaller body to work for Naga reconciliation," will, in all probability need and benefit from the assistance of specific functional support teams. For example:
1. Situation monitoring/conflict watch team: to continuously collect and collate information relating to the conflicts at hand and related issues for routinely briefing Commission members.
2. Conflict analysis and strategy team: with reference the main conflicts. But also other serious conflict/Issues. With counsel, purposes succeed.
3. Quick response/diplomatic intervention teams (NMA and NWUM, etc. for example): It is vitally important that communication never breaks down. Dialogue must continue even when tempers flare-up and tensions grow or one or the other party threatens withdrawal/non-co-operation. We need persuasive power.
4. Public information team: Support of the people and their continuing interest and zeal for the Reconciliation Process necessitate that they be kept informed especially on the, positives and progress.
5. Regional/district support teams and centres: They can keep the people informed of positives. It is good to be in a position to express appreciation for co-operation and good actions of the parties we are in the endeavor of reconciling. They will also undertake a programme for local resource mobilization. Part of this, church based?
6. Resource mobilization co - ordination team: to co-ordinate efforts of regional/district teams. Correct procedures and high standard of accountability are a must. Hence regular audit as generally practiced in the Naga Community everywhere.
We do urge the Naga Hoho and Nagaland Christian Forum to grow this, their due consideration. However, it is necessary to begin with whatever available human resources and build as we go along.
6. Resources for the Naga reconciliation commission . Evidently, as has been appreciated by the Naga Hoho, Nagaland Christian Forum and the Commission members, this work will need more resources than people's voluntary contributions.
Certainly the social organizations may be expected to share resources/personnel etc. In this connection, our submission and respectful suggestion is that while it is good to make this Reconciliation Process, people based and people financed, why exclude the government? The Government is of the people and for the people. Government is a prime stake-holder in peace making and reconciliation. And as a matter of principle, governments, everywhere in the world, should contribute to expenditure on peace and reconciliation and not only war/insurgency/counter insurgency. This is also an enlightened aspect of reconciliation in view of global realities and changes needed in our government thinking.
7. Reconciliation: A spiritual commitment The essential point, however, is that, on the one hand, Naga Reconciliation is high priority need of the hour and on the other hand, those who seek reconciliation and those, who being entrusted with the onerous task of guiding the reconciliation process, may not expect this to be work without pain and suffering. This may also be a cross. If so, it has to be carried. Not cast down. And the day shall dawn, let us pray, that thorns shall turn into f1owers. That is our Hope, though there cannot be any guarantee. Let us so to our appointed task and duty with a robust spirit. Let us encourage the Commission and its members in everyway possible to continue this difficult but laudable work until the mission is fulfilled i.e. reconciliation are realized as articulated in the mission statement. Let us be resolved that ordinarily no one may resign from this work until so agreed by the appointing body under any special circumstances. And with our prayers and good wishes and assurance of cooperation through you, we urge the Naga Hoho and the Nagaland Christian Forum to activate once more the Naga Reconciliation Commission at the earliest and certainly before Christmas 2007.
Prongo Keishing
Continuing on the untravelled road Niketu Iralu In Focus The Morung Express
Tuisem Shishak has done a most difficult thing in his “A Confession”. He has done a thankless job guided by a sense of urgency for his own people and the whole Naga family. The Tangkhul Long has had to do a most difficult thing in responding to what he launched. Every one of our Naga tribe Hohos would have done the same thing were they to find themselves in the position of Tangkhul Long. This we need not doubt. Whether all tribe Hohos would have gone as far as excommunication is anybody’s guess.
We must not underestimate the awesome grip that our instinctive tribal narcissism still has over all of us. We need not, indeed must not, condemn this powerful force of self-preservation at work in us, recognizing it for what it is. But truthfulness and transparency must not be sacrificed to appease this primordial urge. That would stunt our growth. This wild energy with which we are born is transformed and made our strength and ally when we allow the voice of truth in our soul and conscience to win and guide us. This is said to be the wondrous plan of our Creator for our physical, mental, moral and spiritual growth as individuals, peoples and civilizations.
Could or should Dr. Shishak have said what he has said differently and by a different process? People seem to hold diverse views on these valid questions.
But what is absolutely certain is that what he has said so transparently as a Tangkhul has profoundly challenged all the other Naga tribes, especially the “advanced” ones. They are asking themselves, “Then what about us?” They should. After all Tangkhuls are not the only ones in need of acknowledging their wrongs and making amends, calling a spade a spade. This fledgling process of turning the searchlight on one’s own wrongs and failures instead of keeping it only on others, (now developed to a fine deadly art), gives hope for our future. Its significance for the healing and restoration of goodwill among Nagas as a people cannot be overstated. Let us nurture it.
The process of “Honest Conversations” that has started in our society will be seen in due course as a gift from heaven. Tuisem Shishak’s obedience to his conscience has given it depth and direction. The value of this kind of conversation has been so well expressed by Chingya Luithui from Columbia University in New York (Morung Express September 27). He writes, “The reason why freedom of expression is so crucial is because of its intrinsic centrality to the quest for truth…. Our society, and especially our generation, carry the burden of too many isms. Freedom of expression is the most effective way to counter these divides… Instead of nipping off ideas, we need to encourage debate and discussion. Often, this will involve having to deal with uncomfortable truths and painful realities. But we need to do this if we are to grow as a nation… We need to be able to challenge and examine ourselves to make sure that we weigh up to the expectations of each other, for the Naga society”.
I salute his priceless thoughts for healing and restoration of our relationships. Honest conversation is really the beginning of spiritual breathing and growth. Let us inspire one another to do it so that the obstacles on our path may be removed. We need to help one another to walk on this untravelled road to our future. There is no other road if we are to go forward. (29/9/’07).
Signature support for Myanmar protest KHELEN THOKCHOM The Telegraph
Imphal, Oct. 2: Burmese refugees in Manipur have launched a signature campaign through the Internet to gather international support against the current crackdown on the pro-democracy movement in Yangon. U Thura, a Burmese refugee living in Manipur for several years, said today that the signature campaign was launched a few days ago. The target is to collect one million signatures within a week. “After collecting one million signatures, we will submit the list to the United Nations Security Council and Chinese President Hu Jintao. We will request the superpowers to intervene in the turmoil in Myanmar,” Thura said.
Thura fled to Manipur through the border town of Moreh in Chandel district to escape persecution by the military junta during the 1988 crackdown on the pro-democracy movement. More than 100 persons fled to Manipur and many of them went to Delhi to continue the struggle for restoration of democracy. Many of them are still in Manipur as refugees. He is the president of the Burmese Solidarity Organisation, formed by Burmese refugees in different countries.
At present, nearly 100 Myanmarese nationals are taking shelter in Manipur. But no pro-democracy activists have crossed the border since the current crackdown. Border trade at Moreh also continues unaffected by the turmoil in Yangon. Thura strongly condemned the military junta, saying the military government had killed more than 200 protesters, including monks.
He contradicted the official figures which say that only 35 persons died in the crackdown. “We have received information that the military junta killed more than 200 people. The bodies were either thrown into rivers or buried in Yangon,” Thura said. He, however, said the refugees had no plan to hold demonstrations in Manipur against the crackdown. The Manipur-based Solidarity Committee for Burma Democracy today held a meeting here to express solidarity with the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar. Communist leaders and human rights activists in Manipur have formed the committee, which strongly condemned the military junta in Myanmar and demanded restoration of democracy there. Okram Joy Singh, senior Opposition leader and executive director of Human Rights Alert, Manipur, attended the programme.
Hmar body opposes Ibobi move OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Imphal, Oct. 2: The Okram Ibobi Singh government’s move to upgrade a subdivision to a revenue district has run into rough weather with the Hmar Students Association opposing the inclusion of tribal villages in the new area. The state government is working to upgrade Jiribam subdivision of Imphal East to a revenue district for administrative convenience. Jiribam is 223km from the district headquarters of Porompat.
Residents of Jiribam have also been demanding that the subdivision be upgraded for many years. The students’ body has raised objections to the inclusion of tribal villages in Churachandpur district to the proposed area. “We will not allow inclusion of tribal villages in the new Jiribam district. Any challenge and threats to the people, identity, land and future of the tribals shall be met with appropriate counter-action and force,” Joseph R. Hmar, the vice-president of the students’ union, said today. The government is reportedly planning to include 10 Hmar villages under the administrative jurisdiction of Jiribam and Borobekra sub-deputy collectors.
Joseph said the students’ union submitted a memorandum to Ibobi Singh on Sunday urging him not to include any tribal village in the proposed district. “It is regrettable that the government has failed to respond to our demand. We will discuss the matter at our annual general assembly slated for December and take a strong stand against the inclusion of any Hmar village,” Joseph said. Various organisations of Tamenglong district have also raised similar objections against the inclusion of villages in Tamenglong to the proposed district.
Zeliangrong Union, Village Authority Chairmen’s Council and Development Coordinating Teams’ Federation have decided to oppose any move for inclusion of land belonging to Tamenglong district. An official source, however, said nothing has been finalised at this stage. “The government will take into consideration the concern and interest of the people before taking any final decision on the proposed district,” a source in the revenue department said.
Manipur civil organizations protest AR’s action Newmai News Network
Imphal Unabated condemnations and concerns have been coming in from several organisations in Manipur including human rights bodies over the Umthel village incident where some 22 people of the area were thrashed in the aftermath of the ambush incident. The United Committee of Manipur (UCM) and the Centre for Organisation Research and Education (CORE) has strongly condemned the 21st Assam Rifles personnel's act and termed the act as ‘inhuman torture’.
Last night, the National Identity for Protection Committee (NIPCO) and Apunba Lup also took out Meira (torch) rally in protest against the security forces' excesses on the villagers of Umathel. The UCM while lashing out at Assam Rifles for violating human rights through harassment, abusing of moral values said, ‘the picture shows how the mainland Indian viewed the citizens of Manipur.’ “There seem no government at all and for that there has been fading confidence by the people of the state on the government” said UCM fuming at the government’s inaction and for failing to protect its citizens.
With frequent skirmishes between the Indian armed forces and militant groups, the Centre for Organisation Research and Education (CORE) today reiterated both the parties to respect and abide the Common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention and its protocols.
The CORE while demanding immediate and appropriate medical treatments to the victims, has also urged the Manipur government to set up a judicial inquiry to find out the facts of the 'horrendous incident and to compensate to those people who were wrongfully tortured and punished without due process of law of the land'. The CORE has also demanded to award exemplary punishment for erring government representative found responsible for the crime against humanity. Dr. D. Roy Laifungbam, secretary of CORE in a strong worded statement pointed out that the behaviour of the 21st Assam Rifles (AR) personnel had gone beyond the established regulations of the Supreme Court. “AR behaviour indicated to commit genocide under Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA) which also shows that they (AR) do not want to secure the life and properties of the innocent citizens” said Dr. D. Roy Laifungbam.
It further pointed out that the AR which have been promoting themselves as the 'friend of the North East region' were stationed to assist in maintaining law and order of the state but had violated acceptable norms of human conduct on the fateful night.
Myanmar mess: Blame Beijing Ralph Peters The Morung Express
AS the junta’s misbehavior worsened in Myanmar (as those thugs have re-chris tened Burma) last week, pundits suggested that we should force China to pressure its client to treat the pro-democracy demonstrators politely - by threatening to boycott next year’s Beijing Olympics. Sorry, but Myanmar’s far more important to China’s vision for the coming decades than the Pollution-and-Oppression Games. The bullies in Beijing see the Olympics as a coming-out party - but Myanmar is a strategic lifeline.
So, sure, if the Myanmar situation worsens as China stonewalls, we can and should punish Beijing by boycotting the 2008 Games. But we have to have realistic expectations regarding the results. On the flip side, some Westerners argue that China isn’t really the decisive player in Myanmar - that Western corporations flying under the radar screen do more to prop up the junta than Beijing does. Absolute bull. This doesn’t mean that greedy multinationals don’t lurk out in those jungles - but to ascribe more power to them than to Beijing is like blaming purse-snatchers for the junk-mortgage crisis.

Here’s the real situation:
China regards Myanmar as a satellite. Beijing wishes it could just grab the country the way it seized Tibet, but believes the geostrategic cost would be too high. So it supports the junta as the next-best option and develops Myanmar as an economic colony. Why does China see Myanmar as absolutely critical to its future? After all, it’s a bitterly poor country of 55 million, where time didn’t just stand still for the last half-century - it actually went backward. And neither the ethnic Burmans (half the population) nor the up-country tribes like the Chinese one bit.

The answers are straightforward:
* Myanmar offers 1,200 miles of coastline on the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea, bordering the Indian Ocean. And those waters are a strategic lifeline for China, carrying trade westward and bringing back desperately needed oil from the Middle East and Africa.
China knows that we own the Pacific militarily, but hopes that - in the event of a Sino-U.S. crisis - it could face us down in the Indian Ocean, its backdoor to the world. When I was in Myanmar 11 years ago, the Chinese were already modernizing docks and eyeing the development of new harbors.
• Myanmar offers the promise of its own oil and gas deposits, while its magnificent hardwood forests are being clear-cut to feed China’s industrial appetites. (The ecological devastation is stunning.) And Beijing sets the terms of trade.
• The advent of a pro-Western government in Myanmar would mean that, in wartime, China would have no direct access to the Greater Indian Ocean. The equivalent would be for the United States to lose access to the Caribbean - or worse. China wants to minimize the ugly headlines from Myanmar, but it’s not going to pull its support for the junta just to keep the U.S. water-polo team in the Olympics. The joker in the deck is the brave, persistent and slippery Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, “The Lady,” Myanmar’s eternally under-house-arrest democracy champion. The only way that Beijing would swing its support behind the pro-democracy movement would be if The Lady cut a back-room deal guaranteeing China’s continued presence, influence and access. Watch that space.
Elsewhere, Beijing sees everything breaking its way. It’s bought enough influence in America to prevent us from demanding fair exchange rates, honest terms of trade and elementary standards. (Want any lead paint with that baby formula, Ma?) Except for a few perfunctory remarks, China’s support of rogue regimes goes unchallenged by Western leaders. And human-rights concerns evaporate when profits are involved. Above all else, Beijing does not want troublesome ideas popping up among its own people. And the idea that a few thousand Buddhist monks in the streets could bring down an autocratic regime would be troublesome, indeed. Anyway, does the West really care about Myanmar? Naw. Westerners focus solely on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The country’s tribes have been butchered, poisoned, raped en masse, tortured and driven from their homes - but the horrific sufferings of the less-glamorous rate, at best, a conference footnote.
For us, Myanmar’s a one-issue country, and the issue is The Lady. Well, she’s certainly valiant and gloriously stubborn - but the undocumented ravages of AIDS up on the Chinese border, the ecological devastation of a unique environment, the junta’s cultural genocide and Beijing’s economic imperialism happen to be a great deal more important than the agenda of the country’s urban intellectuals.
There’s more to Myanmar’s tragedy than one woman locked in her yard. China figured that out long ago; we can’t even find the place on a map. When I was in Myanmar in 1996 (on a counterdrug mission), the locals could no longer afford property in downtown Mandalay - a city central to the country’s heritage - because the Chinese had run up real-estate prices astronomically. Up north, the old Burma road, built with American blood in World War II, was crumbling under the convoys of Chinese trucks carrying goods to Myanmar’s ports. Major cities in western China looked to Myanmar for markets, resources and export routes. And the Chinese already had established intelligence listening posts on the Myanmar coast back then. Security cooperation was quiet, but close. China’s got an even tighter grip on the country now. God knows, the right thing to do would be to call China’s bluff on Myanmar. But threatening to boycott the 2008 Olympics won’t be enough to get Beijing to abandon the junta. The Chinese would rather win the gold medal in strategy than in field hockey.
Ralph Peters’ latest book is “Wars of Blood and Faith.”
Myanmar strife: Europe puts moral onus on India The Morung Express Left Wing Forty-one days after the protests began in Myanmar and blood once more was spilt on its streets, the talk in European capitals is all about bringing pressure to bear on India to “do something”. From the UK PM downwards, there are ever-louder calls for New Delhi to speak out and suffer the financial pain of losing the trust of Myanmar’s military junta.
New Delhi, it’s argued, has a special responsibility as the world’s largest democracy, to export its values to its eastern neighbour. Europe believes, with some justification, that forcefully-expressed Indian disapproval would be a powerful antidote to the junta’s rising repressiveness because it sells guns, gives loans and gladly does deals with Myanmar’s generals.
But this would mean India finally accepting the price of putting principles before profit. It goes without saying that a new negativism from New Delhi about Myanmar would potentially imperil the massive Shwe gas project deal, in which ONGC Videsh and GAIL are partners under the leadership of South Korea’s Daewoo. This would affect India badly, but not unsustainably, in its attempt to worst equally energy-hungry China in the near-neighbourhood. But trouble with the Shwe project would also hurt the junta. Shwe is expected to become the regime’s largest single source of revenue, providing $580 million every year for the regime for 20 years. India, therefore, may hold the trump card in Myanmar’s wretched impasse. So far, so true. But what of the decades of European and British intransigence? Last Friday, UK PM Gordon Brown appeared to lead the way to new European activism towards Myanmar’s abortive democracy movement, while placing immense moral responsibility on India. “I want to see all the pressures of the world put on this regime now — sanctions, the pressure of the UN, pressure from China and all the countries in the region, India, pressure from the whole of the world”, he said. Brown also had a personal chat with the high-profile Burma Campaign UK. Its director Mark Farmaner told TOI that Brown had pledged to push for stronger sanctions by the EU. Even as one writes, European capitals are negotiating amongst themselves on a new “ Burma hardline”. Clearly Europe’s stance on Myanmar is all about hype and hypocrisy. It is indisputable that India must do its bit for democracy. But so too must Europe, with equally forceful measures that hurt the collective European wallet just as much as India’s pocketbook. George Orwell, who once served in the Indian Imperial Police in Burma, wrote when he resigned his commission and wrote his first novel, Burmese Days, that he wanted “to escape not merely from imperialism but from every form of man’s dominion over man”. Seventy-three years after Burmese Days, Orwell’s hope for Burma remains stifled by economic colonialism of every colour and race.
ULFA facing public wrath in Assam Nagaland Post
Guwahati, Oct 2 (IANS): From sympathy and support to revulsion, the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) is beginning to feel the heat from locals in Assam with incidents of separatist rebels being lynched or captured on the upswing. The latest in a series of brutal assaults by the public on ULFA militants has come in from village Jaraguri in Golaghat district, about 280 km east of Guwahati. On Monday, ULFA's self-styled sergeant major Manoranjan Doley of the outfit's most potent 28th battalion was lynched by angry villagers and two of his accomplices were seriously wounded after a failed extortion bid, highlighting a growing public outrage against the rebels. The ULFA leader, accompanied by two of his associates, demanded an unspecified extortion amount from Sajal Chakraborty, a village council leader belonging to the opposition Asom Gana Parishad (AGP).
"The trio entered the AGP leader's house and first slapped him before Doley fired a few rounds from his pistol. There was a hue and cry and soon a crowd of locals rushed to Chakraborty's house and overpowered the militants," a police official said. It was a free for all -- the crowd rained kicks and blows and hit the trio with crude implements. Before police could reach the spot, the three were already splattered with blood. "We shifted the three to a hospital, but doctors declared Doley dead on arrival. The other two are stated to be in a serious condition," the official said. Monday's incident is the seventh such fatal attack on ULFA rebels by irate villagers -- six others were lynched in similar circumstances in different parts of Assam in the past three months.
"There is a massive public outcry against the ULFA with locals lynching militants in recent weeks...this is a strong indicator that people are no longer scared of the ULFA and there is a palpable revulsion against terrorism," Lt Gen B.S. Jaswal, General-Officer-Commanding (GOC) of the army's Four Corps, told IANS. Lt Gen Jaswal is also the chairman of the operational group of the Unified Command structure in Assam where a massive anti-insurgency operation is on against the ULFA. The assault by the villagers on the ULFA trio came a day after the outfit triggered four separate blasts in eastern Assam killing five people and wounding more than 50, besides damaging two gas and oil pipelines.
"The ULFA is staging such attacks out of desperation although their support base in rural areas is dwindling by the day. Moreover, there is constant pressure from security forces on the rebels," said Assam police chief R.N. Mathur. The ULFA has been at the receiving end since the temporary ceasefire with the government was snapped in September last year.
During the past 12 months, beginning September 2006, the Army's 2nd Mountain Division, based in eastern Assam, has neutralised scores of ULFA militants. "We have neutralised 177 ULFA militants since Sep 24, 2006 including one battalion commander (Rajiv Kalita of the '27th battalion'), four company commanders, 10 action group commanders and seven experts in improvised explosive devices (IED)," an army official said. Before the latest serial bombings Sunday, the ULFA was blamed for a string of attacks and explosions across Assam since January in which about 120 people were killed, most of them Hindi-speaking migrant workers.
India asks Myanmar to probe violence Assam Tribune
NEW YORK, Oct 2 – Amid a global outrage over a violent crackdown on pro-democracy protests in Myanmar, India told its military regime to consider launching a probe and said any sanctions from the UN Security Council should only be as a “last resort”, reports PTI. External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee conveyed India’s concern over the situation to his Myanmarese counterpart U Nyan Win during a meeting here in the first level contact between the two neighbouring countries since the crisis broke out in Myanmar. The meeting took place yesterday on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly summit.

Mukherjee “suggested that the (Myanmar) government could consider undertaking an inquiry into recent incidents and the use of force,” said a statement issued by the External Affairs Ministry.
The Minister also expressed the hope that the “process of national reconciliation and political reform, initiated by the government of Myanmar, would be taken forward expeditiously.”

“During the meeting, the External Affairs Minister expressed concern at the current situation in Myanmar,” the statement said. Noting that India was a “close and friendly neighbour” of Myanmar, Mukherjee said New Delhi “hoped to see peace, prosperity and stability” in that country.
Bodo rebels flay New Delhi for not holding talks By IANS
Guwahati, Oct 3 (IANS) A frontline tribal separatist group in Assam Tuesday blamed the central government for not starting formal peace talks, three years after reaching a ceasefire, and said only an independent 'Boroland' for their people could bring peace to the area.
'We agreed to a ceasefire (with the Indian authorities) three years ago to resolve our conflict peacefully. But not even a single round of political dialogue has taken place since between us and the government which is only insisting on our charter of demands to be placed,' D.R. Nabla, president of the National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB), said on the occasion of the group's 21st foundation day.
The NDFB, an insurgent outfit seeking to push the interests of Assam's Bodo ethnic group, was formed on Oct 3, 1986 and has since been engaged in a campaign to achieve an independent 'Boroland' comprising Bodo-inhabited areas in western and northern Assam.
The group entered into a ceasefire with the government in May 2005 following an initial appeal for cessation of violence by Assam's Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi in September 2004.
'Ceasefire is not an end in itself. It can't bring peace by itself. Only an independent Boroland can bring permanent peace,' NDFB chief Nabla, who is believed to be based outside India, said in an email statement to journalists.
After the truce, scores of NDFB cadres have been lodged by the authorities in more than one 'designated camp' in western Assam.
The rebel leader said movements and struggles of the Bodo people, Assam's largest plains tribal group, had failed in the past because of the leadership, not because of lack of support or enthusiasm among the masses.
'If the NDFB were to fail, then it will fail only for the leaders, not (due to) shortage of members and cadres, (or) support from the people,' Nabla introspected.