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09/14/2007: "BJP sees 'sinister design' in truce extension with NSCN-IM New Kerala"
14 September 2007 Friday
BJP sees 'sinister design' in truce extension with NSCN-IM New Kerala
Kohima, Sep 14 : The BJP has accused the Congress-led UPA Government at the Centre of having ‘sinister designs’ in the indefinite extension of a cease-fire between the Government and the NSCN-IM.
The BJP also termed it a ''ploy'' to gain political mileage on the verge of the Assembly elections, slated to be held in the first part of next year.
Addressing a press conference last evening, BJP national spokesman Rajiv Pratap Rudy appealed to the UPA Government to spell out their intention and provisions for ensuing peace in Nagaland instead of making 'ambiguous' and 'dangerous' statements, as the Naga people, including those working for peace in the state, had a right to know about the proceedings and peace proposals.
''The ambiguity shown by the Congress leadership in its statement is dangerous,'' he stated.
Answering a question, Mr Rudy said there was no leadership crisis in the BJP in Nagaland and the party was in total favour of another coalition government.
He also said the BJP was pleased and comfortable with the present Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) Government and they were 'judiciously' using the funds arranged by the then NDA Government in the Centre for the developmental works for the people.
The BJP leader condemned the lackadaisical approach of the Union Government in providing resources for infrastructural support for the four-lane highway on NH-39, airport in Kohima, power generation projects and tourism infrastructure for the state.
Mr Rudy was all praise for the people of Nagaland for electing BJP legislators to serve them in remotest parts of the country and acknowledged immense contribution of BJP legislators and ministers for contributing towards the people of the state.
He also opined that Nagaland and the rest of the North-eastern states of the country still had untapped potential of hydro-power electricity and suggested that these sectors be given top priority to convert the region to a power house of the country.--- UNI
Historic Milestone for Indigenous Peoples Worldwide as UN Adopts Rights Declaration Permanent Forum PRESS RELEASE
New York, 13 September – Marking an historic achievement for the more than 370 million indigenous peoples worldwide, the General Assembly today adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the result of more than two decades of consultation and dialogue among governments and indigenous peoples from all regions.
"Today, by adopting the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples we are making further progress to improve the situation of indigenous peoples around the world," stated General Assembly President Haya Al Khalifa.
"We are also taking another major step forward towards the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all."
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon warmly welcomed the adoption, calling it "a triumph for indigenous peoples around the world."
He further noted that "this marks a historic moment when UN Member States and indigenous peoples reconciled with their painful histories and resolved to move forward together on the path of human rights, justice and development for all."
Adopted by the Human Rights Council in June 2006, the Declaration emphasizes the rights of indigenous peoples to maintain and strengthen their own institutions, cultures and traditions and to pursue their development in keeping with their own needs and aspirations. It
establishes an important standard for eliminating human rights violations against indigenous peoples worldwide and for combating discrimination and marginalization.
"The 13th of September 2007 will be remembered as an international human rights day for the Indigenous Peoples of the world, a day that the United Nations and its Member States, together with Indigenous Peoples, reconciled with past painful histories and decided to march into the future on the path of human rights," said Ms. Vicky Tauli-Corpuz, Chairperson of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues.
The Declaration addresses both individual and collective rights, cultural rights and identity, rights to education, health, employment, language and others. The Declaration explicitly encourages harmonious and cooperative relations between States and Indigenous Peoples.
It prohibits discrimination against indigenous peoples and promote their full and effective participation in all matters that concern them.
Calling the Declaration "tangible proof of the increasing cooperation of States, Indigenous Peoples and the international community as a whole for the promotion and protection of the human rights of indigenous peoples", Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs, Mr.Sha Zukang said that the UN "has fulfilled its role as the world's parliament and has responded to the trust that Indigenous Peoples around the world placed in it, that it will stand for dignity and justice, development and peace for all, without discrimination."
The Declaration was adopted by an overwhelming majority of the General Assembly, with 143 countries voting in support, 4 voting against (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States) and 11 abstaining (Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burundi, Colombia, Georgia, Kenya, Nigeria, Russian Federation, Samoa, Ukraine).
Prayers held in churches, black flags hoisted
Imphal, SEPT13 [TI] : The Kuki community in Manipur today urged the Centre to ensure justice for its people who were killed by Naga militants in the early Nineties. The Kukis reminded Delhi about its “failure” to ensure “justice” for over 900 Kukis, who were allegedly killed by the NSCN (I-M).
Kukis renew justice plea Nagaream.com
The Kukis also alleged that over 350 villages were razed by the NSCN (I-M) during the Naga-Kuki clashes. The Kuki community observed today as “black day” in memory of the Kukis killed during the ethnic clashes between 1992 and 1995. Armed Naga militants slaughtered 105 unarmed Kuki women, children and elderly men at Joupi in Tamenglong district and Gelnel in Senapati district on this day in 1993. The Kukis have been observing this day as Black Day every year. Highlights of today’s programme included group prayers in churches and hoisting of black flags atop houses belonging to Kukis.
Members of the Kuki community suspended the day’s routine activities. “Prayers were held in every church located in the Kuki-inhabited areas today. We did not work today. We also put up black flags atop every house,” said Apao Haokip, adviser of the Kuki Students Organisation. A prayer meeting was also held at Imphal’s Kuki Inn. Important Kuki leaders, including student leaders and community leaders, took part in the programme. Haokip said the prayers were held for attaining peace in society and in memory of those killed. “We only pray for peace. We do not have any yearning for revenge in our minds when we observe this ‘black day’,” another Kuki leader said. In a statement, T. Lunkim, adviser to the Kuki Inpi, Manipur, pointed out that the last rites of those killed during the clashes were yet to be performed. The Kuki Inpi, Manipur, undertook a peace initiative with the United Naga Council (UNC) in 1994. But the UNC spurned the peace initiative, he claimed. Asserting that the Kukis in Manipur were seeking justice for the Kukis killed and Kuki villages devastated by the NSCN (I-M), he complained that the Centre has not done anything to deliver justice.
“The NSCN (I-M) killed the Kukis as part of its struggle for freedom. But if the Centre is not going to protect the Kukis, who will protect us?” the adviser of the apex organisation of the Kukis asked. On September 3, 10 Kuki Liberation Army (KLA) activists were killed by the NSCN (I-M) at Tangkhul Hundung in Ukhrul district. The incident sparked considerable tension between the communities. However, the tension subsided after the Kuki Inpi, Manipur, and the UNC intervened. However, the KLA has not withdrawn its demand seeking that the weapons snatched by the NSCN (I-M) from the slain activists be returned. The outfit also wants the dispute settled in accordance with customary tribal laws. The Kuki community also rejected charges levelled by the NSCN (I-M) that the KLA comprised anti-revolutionary and criminal elements, which had hijacked vehicles and abducted people for ransom.
The irony of revolution The Tangkhul
In death, the revolution will be taken to new height. Because resistance by moribund groups like Khaplang is ultimately doomed to failure. Such groups employ various forms of struggle against the mounting revolutionary movement paying the least regards to human dignity and woman's honor. Counter revolutionary force normally exist sans revolutionary ethics. Caught in the situation vulnerable to be used as a counter force, Khaplang group today has dehumanized its movement and has adopted an extreme and ruthless form of struggle, just for the heck of making its presence felt. Such reactionary forces in general strive to use terror and violence as seen today in the form of Khaplang group.
Though no vocabulary words is strong enough to condemn the heinous crime of Khaplang group- having the composition of the members with criminal mind-set, a situation is being strengthened to awaken the revolutionary consciousness and to arouse the determination of the revolutionary force to storm the tide of reactionary forces.
NSCN, in the course of its revolutionary movement, shall always respect the law of revolution- correct leadership of the masses capable of elaborating a correct strategy and tactics of the struggle, and to apply them in practice. People shall be the judge, and people's will must prevail as a force against reactionary forces. Therefore, working with the masses through correct form of struggle shall remain the central issue in the struggle between NSCN force and other counters revolutionary groups.
This is the irony of revolution with counter-revolutionary forces, showing its true colour is such cowardice manner. Gone are the revolutionary martyrs but NSCN will be doing injustice to them if words of gratitude are not given to Jotsoma Women Organization, Jotsoma Village Council and Jotsoma Youth Organization who have exemplified all human feeling and understanding to give the dead bodies a semblance of honor and dignity by covering the bodies with traditional Angami shawls, particularly of Major PK Stone, Chaplain and his lady wife Maireila, a mother of four children. May these organizations be blessed by God and be the torch bearer of humanity.
MIP, GPRN/ NSCN(IM)
Livingstone and the Naga insurgency By Donn Morgan Kipgen Sangai Express
The peaceful demise of the NSCN(IM)’s senior-most original tactical commander S/S Col Livingstone Tangkhul, with his boots-off, in Ukhrul district on 12th September 2007, has left a big hole in a long fought insurgency movement of the Nagas in Manipur range. His tactical achievements in field combats during his heydays, the end results notwithstanding, like S/S Maj T James Kipgen of the Kuki National Front (KNF), with audacious precision strikes and mental courage, would be almost unsurpassable. Simple and known to be soft-spoken, military-minded as he was, ‘Col’ Livingstone must have to be the tactical commander who strategically lifted the military might of the NSCN(IM) to its highest fighting force to reckon with. Of course, his fellow field commanders like ‘Brig’ Atem, Ramkhating, etc. might have been a part of the NSCN(IM) strike force who put the fear of God in the minds of the State police, MR and central paramilitary forces in the mid-1980s, but Mr T Linvingstone lived up to his name by keeping a low profile with high profile tactical achievements. Since he was the top most commander of the ‘much-feared’ NSCN(IM), three of the most audacious and successful ambushes and one unparalleled arms-looting i.e. decamping of as many as 95 SLRs about four LMGs, 10 Sten Carbines, pistols and mortars, HF radios, plus over 2000 rds of assorted ammos at the Naga Oinam’s AR post with Machiavellian ruse works, ought to be rightfully attributed to this Tangkhul-Naga warrior too. Unfortunately, nine AR jawans, including a JCO, were hacked to death with hands tied. What happened in the aftermath was unrecorded history.
He seemed to have no personal hatred to the Kukis as a whole though things might have changed otherwise drastically. Mr Livingstone was said to be one of the first UG outfits’ commanders to introduce the then princely Kalashnikovs and M-16 amongst the NE UG fraternity. And it was during his strong leadership period when the NSCN(IM) militants killed as many as 25 or more armed forces personnel in three stunning and bloody ambushes. Another 34 jawans of AR and BRTF were unceremoniously mowed by suspected NSCN(IM) about 10 years back in Tamenglong district with a same precision strikes and tactical set up. In insurgency movement and CI OPs, it is the number of dead bodies and arms looted or recovered that really matters most, an open example of achievement, as long as the victims are not civilians or unarmed persons. Everything is free and fair in war and love, and the killings are not inhuman nor ungodly in real gun-battles, armed encounters and conventional ambushes, etc. However, any type of avoidable killings on any purpose has to be condoned and condemned by one and all, especially in strict Christian tradition.
Since the name of the late Livingstone was quite conspicuous by its absence during the bloody Kuki-Naga ethnic war, it is hard to pass any judgment upon his political role as an influential NSCN(IM) senior commander. It would be very interesting for any research scholar to know whether he was instrumental in keeping most of the proper Ukhrul district areas calm and peaceful amidst gruesome killings in all other Naga-inhabited areas. He was still a respectable force to be reckoned with at that crucial time period. But then, past is past and ‘Col’ Livingstone alone could not single-handedly changed the course of that horrific ethnic war. However, Mr Livingstone definitely has a rightful place among the best of UG outfit’s commanders in the history of NE insurgency movement. As for his life after death, only the Almighty God has the right to pass judgment for his deeds on earth. Though he might not have any direct hand nor authorised the gory massacres during the Kuki-Naga ethnic war, it was sincerely more appropriate for him to pass away peacefully a couple of day before 13th September, since the 13th day of September is observed as the Black Day of the Kukis.
In time honoured military Code of Honour, a fitting tribute has to be given for his real combat achievements and for his dedication to the cause of the Naga Nation in two different insurgency movements. His factual activities and status ought to be put together in full details, both the good and the bad parts, by learned Naga military researchers along with other past NSCN(IM)’s top commanders. The rise of ‘Col’ Livingstone, ‘Maj Gen’ Atem, Th Muivah and SS Khaplang etc in Manipur insurgency movements coincided with the rise of one Ahanthem Romen Kumar, SP of Imphal dist, then MPS officer and young SIs N Lokhon and Mobi, ASIs Krishnatombi, Rajen etc which saw the formation of a strike force called ‘police commandos’ armed only with 9mm pistols, Sten Carbines and .303 rifles for other ranks. At that time, the most well-known PLA commander was one Temba, whose Kuki-wife, Mary was interned at the Leimakhong Army’s prison. The professional relationship between the then CM of Manipur, Shri Rishang Keishing, also on the rise, with the then SP, Imphal, A Romenkumar (now IPS, IG L/O 1) was rather quite similar to this present CM of Manipur and the SP, Imphal-West, in all technical aspects pertaining to revitalisation of the State’s capital law-enforcement. Whatsoever the other professional records might be, Shri Romenkumar Singh, IPS, one of the most decorated police officers in India, should be given the hard earned credit for forming the now much-feared Manipur Police Commandos. Those who ought to be honoured, has to be sincerely honoured.At present Mr Livingstone had left behind a well-respected UG militant outfit i.e the NSCN(IM), in its most uncertain and tumultuous hours at the hands of two powerful Naga UG leaders. His high-flying strike forces warriors which created a terror in the minds of his enemy have now been grounded for nearly 10 years period without combat experiences since the signing of Ceasefire with the GOI. Without any major arms procurement, training and recruitments, military exercises, etc, the NSCN(IM) would be hard pressed to drive home their once powerful voice if there has to be any full scale counter-offensive against the GOI, as once hinted clearly by the NSCN(IM) Supremo, Th Muivah. During an interview with Jonathan Head, then Correspondent, BBC South-East Asia, on 5th July, 2001, asked ‘if the NSCN(IM) would be prepared to go back to the armed struggle’, Mr Th Muivah swiftly replied: ‘Yes we are bound (sic), there is no other option. If the Indian Govt would betray us, we cannot honour them and there is no (other) solution whatsover. We have to honour our own commitment, they must also honour their own commitment. Then there can (only) be mutual trust between us, so the Peace (talk) would go smoothly. Otherwise it is meaningless to talk. We can fight. Naturally, we will be forced to go back to square one’. Well, that was about 6 years ago, but the situation is pretty quite different now. The GOI’s representatives have virtually tried to run down the clock upon the ageing and the older NSCN(IM) leadership. Time is running out for them after all these years but not a single peaceful or ‘profitable’ argument has been signed officially between the GOI and NSCN(IM) till now. The question is blowing in the wind. Will they or won’t they? With the ever stronger NSCN(K) on open war-path and so intimidating with equal fire-power, things are not as rosy and calm as they se-em to be. Anything could happen if not tackle well.
NISC, strongly questions the killing of Kuki cadres Nagalim.UK
Press Statement
Amsterdam, September 12 2007: The Naga International Support Center, NISC, strongly questions the killing of Kuki cadres by the Naga soldiers of NSCN.
As we understand it fully armed Kuki soldiers terrorized the citizens of a Naga village. They did not yield to the requests of NSCN men to vacate the place. Irrespective of what transpired between these armed to the teeth Kuki forces and the equally fully armed members of the NSCN-IM, it is certain that the Kukis were on Naga territory. As reported they had been there for several days and it is known that some Kuki groups, operating under the strong influence of other military organizations, to destabilize the situation created havoc among the Nagas. Kuki soldiers trespassed, committed crimes against Naga civilians or as the NSCN-IM stated in its press release indulged in other criminal acts, yet the question is should they have been killed?
Irrespective too is if NSCN-IM soldiers acted on their own account or had been given an order by the NSCN authorities, NISC questions the NSCN-IM as to why the Kuki men had to be massacred. Did the well trained NSCN soldiers have no other measures at their disposal? Could these men not have been apprehended and either turned over to the authorities to be tried in a court, like a democratic NSCN-IM envisages? Is not the only justifiable exception to the rule of not being able to catch the criminals when these Kuki soldiers threatened to kill the NSCN-IM men and they, in fear of their lives, had to retaliate?
No one has the right to take the life of another. If the Kuki criminals committed the crimes NSCN-IM men accused them of why did they not arrest them, charge them, hold in custody for further questioning and as a deterrent to other likewise groups meting out a sentence to set an example for other likewise criminals? NISC does not believe that escalation is warranted!
Since there is no justifiable explanation the Naga International Support Center, NISC, questions the National Socialist Council of Nagaland, NSCN, on its own merits of justice and condemns the outright killing of ten Kuki men.
The Naga International Support Center calls on the NSCN to rethink its stand on how to behave in relative peace during cease fire, how to keep its armed soldiers occupied and disciplined; or is it the Christian Nagas have abandoned the 'love thy neighbor' principle?
A Naga International Support Center, NISC, A human rights organization www.nagalim.nl
Defending a Lawless Law:Kekhrie Yhome Naganation.com
'What is the law?' has perhaps captured more imaginations than ever as in legal hermeneutics or theory but more so in the truth and reason 'law' claims to be. Franz Kafka's "Before the Law" (in The Trail) captures the imaginary of a person wanting to enter and see the "Law" but is prevented by a "doorkeeper" who guards the Law. The doorkeeper does not refuse entry nor allows entry but the permission to enter into the Law "had merely been delayed." Jacques Derrida, commenting on this axiomatic fable, says that the "[legal] texts guards itself, maintains itself - like the law, speaking only of itself, that is to say, of its non-identity with itself. It neither arrives nor lets anyone arrive. It is the law, makes the law and leaves the reader before the law."
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 (afspa) was there again, recently, as a law, as a mired controversy. The declaration of 'Nagaland State' as a "disturbed area" (afspa Section 2(b) read with Section 3) due to expire on 22 July, 2003 has had been re-extended. The Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (dan) led government has had recommended the non-extension of the same. The Naga Students' Federation (nsf) and Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (npmhr) have, as before, strongly voiced not only the against the likelihood of extension but against the very erasure of such "draconian laws." The 'centre' thought it otherwise; it has its own panoptic vision for the 'peripheral'. It was re-extended, as always before. There are certain questions that are pertinent because these laws are set by humans themselves and are conceptually used for or against a human condition, again. Similarly, the political philosophy on what is there in a law or what makes it all pervading continues to assume newer dimensions, resonating classic statements as in Montaigne, who observes, "even our law, it is said [like science], has legitimate fictions on which it bases the truth of its justice." Why are laws absolute, especially afspa?
In early1980s, writ petitions (wp) were filed in the Supreme Court (hereafter sc) of India, challenging the constitutional validity of the afspa, by the npmhr; Peoples Union for Democratic Rights, Delhi, and Human Rights Forum, Manipur. Some fifteen years latter, on 27th November, 1997, the sc discussed the case and delivered its judgement (npmhr vs. Union of India) by upholding that the Constitution of India is not a "colourable legislation or a fraud," therein validating the legitimacy of afspa. The wp numbers 5328 of 1980, 9229-30 of 1980, 550 of 1982, and 13644-45 of 1984, advocating the fundamental rights enshrined under Articles 14, 19, 21, 22, and 25 were obliterated and, rather, the Constitution of India was placed as above the dignity of life and liberty of any north-easterners. Post-1997, as if the afspa or other similar legislation like the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act, 1985, (tada) were not sufficient, the President of India, on 24 October, 2001, promulgated the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (poto), which subsequently became an Act of Parliament. One creates the law and the other obeys or violates the law, then.
Afspa traces its genealogy and ideology to the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance, 1942, when the Quit India Movement against the British Raj was at its peak. The colonial British felt the necessity of conferring extraordinary (martial) powers to the British army to brutally contained the militancy and insurgency of Indians. Five years latter, the British left. Six years later, the Assam Maintenance of Public Order (Autonomous Districts) Act was enacted and legislated to contain the militancy and insurgency of Nagas. In 1955, the Assam Disturbed Areas Act was legislated, which latter became Armed Forces (Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Act of 1958. The 1972 and 1986 Amendments enlarged the operational areas of the 1958 Act to the whole of "north-east India" and it thereafter became entitled afspa. Inculcating the 'Ordinance' of 1942 as a colonial legacy, among many other legacies, of the British Raj, was, therefore, seen, by neo-colonial Indian elites, as a socio-political necessity, to have laws, to retain power and protect "national interests." The 1997 npmhr vs. Union of India sc judgement on afspa or the 2003 re-extension of "disturbed areas act," against odds, was, therefore, obviously, for the sanctity (sic!) of the Constitution of India as the law and in the interest of India, politically and militarily.
For, the afspa, quite literally, empowers more powers to the Armed Forces of India, which include the Army, Navy, and Air Force. These extra-juridical powers are necessary because the normal powers conferred to the killing machines are seen as incapable of fashioning brutality. The legal provisions of afspa and its practical implications for civilians have had been already put into test and debate and the sc, in acidic perspective, has understood it. The 1997 judgement however failed to read the atrocious undercurrents in the legal framework undermining democratic practices or, rather, has clearly enunciated a juridical ethics based on jingoism. A sc advocate Ravindra Bhat bitterly comments that afspa's "powers" and "enactment of immunities… is subversive of the democratic system granted to us."
The culpability of the Armed Forces of India is purely a matter of defending India as a country. The term "disturbed areas" therefore subsumes external aggression, open armed rebellion, and internal threat. The legal judgement for such declaration remarks that "there must exist a grave situation of law and order on the basis of which… an opinion [can be formed] that the area is in such a disturbed or dangerous condition that the use of armed forces in aid of the civil power is necessary" (conclusion 7 of sc judgement). The use of standing territorial army as a means of aiding "civil power" and control continues to remain farcical in India because of the executive/legislative/judicial tripartite struggle for power exhibitionism but also because of the weak nature of Indian state as a proper nation-state. A leading contemporary Indian political theorist C.P. Bhambhri notes that "[M]any serious acts of omission and commission were committed by the armed forces in their anti-insurgency operations that the local people come to equate terrorists with state terrorism in India. This illustration shows that the Indian state lacks proper instruments to implement and enforce the goals of authoritarianism."
Clearly, the need for afspa and therein re-extending "disturbed areas" expresses in clear terms the fragile tenets defining laws meant for the democratic welfare and value for the people and laws meant for elucidating control and authoritarianism. It needs to be first understood here that afspa is not a military law, unlike the Army Act that preaches ignorance of democratic traditions or emergency legislation like Defence of India Act. It is a civil law, and its sui generis explanation is to facilitate the Indian Armed Forces to commit excess, whose personals, otherwise, are not even bound by civil courts. While acknowledging that civil laws like afspa are bad, the sc has willingly failed to re-structure such legislation. Instead, the sc judgement over the constitutional validity of afspa incorporated military laws like "dos and don'ts" into civil laws, which can be best interpreted as an avowed inclination to the pressures of the respondent's or a predisposed ignorance for such undemocratic legislation.
Secondly, the extension of "disturbed areas" succinctly implies and impinges on the quasi-federal constructs of India. Of the three authorities identified to declare an area as "disturbed" - a) the Governor of the State b) the Administrator of the Union Territory (ut) and c) the Central Government - it has been made clear that this arrangement is not based on 'delegation of powers" to the State Governor or ut Authority by the Central Government but based on a "statutory conferment of power." The sc judgement in mention no. 8 further adds that the declaration of disturbed areas act "can be made or revoked by the Central Government suo motu without consulting the State Government concerned, but it is desirable that the State Government should be consulted while making or revoking the declaration" (in italics, my stress). The gawky-panky recommendation of the dan-led 'Nagaland' Government over the extension of "disturbed areas" has actually no real relevance. Ever since the 1972 and 1986 amendments, the state has been relegated without any powers over military aid/engagement to civil governance (sic!). Moreover, the current stalemate, where bjp is even a common denominator to both Central and Nagaland governments, only shows a centre trying to overrule the apprehension of a subordinate, articulating and reaffirming who holds the final last word. But, this is a serious observation because it has larger political implications, and it is not just about atrocious laws!
This brings us to our final and third observation. Reportage says that the Central Government's version of necessitating a re-extension of "disturbed areas act" in Nagaland was arrived at on the basis of continuing factional clashes between Nagas themselves. This is a good sign of progress because the original sin when India first forced upon the neo-colonial "disturbed areas act" on the Nagas has now been infringed and relegated of status and reasons. The parliamentary debates of India in the post-independent India till 1970's still have convincing ignorance about the Nagas and the uprising of the same has been seen as a matter of external aggression to India. It was only when Indo-Naga political negotiation was reduced from Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, to a subjected matter or Ministry of Home Affairs that 'law and order' replaced and paraphrased the hidden 'conventional warfare'. The present conscious effort to denigrate the current Indo-Naga peace process and political negotiations, which npmhr has rightly pointed out, through the re-extension of "disturbed areas act" contributes to two conclusions in international diplomacy and the so-claimed style of humanitarian interventions through military means.
The Government of India (GoI) has clearly undermined the confidence building measures that are taking place or have had been reached at in its current talks with Nagas. This, often alluded with the prisoner's dilemma in Game Theory, is a strategic move. GoI has never been in a more precarious and embarrassing situation ever since the 1997 ceasefire rollback suffered in "area coverage," leading to the Meitei June 2001 uprising, when the nscn-im 'collective leadership' trapped the moves of the former with such effective negotiation not concerning any agreements. Now it wants to see how the nscn-im, dan government and the Naga civil society react to a sort of 'what is next' game. And, finally, by justifying that confrontations internal to the Nagas is a matter of concern, the GoI has flashed its dirty linens publicly (code-phrased 'humanitarian intervention') and betrayed its tactical commitment by saying that it still has a role in the primordial Aesopian fable of divide and rule. Perhaps Manoranjan can re-review his "The Peacock and Three Snakes."
1• The author was previously a fellow associate with some Advocates of Supreme Court of India; working on Habeas Corpus related cases in the Punjab and J&K
Indian foreign minister grilled on Burma Bangkok Post
Visiting Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee was grilled Friday on his country's close relations with Burma's military regime after delivering a speech in Bangkok on India's "Look East" policy.
Both the US and British ambassadors to Thailand, who attended the academic gathering at Chulalongkorn University's Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS), questioned India's close ties with Burma's ruling junta and refusal to pressure the regime to introduce democratic reforms.
"The cardinal principle of our foreign policy is non-interference in the domestic affairs of any country," said Mukherjee. When asked how India, one of the few democratic success stories in Asia, could support a regime that has one of the world's worst records for human rights abuses and suppression of the most basic political rights, the foreign minister answered, "It is essentially the job of the people in the country to decide what government they want."
Myanmar's people have already decided they don't want the current regime but their decision has not been honoured. In the last general election Myanmar held in 1990 the people provided a landslide victory to the opposition National League of Democracy (NLD) party led by Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of independence hero Aung San.
But after the election, Burma's junta refused to hand over power to the NLD, claiming that the country first needed a new constitution before it would be safe for civilians to rule.
Suu Kyi has been kept under house arrest for 11 of the past 17 years, thousands of NLD members have been arrested since 1990 and the regime continues to crack down on the slightest show of dissent, such as recent protests against a steep hike in fuel prices.
India and China, two of the world's fastest growing economies with keen interests in Burma's vast natural gas reserves, have come under increasing diplomatic criticism for failing to use their close relations with Burma's military to pressure for political change in the country.
Burma, has been under military rule since 1962, when former strongman General Ne Win overthrew the elected government of Ne Win, the country's first post-independence prime minister. Mukherjee, deflecting a chorus of criticisms from diplomats and journalists in Bangkok, noted that anyone familiar with South Asian history will know that India has had to learn to live with military regimes as neighbours for quite some time.
The foreign minister was scheduled to meet with his Thai counterpart Nitya Pibulsonggram later Friday. (dpa)
India on defensive as pressure mounts over Myanmar Indo B urma News
September 14, 2007: (AFP) Bangkok, India's foreign minister insisted his country would not interfere in the affairs of others as pressure mounted on New Delhi take a position on a recent crackdown in military-ruled Myanmar.
Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee insisted his country would not interfere in the affairs of others as pressure mounted on New Delhi take a position on a recent crackdown in military-ruled Myanmar.
Pranab Mukherjee, currently on a three-day visit to Thailand, was pressed by diplomats and media over India's relationship with Myanmar's junta, which has since August 19 arrested dozens of people in retaliation for rare protests.
"The cardinal principle of our foreign policy is non-interference in the internal matters of any country," Mukherjee said after a lecture in Bangkok.
"Neither do we export ideologies ... it is for them (Myanmar's people) to decide what kind of government they want."
Countries including the United States have recently called on India -- the world's largest democracy -- and China to use their influence to push Myanmar to improve human rights and speed up political reform.
But the two regional giants, who are jockeying for Myanmar's abundant natural resources to fuel their growing economies, have refused to get involved in what they say is the internal affair of their neighbour. Amnesty International estimates that more than 150 people have been detained in a violent crackdown by Myanmar's military regime since peaceful rallies began after a surprise hike in fuel prices on August 15.
International outcry has been swift, with US President George W. Bush calling the junta "tyrannical". The United Nations human rights chief on Thursday called for the release of all peaceful protesters. Mukherjee said that violations of human rights were "not acceptable in any country", but did not chastise Myanmar specifically. Amnesty International has also accused India of selling attack helicopters to Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962.
