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09/25/2007: "The Nagaland model for Kashmir India Together magazine"

The Nagaland model for Kashmir India Together magazine

Pakistan, under pressure in the Global War on Terror (GWOT), has restrained its hand in the proxy war. By most accounts, Kashmir appears headed towards peace. This is the right juncture to approach the issue politically, both in its external and internal plane, says Firdaus Ahmed.

Nagaland has been kept off the front pages by deft political footwork by the Ministry of Home Affairs in nursing the ongoing ceasefire there through a decade since its inception. India had sensibly opted for the ‘ceasefire’ route to security, among other reasons, because its troops were heavily engaged elsewhere in the mid Nineties in Kashmir. That the ceasefire has held is a considerable achievement at enlightened politics by successive Indian governments of all hues and is testimony that such political initiatives are both feasible and not unpopular.
This model has however not found applicability in Kashmir, where the challenge India has faced down has been greater and, on account of which, there is a greater need for political engagement. Principally this owes to the extent of the external hand in Kashmir, restricting India’s options to countering the resulting proxy war there. However, this constraint has changed in light of the events brought on by 9/11.
Pakistan, under pressure in the Global War on Terror (GWOT), has restrained its hand in the proxy war. By statistical, media and anecdotal accounts, Kashmir appears headed towards peace. This would appear to be the right juncture to approach the issue politically, both in its external and internal planes.
Firstly, this would be mindful of future possibilities of a changed situation in Pakistan - for better or worse - that may be accompanied by a reversion of Pakistan to its earlier proxy war strategies. If the situation in Pakistan improves, then Pakistan could see its restraint in Kashmir as being counter productive. If for the worse, then its steaming polity would seek an outlet in Kashmir.
Secondly, Simla Agreement requires that “a final settlement of Jammu and Kashmir” be arrived at through “peaceful means” including “bilateral negotiation”. In other words, engaging Pakistan is a treaty obligation that can best be complied with from the present position of strength.
There is no scope now for a military retrieval in Nagaland should the process breakdown. This is the main incentive for a political approach. An equal commitment to a political resolution needs to inform the initiative in Kashmir.

Thirdly, with terrorism at low ebb, a political approach to the problem internally is in order. With a considerable human price having been paid by Kashmiris in their struggle, the future cannot be one of politics as usual. The National Conference's draft on autonomy, rejected by their then partners at the Centre - the BJP-led NDA government, is a fair start point.
Can the Nagaland model be adopted for Kashmir? Precedence for the 'Nagaland model' exists in the form of a ceasefire tried out in Kashmir called 'non-initiation of combat operations' by the Vajpayee government. Other elements of the 'Nagaland model' can be brought together with the onset of the ceasefire taken as a beginning.
Simultaneous with the ceasefire has to be announcement of an eminent persons group carrying high credibility in Kashmir. In Nagaland, the Indian team has comprised of K Padmanabhaiah, a former Home Secretary as points-man; Lt Gen (Retd.) R V Kulkarni, the trusted head of the Ceasefire Monitoring Group; and Oscar Fernandes as the political face of the team. Likewise, for Kashmir, N N Vohra, a former Home Secretary, is available. He was awarded the Padma Vibhushan this year for functioning as the political interlocutor there. The military member could perhaps be Gen J J Singh on retiring this month, or old Kashmir hand Lt Gen M A Zaki. The Governor - due for a change this year – should be the political face. Wajahat Habibullah, who carries great regard in Kashmir, or Gopal Gandhi, a person of stature and character, are ideal candidates.
The requirement of ‘surrender’ may be done away with, and as with Naga groups, a manner of engaging with the armed groups would require to be worked out. As in Nagaland, where the American Baptist church had an influence in furthering the talks, the involvement of external players can be countenanced. The Simla Agreement avers to such procedures thus: “peaceful means through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means mutually agreed upon between them”. Foreign terrorists may be given a safe passage back under aegis of either the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) or an Indo-Pakistani supervisory panel. This is the only way they can get to negotiate alive the fearsome fence, called ‘Vij Line’ by the Governor, Lt Gen S K Sinha. UN presence in the form of the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) exists, though this may be used only sparingly as an emergency watchdog measure, in light of India's aversion to external supervision of any kind.
There are adequate long term models of disarmament, demobilization, and resettlement, known as DDRRR in the UN peacekeeping handbook, that can be taken advantage of, as is being done in Nepal next door. The levels of violence had precluded the use of these measures thus far. However, we can now factor this option into our future strategies for Kashmir. This can be easily worked by Indian troops themselves, familiar as they are with these procedures owing to their enviable peacekeeping record. This would be not be unlike in present day Nagaland, where the NSCN (National Social Council of Nagaland) is confined to cantonments and there are rules on the manner of its armed movement. It is another matter that in actuality the NSCN runs a ‘parallel government’. Strictures on Kashmiri combatants would have to be of a higher order. Lessons learnt from the Nagaland model not in the public domain should further steady the framework outlined here.
That there is no scope now for a military retrieval of Nagaland should the process breakdown has been the main incentive for a political approach. An equal commitment to a political resolution needs to inform the initiative in Kashmir. Kashmiri political forces in POK would require to be engaged, with the tacit support of Pakistan obtained through the backchannel. Just as several rounds of talks away from media glare and outside the country preceded the pacification of Naga groups, similar treatment of these militants would be required.
Getting the major political leaders in Kashmir as stakeholders in the deal would be necessary; apprehensive as they are of losing ground to the militants coming over ground. In Nagaland, mainstream politicians have continued to run the government. Likewise the involvement of the political parties in Kashmir can be incentivised and more easily obtained once the exercise is seen as having popular appeal which it inevitably shall, given the levels of fatigue in Kashmir.
In Nagaland, major players in the peace process were the tribal elders, in the form of the Hoho. The clergy and civil society groupings were key players as well. Their counterparts in Kashmir, namely, the divided Hurriyat, the clergy and NGOs such as the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons, should also be involved to inject goodwill and trust between the wary sides in the conflict. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission as suggested by the young politician, Omar Abdullah, may even be instituted at a later stage to manage the catharsis to end the tragedy. The ultimate index of return of normalcy would be the return of Kashmiri Pandits with dignity and compensation to their land.
The Congress dispensation at the Centre is in a situation where the right wing opposition is in disarray. It may be easier to build consensus now as Kashmir initiatives are sensitive and can be used as political capital by extremists. Its initiative along these lines will have the backing of their partner the Left, thereby repairing ties that are currently under strain over the question of proximity to the U.S. The coming winter would also see a new government in Islamabad that could be conditioned suitably with a positive approach such as this, thereby staying it from being reflexively anti-Indian.
India has learnt to manage peaceably with the levels of rebel control that exist in Nagaland. It is also amenable to dilution of the centralized definition of the State, since this is not constitutional blasphemy. Therefore, there is little reason for it to procrastinate with respect to Kashmir where it is committed through Article 370 to a unique constitutional manner of integration. ⊕
Naga youth pitch for non-violence to solve their problems Nagaland Post
Kohima, September 24 (ANI): Youth in insurgent-hit Nagaland are keen to end the decades of rebel-related violence, but in a non-violent manner. A majority of them feel that violence and an internalised fear has affected their development as a region, and now, they are looking to the principles espoused by Mahatma Gandhi to solve their problems.
“Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violence doesn’t imply that if the opposition is at your door, you will sit quite by, and suffer or surrender, but will use the moral force within you, which encourages the fighter to fight back for his pride and duty,” said one of the speakers. Speakers stressed on the need for non-violent methods to solve any problem.
“We have to be willing to change, to see the change, we will have to make the change, as it is not possible to change collectively but will have to change individually first,” said another speaker. “We Nagas are living under a cease-fire, but we can’t say we have it. Everyday we see violence. There are reports of clashes and killing of people,” he said.
The younger generation of Nagaland, which has been at the receiving end of violence in the State for the last five decades, stressed on the need for negotiations. “History is the testimony to the fact that all fights, have created new and more complicated problems. We must use negotiation, as there is nothing in this world which can’t be solved through negotiation,” a seminar speaker said. “Many of the problems that the world is facing today is due to violence. Therefore, the only solution is to propagate non-violence in our lives,” he added.
Facts and grievances of the tribal people of north east Nagaland Post
It seems the Nagaland University has already started a Tribal Research studies under the department of sociology. This is really an eye opener which would pave the way to many local scholar, academicians to do their research on tribal culture, religion, social, political and economic etc. and contribute their ideas, views for the tribal people in different parts of the country. S.K. Ghosh's book: India's North-East Frontier: Fifty turbulent years sums up how the region appears to academicians and government officials, and indeed, to the majority of the people in mainland India. A boiling cauldron of insurgency and terrorism is also another way in which the author describes the region. The same sentiments are expressed when the Northeas-terner meets others of the mainland fellow Indians outside of the region. Why are your people so violent? Why do they continue killing each other? Hence, in the minds of many the Northeast is bundle of problems like insurgency, militancy, ethnic conflicts etc. According to B.k. Roy Burman, a noted Anthropologist, in their heydays the insurgents are not anti-social. In their subjective-objective concourse they are pilgrims in the turbulent journey towards what they think to be just society, good society, liberated humanity. Thus, this is also an attempt to look at the turbulent Northeast from the perspective of the pilgrimage of peoples in search of a better future. Legitimate and genuine aspirations and hopes may lie below the turbulent surface. A good number of people's movements are operating in this region. Significantly, the common denominator in all these movements is the term national. Hence, it seems to be clear that, these groups, whether big or small in number consider themselves to be separate nationalities with their own unique culture, customs and traditions.
It seems to me, is a quest for recognition, acceptance and the preservation of their self identities. If xenophobic voices are heard among the tribal of the region, it is a corollary to the above quest. It is because of the fear of being swamped by outsiders of lifestyles and histories being destroyed. Like in Tripura where the indigenous people become a minority and their home land and the real threat and possibility of this being repeated in other parts of the region is what makes the locals jittery and often resort to violent ways to drive away the outsiders. There are xenophobic elements in many parts of the country, even where there is no danger of the outsiders becoming the majority. If that is the case, how much more will it be in parts of Northeast where the locals can easily become a minority. The introduction of Innerline Permit to Nagaland, Mizoram and Arunachal are means of protecting the locals from being swamped by the outsiders. Hence, it is done for the preservation of distinctive identity of the people and the protection of their resources. Thus, the various people movements in the region have all to do with identity. It is for the preservation and in fact for the survival of the various ethnic groups. The survival instinct being the strongest and most basic, any perception of its being threatened can result in violent responses. This is not an attempt to explain away the violence but to attempt to have a better understanding of the violent nature of these movements.
Often the Delhi Govern-ment demands the shunning of violence as a pre-condition talk with these movements or they are just banned as enemies of the societies. However, more often than not, the authorities in the government are responsible for making these movements take to violence and terrorism in the first place. These movements are essentially manifestations of extreme frustration. As for instance, the origin of the Naga movement can be traced back to the experience of extreme frustration felt by Phizo and his colleagues. The Naga leaders met Nehru three times between 1952 and 1953, but unfortunately Nehru refused to listen to them and have said that, 'even if the heavens fell or India went to pieces, Nagaland will not become independent. Even if he was not willing to accede to the full demand of the Nagas, a sincere show of willingness to dialogue with them might have changed the course of history in Nagaland. A man who had fought so long for independence from foreign yoke was expected to have a more sympathetic ear for the Naga cause. But for him the tribal seemed not worth listening to seriously. Even today, if the mighty ruler in Delhi is having the same mindset, understanding towards these people, then it is very rare chance to expect any positive and tangible result on the ongoing dialogue. On the other hand interestingly, Mahatma Gandhi was ready to listen to the Nagas. In fact, the Nagas had high hopes of him. Phizo, the late Naga leader, is quoted to have said that Gandhiji assured him that the Naga demand would be considered sympathetically and also advised the Nagas to shun the path of violence. This chapter however, ended with the death of Gandhi. Had he lived longer, probably there might not have been more than fifty years Naga insurgency.
The argument of the Naga is: if you recognize our distinctive identity you must allow us to have a say in our own affairs, shape our own destiny. But unfortunately, the authorities in New Delhi never realize and try to use their wisdom and courage to recognize the distinctiveness of the Nagas, rather impose more military forces to control and annihilate even their birth's rights. In fact, the Nagas threw their lot with the emerging young India full of expectations. But the past fifty years have been by and large disappointing to them. They have never been treated equally with the rest of India, rather getting step-motherly treatment from the mighty Indians for all those years. The sad thing is the government has used the opportunity to induct more forces and sustain such draconian laws as the Armed Forces Special Power and the Disturbed Area Acts. But there is hardly any conciliation move. The feeling of estrangement and unequal treatment felt by the people is summed up in what one of them has to say in his recent travel to mainland India when he said: History and Geography of the Northeast appears to have been blanked out like the computer's virus wiping out all info-data stored in the computer. However, he goes on to say: yet when we make a noise, military, Para- military forces are brought at once to silence the cries for equal treatment and justice. We wonder are we a part of India or only a colonial outpost? It is quite natural for a people so insignificant in the eyes of the rest of India to want to be independent from that country. It is nothing but a quest for dignity, self-respect and preserves their self identities.
The future is not so bright for the Nagas even on the eve of the new millennium and after the celebrations of 50 years of India's independence. So this is the high time for any local scholars, academicians and educated section to express their views openly and redeem the society. No time to play hide and seek game anymore. Take the opportunity and save your mother- land before all your birth's rights are snatched away by the aliens. This is your land and your inheritance. Stop killing and bloodshed, turn away from silly politics, stand firm and take the right decision to redeem your land and its people. Dr. TSUKTIMEREN AO
As the Burmese emulate Gandhi, India remains strangely silent Mizzima News As the Burmese people, in increasing numbers, emulate Mahatma Gandhi’s example of a non-violent satyagraha (struggle) to bring about a national political reconciliation, end of the military rule and economic hardship and the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Government of India and India’s political leadership have remained strangely silent.
While the rest of the world is reacting sympathetically to the gathering struggle against the military dictatorship spearheaded by young monks, nuns and students, the land of Mahatma Gandhi and Buddha has had no words or expression of even moral solidarity with the satyagrahis of Myanmar. Considerations of Realpolitik seem to have reduced India to a position of moral cowardice. India, which prides itself on being the biggest democracy in the world, has had no words of encouragement or even understanding to the thousands of Burmese, who have bravely kept up their satyagraha, which started on August 19,2007, for the fifth week continuously.
The peaceful satyagraha, drawing inspiration from the principles of ahimsa (non-violence) of Buddha and Mahatma Gandhi, has been drawing more and more people----the Buddhist monks, nuns and students as well as other sections of the people. The satyagraha, which in the initial weeks drew about 1,000 people per day in most towns except in Sittwe (Akyab) in the Arakan Division, where it drew a larger number, is now drawing more than 10,000 per day in many places. About 20,000 people demonstrated in Yangon (Rangoon) on September 23, 2007, the largest demonstration since the massive students’ movement of 1988. There was an equally big demonstration in Mandalay. For the first time, there are reports from the Kachin State of small numbers ethnic minorities, who had kept out of the satyagraha till now, joining in. Nuns are also joining thesatyagraha in increasing number.
On September 22,2007, in a moment of wisdom, the Junta did not try to prevent the satyagrahis from marching in front of the house in which Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi has been held under house arrest. It was their moment of solidarity with a defiant woman, who grew up in India, imbibed the moral and political values of India and today finds herself forsaken by Indian leaders, who project themselves as the inheritors of the moral values of Gandhiji. It was a moving moment. Everyone was in tears----she as well as the satyagrahis, who marched peacefully in front of her. No words were exchanged. The tears were more eloquent than words would have been in expressing their anguish.
On September 23, 2007, the Junta even prevented this and did not allow the satyagrahis to march in front of her house. The satyagrahis were wise enough not to allow this to provoke them.
The Junta is in a dilemma as it watches with concern the growing support for the satyagraha. Would it ultimately use force to crush it as it did to crush the movement of 1988? If it did, would the junior ranks of the Armed Forces carry out the orders of the Junta as they did in 1988? The future denouement would depend on the answers to these questions. The people’s satyagraha for democracy and economic well-being is bound to succeed , if not today, in the near future. Like the African National Congress under Nelson Mandela, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her followers have not allowed themselves to be demoralised by the ruthless use of force by the Junta to crush them. It is remarkable how they have been able to keep their spirit alive for 20 years despite ruthless suppression just as Mandela and his ANC kept their spirit alive for nearly three decades.
India and its leaders of those days stood by the peaceful satyagraha of the ANC without worrying about the political and economic consequences of their support. Ultimately when the ANC succeeded and Mandela was set free, India was one of the countries which he first visited to express his people’s gratitude to the Indian people and their leaders----Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi--- for their support and solidarity with them. As the satyagraha succeeds in Myanmar----as it is bound to one day--- and democracy is restored, India and its leaders would not be in their mind because they consistently avoided supporting them. India may have to pay a price for its moral cowardice, called Realpolitik. (23-9-07)
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retired), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and,, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies,
Peace in Northeast India, an undisputed dispute Nagarealm.com
Kuldip Nayar once said, "The escalating violence in the country frightened me. Still more frightening is the shape it is taking. It has turned in some places communal, regional and ideological." Official jargon of the Indian state dubbed North-eastern part of the country "disturbed areas" infested with institutionalised violence spearheaded by insurgents.
For mainland Indian citizens who read only the Government's version about the North-east, the situation there is highly explosive. In general the North-east people are being identified with atavistic Afghan marauders who during heyday of British colonial rule had disturbed peace on the frontiers of erstwhile Indian subcontinent. There is no denying to the fact that the region is home to above fifty insurgent organisations (according to the report of Home Ministry, Government of India), of which United National Liberation Front (UNLF) of Manipur, Naga Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) constitute the oldest and most notorious organizations in South-Asia-Pacific regional level. The demands of insurgent organizations operating in the region range from ethnic assertion or creation of autonomous regions (within the Indian state) to creation of separate countries.

Northeast insurgency might be perceived a 'political aberration' i.e., a general perception based on terms such as "terrorism", "disturbance" and "law and order problem". Insurgency is very much rooted into the soil of Northeast where overlapping unrests on issues related to economic underdevelopment, ethnic identity assertion, illegal immigration, border dispute and so on were either interplaying or counter-playing. While generalizing insurgency as the most predominant violent expression of the dissenting voice, the purpose of the article is to briefly highlight the weakness on the part of GOI in dealing with core issues that have been thriving ground for breeding insurgency. The article intends to focus on both subjective and objective factors that have so far acted as impediments to the peace process.

Firstly, the secessionist tendency is well connected with the historical background coupled with the sense of alienation prevailing in the popular perception about the notion of responsible government. The perception of being forcibly annexed, militarily occupied, culturally dominated, politically subjugated and economically underdeveloped persists beyond doubt. The perception interplayed with the feeling of negligence by the centre, administrative corruption and security tyranny.

Secondly, the feeling of being underdeveloped is perpetuated against the background of stagnant character of development process that has failed to make sudden investment take off and corresponding equitable distribution for the growing population. In fact, the Northeast is rich in natural resources and is known for its various products across the globe. However, the 60 years of economic policy following the independence has not improved the agrarian sector despite the fact that it alone constituted the primary sources of livelihood of the people. It is indeed astonishing to note that there has not been much improvement in the agricultural facilities, i.e., the basic prerequisite for agricultural modernization, transport facilities, scientific farming and tools and implements.

In term of its industrial and resource utilization the region remains backward without any corresponding infrastructural development required for sustainable growth. The structural adjustment programs, despite the fact that it has tremendous impetus for the growth of notable private/public oil refineries, mining, factories and entrepreneurs, have not substantially addressed the issue of economic backwardness. On the contrary attempts to arbitrary construction of dams and hydro-electricity power projects without adhering to established norms such as Environment Impact Assessment (EIA), Environment Management Plan and Public Hearing (EMP), etc, thereby creating a sense of economic insecurity, displacement and deprivation, have generated confusion and mistrust. As a result, the process of the construction of the Tipaimukh Dam in Churchanpur district of Manipur, the Teesta Hydel Project in Sikkim, the Debang Multipurpose project (3000 mgw) in Arunachal Pradesh, etc., have been widely condemned and protested. Thirdly, the uninterrupted infiltration of foreigners from neighbouring countries like, Bangladesh, Myanmar and Nepal and migrants from neighbouring mainland regions have also generated a sense of insecurity. The feeling that the indigenous Tripuris in Tripura were being outnumbered and subjugated by outsiders have added to the apprehension that infiltration/ migration of outsiders would socially, culturally, politically and economically dominate the 'indigenous population '. The apprehension acted as surrogates to ethno-centric claims for the defence of respective cultural, customary and traditional identities with corresponding claims for control over territory and resources. To cite an example of the extent of the problem, there was a torch-light procession in Assam against illegal immigrants. The failure on the part of the government to address the issue of the demand for implementation of Inner Line Permit system in the Northeast and the extradition of illegal immigrants have generated a sense of insecurity, created unrest and mistrust against the Indian state.

Fourthly, the military policy of the Indian state, beginning with what Neville Maxwell has termed forward policy in early 1950s onwards, a geo-strategically calculated myopic vision of defending the established territorial integrity through military might, have failed to quell insurgency. The military policy that provides the armed forces with impunity, e.g. the controversial AFSPA 1958 has created a situation that the South Asian Human Rights Documentation Centre has termed "security tyranny". The demand of the people for an end to terrorism in any form has not been adequately addressed by the Indian state. Pressures or recommendations from several international bodies, including the UN, the progressive Indians and the government instituted inquiry commissions, e.g. Justice Upendra Inquiry Commission, to repeal the AFSPA on the ground that it violates basic constitutional rights, i.e. right to life, and the series of protest for more than two decades have been turned down by the Supreme Court Ruling of 1997 and the succeeding governments. On the contrary, the government has extended military intervention in social service sectors through implementing 'Military Civic Action Programme' and other cosmetic ad hoc policies. The entire military policy in the Northeast raises several questions against the character of Indian democracy in this region. National security concern must not override the fundamental democratic rights of the people. Indian military policy in the Northeast must be reviewed for a practical peace process. Otherwise, the authoritarian military policy will continue to perpetuate what may be called dissenting movement or secessionism in the north east.

The government of India and its armed forces had entered into several rounds of ceasefire with several secessionist parties in the past and has been continuing it with NSCN (IM) and other insurgent groups such as the Kuki militants in Manipur. The situation has created temporary end of armed clash between the negotiating parties. However, it has only added to increase propaganda activities of the negotiating parties towards the general population and has also generated inter-community misunderstanding on matters related to the geographical extent of the implication of the agreement so on and so forth. Negotiation with any insurgency organization, of course, is a leap towards in the peace process. And yet, any peace initiative that would not adequately address the fundamental issues that have paved the way to the breeding of insurgency or anti-Indian establishment feeling would remain cosmetic and apolitical in the long process. The sincerity of the Indian state in dealing with the issues, its transparency and accountability in handling the peace process are wanting.

So in trying to bring peace and a long lasting solution in the North-east region, the government should try explore the most possible way to negotiate the armed guerrillas, though they are mostly based on different ideological factors, and to bring them for peace talks. The foremost thing is to be sincere from the government side. For now as one understands that the whole problems could only be solved through political dialogue and effective political campaign not militarization the region. Power might come from the barrel of gun, but peace doesn't come from the barrel of gun. [Leichombam Kullajit, IFP]
Manipur outfit warns of ‘communal war’ Nagarealm.com
Imphal, [TI] : The Revolutionary Peoples Front (RPF), one of the major militant outfits in Manipur, today warned that the suspension of operation agreement between the army and tribal militant groups could trigger a “communal war” in the state.
The warning issued by the outfit’s president Irengbam Chaoren has come at a time when the Okram Ibobi Singh government is preparing to join the peace process initiated by the army. Ruling out the prospect of any dialogues, Chaoren said the army was using the pact to treat the rebel groups as a “weapon” to contain “revolutionary” organisations in Manipur through separate dealings and tactical support.

“The present step by the Indian Army of carrying out covert understanding with rebel groups of various communities in Manipur in the name of negotiation is a kind of destabilising act by putting a wedge between various communities. “Unless the step is taken back immediately, a communal war is certainly bound to happen in Manipur,” the leader warned. The army entered into a suspension of operations agreement with more than 10 tribal militant groups in 2005. The militant groups are Kuki National Army, Kuki Liberation Army, Kuki Revolutionary Army, United Kuki Liberation Front, Kuki National Front (Military Council), Kuki National Front (Zougam), Kuki National Front (President), Hmar Peoples’ Convention (Democratic) and United Socialist Revolutionary Army.

The Ibobi Singh government is finalising ground rules for entering into a truce with these militant groups. The Peoples United Liberation Front has also made a similar agreement with the security forces. However, it is not clear whether the government will bring the outfit into the peace talks fold. Chaoren also alleged that the recent killing of 10 members of the Kuki Liberation Army by NSCN (I-M) and the Naga-Kuki and Kuki-Paite clashes were instigated by the army. He said if India wanted peace in Manipur, then it should end the present “colonial” regime. “India should take this very seriously or else there cannot be any peaceful understanding other than a bloody war.” Expressing concern over the change in global weather, the outfit urged the people to follow the example set by China where persons between 11 and 60 years have to plant five saplings every year. “If we remain doing nothing, saying the government is not implementing aforestation programmes, the loss will be for Manipur.”


Sino-Indian boundary talks begin Assam Tribune
BEIJING, Sept 24 – Amid a flurry of high-level bilateral contacts and positive remarks, the Special Representatives of India and China today kicked off a crucial round of boundary negotiations here today, raising hopes for further progress in resolving the vexed issue, reports PTI. National Security Adviser MK Narayanan, who is India’s Special Representative, arrived here this afternoon and soon after met with his Chinese counterpart, Dai Bingguo, also the Chinese Vice Foreign Minister for informal talks, sources told PTI here. The 11th round of boundary negotiations will be held from tomorrow and will last till Wednesday. The latest round of in-camera boundary negotiations are taking place ahead of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s planned visit to China later this year.

The last round was held in India in April. “Undeniably there are some outstanding issues between China and India but we have established guiding political principles to seek solutions to these issues. I believe that as long as the two sides demonstrate sincerity and patience and uphold the principles of mutual respect, mutual benefit and mutual understanding, we are bound to find solutions to this issue. Both China and India value universal love and harmony,” Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao said recently. But Chinese experts are not very optimistic that an early solution could be found to the protracted boundary issue that has marred the normal development of Sino-Indian relations.
“I don’t think we can find an immediate solution to the boundary issue,” Ma Jiali, Research Professor with the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, said. “Both sides should take steps to increase confidence building measures and try and work out joint military exercises, joint research on issues like climate change,” Ma, a prominent Chinese scholar on South Asian issues, said.
Moily hope for peace process A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph
Guwahati, Sept. 24: The appointment of former Karnataka chief minister Veerappa Moily as the AICC general secretary in-charge of Assam is expected to give a big boost to the floundering peace process with Ulfa. Moily replaces former Madhya Pradesh chief minister Digvijay Singh, who has been given charge of Uttar Pradesh.
Sources in the government as well as the ruling Congress indicated that given Moily’s interest in insurgency, the state can look forward to the resumption of the peace process which has become a victim of apparent doublespeak by both the Centre and Ulfa. The sources added that Moily had enquired about the insurgency problem plaguing the state on several visits to the state and has close ties with one of the prime movers of the peace process, Mamoni Raisom Goswami.
“Being a literatteur , he shares a close rapport with the author. They often interact and Moily had paid a visit to her residence as a courtesy call. We expect that the resumption of the process will be expedited with Moily in charge,” a party insider said. However, Moily’s appointment may pit him against a section of Congress ministers and leaders who prefer a status quo rather than a resolution of the problem. This section feels that Ulfa always uses the peace talks as a pretext to regroup, making efforts at reconciliation futile.
Glimpses of Kajir’s realm - Karbi village inside Kaziranga to showcase way of life SARAT SARMA The Telegraph
Kaziranga, Sept. 24: Visitors to the famed Kaziranga National Park next year would not only carry home the sound and sight of the wild but also a slice of the Karbi way of life. Implemented by the Karbi Anglong district administration and funded by the Centre, an ethnic Karbi village will be set up allowing visitors to sample the way of life of the community, which believes that the park gets its name from a Karbi mythological heroine — Kajir Ranghangpi.
Though more than 50 Karbi villages surround the northern part of the national park, the project will be monitored by two Karbi-dominated villages — Chandra Singh and Phawn Ingti — located on the fringes. A sum of Rs 2 crore has been released for the implementation of the first phase. As and when completed, the project will not only help visitors become familiar with the community but also help in the economic uplift of the local residents. The salient features of this ethno-adventure project will be more than a dozen hamtuns (Karbi homes), an amphitheatre where the traditional culture of the community would be displayed, a restaurant where the emphasis would be on traditional cuisine, a centre where an outsider would be shown how the community uses herbs for treatment as well as fashion shows.
A team of trained youths will guide a tourist in tracking and exploring the adjoining hills.
“We plan to involve all the people of the two villages in an organised manner. Local boys would guide the tourists while the girls and the elderly women would be involved in cultural shows. The hamtuns would be used as guesthouses where tourists can spend a night among the people. Cultural programmes and exhibitions of jewellery, clothes, food items, herbal medicines would be held everyday during the tourist season,” a source said. “You cannot talk about Kaziranga without mentioning the Karbis. But the tribe is still largely ignored. Though the popularity of the park is increasing by the day, not much is known about the people who are so much a part of Kaziranga. So, this is a welcome project for our disadvantaged people,” a local youth, Bidorsingh Ingti, said.
“We will involve the local villagers for the safety and security of the visitors. However, special security would be arranged if it is found necessary,” said Karbi Anglong deputy commissioner M. Angamuthu. The concern for security stems from the fact that the anti-talks faction of the Karbi militant outfit is active in the area.
Revolution will continue unless India departs : RPF chief-I By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, Sep 24: Making the stand of the Revolutionary Peoples’ Front clear, its president Irengbam Chao-ren today asserted that the revolutionary struggle in Manipur will never end until India departs or is forced to depart. Sharing the outfit’s thoughts and ideologies with the people on the occasion of the 29th Raising Day of the PLA, the armed wing of the RPF, which falls on September 25, the RPF president said that if India wants peace in Manipur as well as maintain a long lasting relationship, then they should bring their rule in Manipur to an end. Touching on a vast range of issues, Chaoren said that though Manipur has been under India for the last 58 years, she still refuses to acknowledge that Manipur was once an independent country which was annexed by Delhi. Instead of recognising this fact, India has been using democracy as a tool to draw the people of Manipur into its fold and the election process in Manipur is nothing but an attempt to show that Manipur is a part of India, said the RPF leader.
“However Indian democracy and its election cannot be the real democracy and real election for Manipur,” observed Chaoren and added that those who are wielding power in Manipur today through the Indian election process are doing so as representatives of India. Asserting that those wielding power in Manipur should be responsible for the suffering of the people, the RPF leader said that the development plank is being used to entice the people to strengthen Indian rule.
However India which itself is home to more than forty percent of the world’s poor can never make Manipur fully developed with her money, he asserted. “It can even be said that the little amount of money which is being sanctioned to Manipur is presently is because of the revolutionary activities.”, claimed Chaoren
Slamming India for its double talk, Chaoren said that peaceful negotiation through dialogue is a term bandied by Delhi but at the same time they have been using their military force to suppress the movement. India is under the presumption that the increasing arrests of revolutionaries as well as those being martyred is sign to finish off the revolutionary movement through military might. However this is not the case, said Chaoren and reminded India that there is no sign that the number of revolutionaries have fallen. As long as India continues with her rule over Manipur, the number of revolutionaries will continue to increase. India is under the wrong notion that retirement of revolutionaries from active service is an indicator of the movement going wrong, said the RPF leader and added that the training and revolutionary thoughts inculcated is in a long term perspective. The number of RPF cadres leading civilian life should not be construed as a decrease in the strength of the outfit, said the RPF chief and added that the ultimate aim of providing them military training is to ready them for the imminent show down in the future. One day or the other the retired cadres will surely join the revolutionary struggle. Asserting that the RPF should not be seen in the same light as the other revolutionary organisations, Chaoren said that it has been built with the character of a true revolutionary party. The fact that the party, in its 28 years of existence has never suffered from any split or factionalism is a clear example of the discipline and mutual trust amongst the cadres of RPF and its army the PLA, said the RPF leader. Taking these factors into account, RPF is today one of the unassailable revolutionary parties of Manipur. On the question of all the revolutionary parties coming under one platform and work in unison, Chaoren said that though RPF desires this, it cannot take it for granted that the revolutionary movements in Manipur can be undertaken once a few parties with the same vision come under one platform.
Nine inmates hurt in clashes inside Sajiwa jail The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Sept 24: At least nine inmates of the Manipur Central Jail, Sajiwa were hospitalized after many of them were injured in a wild altercation that erupted inside the jail premises Monday. Three of hospitalized inmates were injured in the free for all among themselves and others suffered injuries in the lathi-charge by the security personnel guarding the jail in an attempt to control the crowd. The personnel of 228th Battalion Central Reserve Police Force, CRPF guarding the jail complex lathi-charged the jail inmates to control them. Among the nine inmates hospitalized today at around noon at JN Hospital, Porompat, around half were undertrial prisoners who are cadres of different insurgent groups while others were in the jail in different cases. A Burmese national named Md. Basir Hussain arrested by the security forces from Moreh in connection with illegal intrusion into Indian territory was also among the injured inmates. Altogether 15 foreigners rounded up by the Assam Rifles at Moreh on August 17 are currently in the Sajiwa jail. One among the hospitalized inmates sustained serious injuries at the head and leg. Others also received injuries at the heads and other parts of the body. All of them were examined for any fractures in their body parts where they complained of pain.
As recounted by one injured inmate, L James who is a PREPAK cadre, the disorderly fight took place between the inmates of Sector-2 and Sector-1 of the jail. Inmates lodged at the jail are kept in sectors and each sector is controlled by a commander selected by the jail authorities from among the inmates.

Actually, the fight was started by members of Sector-1 who started stoning them, James said. Recalling the earlier acrimony between the rival sides James said that the members of Sector-1 always ill-treated them taking advantage of any misconduct. He said that one of the inmates was confined in a separate cell alone for one month as punishment for misconduct against the members of Sector-1. The inmate was released from lone confinement after completion of his one month term two days back but alleging that members of Sector-1 were not informed at the time of his released, repeatedly attempted to assault him, James said.
"We agreed he got the punishment but could not agree that we should be under their diktat, so members of Sector-2 revolted against them, he justified. Many including the commander of Sector-2 to which James belongs suffered severe wounds at the face and other parts of the body.

The nine injured inmates hospitalized at JN hospital are S Inoucha, the commander of Sector-2, Th Dang, S Suresh, Suranjoy, T Momba, L James, Md Basir, Burmese national, Nimthang and Thongcheisang. James and Momba are PREPAK cadres while Nimthang and Thongcheisang are said to be KNF or KRA cadres. The others are civilians lodged in the jail in connection with different cases. Majority of them are undertrial prisoners while only two to three are convicts. The tension is high inside the jail but the situation is under control, sources at the jail added.