08/14/2007: "Six decades of looking away Ajai Shukla Business Standard"

Six decades of looking away Ajai Shukla Business Standard

New Delhi

Independence Day tomorrow will witness the crescendo and then, mercifully, the end of an orgy of collective self-delusion that rivals the BJP’s Shining India run-up to the 2004 elections. India’s 60th birthday has occasioned nostalgia, patriotism, jingoism, and a rash of polls to determine data like India’s favourite song. Absent, surprisingly, is any hard-headed evaluation of the exercise in nation building that began in 1947, when some 562 princely states chose between India and Pakistan, the two entities created out of the 11 provinces and various tribal areas of British India. Such an evaluation would highlight the unpalatable truth that even today J&K, Nagaland and Manipur are held within the union through armed force. Assam and Tripura face serious separatist challenges; the Naxal threat is spreading; and a terrorist challenge, springing from our own alienated minorities, has increased the numbers of armed men on the streets of India.

If the map of India has not yet been reshaped, it is because of the sheer manpower that New Delhi can muster: some 1.2 million soldiers and 750,000 paramilitary troops today. But separatist sores continue to fester because armed forces can only create safe conditions for engineering political settlements. Those political initiatives are nowhere in sight; successive governments in New Delhi focus their political energies, not on outlying provinces, but on the big vote banks that ensure their survival in power.

This attitude of dealing with separatism by throwing manpower at it stems, ironically, from India’s past success in the northeast against ethno-religious separatist movements by using a crude combination of military force and political buyout. Success in states like Mizoram rested on the prolonged use of military force over years, offering negotiations when separatist stamina was running low, and then buying their leaders over with the promise of power in a post-conflict polity. This old strategy is no longer viable against new globalised structures of ethnic and religious separatism. It has failed in J&K because terrorists can replenish, materially and ideologically, by plugging into the structures of global Islamist jehad. But it hasn’t been replaced with an alternative strategy.

Also reinforcing New Delhi’s tendency to look away is the political psyche of India’s power elite and the voting public. In a relatively young country and a rising power, national attention is focused mainly on changing lifestyles, economic opportunities, and caste- and religion-based politics. We appear psychologically uncomfortable with bringing issues of disaffection and alienation into the national political discourse. Instead, we resort to our convenient national cop-out: deflect the blame and hold external forces responsible for our internal violence. Over the years, India has blamed China, Myanmar and Bangladesh for separatism in the northeast, Pakistan for terrorism in Punjab and J&K. Enterprising government spinmeisters have even tried to pin blame for Naxalism on Nepal.

With the “foreign hand” as a convenient scapegoat, strategy has followed the rhetoric; India’s military planning has always been directed towards the external rather than the internal threat. Of two million men in military and paramilitary uniform, barely 5,000 are anti-terrorism specialists. Regular army personnel, primarily trained for full-scale war, man even the so-called “counter-insurgency” forces, the Rashtriya Rifles. Effectively, India uses makeshift means to deal with terrorism and militancy up to a point; beyond that it threatens war. When Pakistan-sponsored terrorists attacked Parliament in 2001, New Delhi had little to show by way of a counter-terrorism response. Instead, India’s military moved into battle positions and readied to invade Pakistan. Then, as now, the only lever in India’s terrorism tool shed was full-scale war.

This shortage of specialist forces trained and equipped to deal with internal security looks set to continue, if India’s weapons procurement programme is any indicator. Most ongoing weapons purchases are platforms needed for all-out war: an aircraft carrier, a submarine line, amphibious assault ships and heavy battleships for the navy; multi-role combat aircraft, mid-air refuellers and airborne cruise missiles for the air force; and tanks, air defence guns, medium artillery and intermediate-range strategic missiles for the army. Like the pre-Iraq Pentagon and Whitehall, India’s establishment still believes that if the military has credible warfighting capability, everything else will follow.

Unlike India, though, the United States is adapting quickly to fight its new wars. The Pentagon’s new counterinsurgency doctrine (published in December 2006 as Field Manual 3-24) would make instructive reading for our leaders. FM 3-24 notes that the armed forces cannot succeed alone in counterinsurgency; such operations “involve the application of national power in the political, military, economic, social, information, and infrastructure fields and disciplines.” The US doctrine also points out that success in counterinsurgency operations means that forces can be reduced and more risk accepted.

New Delhi, however, has little time for the careful political and economic initiatives that are needed to build on the security forces’ success. And reducing forces in J&K is seen not as a step towards political settlement, but as surrender to Pakistani pressure.

Sixty years after independence, there is indeed much to celebrate. But if there is no consideration of how the nation-building project is doing in the outlying, the unseen and the less affluent parts of the country, the party will continue to be spoilt by the discordant shadow of alienation.
60 yrs on Gandhi’s assurance to Naga leaders echoes Morung Express
DIMAPUR, AUGUST 13 (MExN): The Chairman of the NSCN (IM) Isak Chishi Swu gave reminder of the assurance given by none other than Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Indian Nation that “Nagas have every right to be independent”. Pointing out that this assurance to the Naga leaders in 1947 still echoed in the hearts of both young and old alike, Swu stated that this “utterance from the Father of the Indian Nation must be respected both in words and actions”.
Addressing the people on the eve of Naga Independence Day, Swu in his speech pointed out that both India and the Nagas “have had, for hundreds of years, clear and distinct political, historical, cultural, social and religious existence”. “We do not beg or plead, we simply ask India to respect the rights, wishes and sentiments of our people”, Swu stated.
He also went on to state that Nagas respect and cherish the historical affinity that its shares with its neighbors. This bond, we pledge, shall continue for hundreds of years to come, he stated while also making it clear that Naga history and their rights “cannot be reduced to being safety valves for our neighbors”. “Emotional outbursts cannot erase historical facts”, Swu stated referring to the opposition against the Naga people’s demand for territorial integration. “The artificial boundaries created arbitrarily to suit the politics of the time must be uprooted. Historical blunder of few decades must be set straight to conform to the ageless fraternity amongst the Naga family. The inalienable right of the Nagas to live as one must be rightfully restored”, the Naga leader stated in no uncertain terms.
On the peace talks, Swu pointed out that the NSCN (IM) over the years had done much to understand the difficulty of the Indian government and said that the former had proposed for a special federal relationship recognizing each other’s historical and political rights as two different political entities through mutually acceptable political agreement. “Mere recognition of unique history and situation of the Nagas does not solve any problem unless unique solution is found”, Swu stated further adding that the ball was now in the GOI’s court as to whether to bring the conflict to an end or resume hostilities. “Any solution, therefore, must be honorable and acceptable to the Nagas”, he stated.
Naga Independence Day greetings-
Beloved Countrymen,
The God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob was with our forefathers when they first chose to settle in this part of the world. Nobody raised a finger, no one objected because they were the first settlers; they survived and flourished into a nation. The same God was with our honored leaders when they first hoisted the Naga National flag on 14th August 1947 and declared to the world that Nagas value liberty and freedom above everything else. It is the same God who salvaged our tiny Nation from the threat of annihilation, treachery and capitulation. I am convinced that only He could have done so much for the Nagas despite our weaknesses. God has been with us in our best and worst moments. He has a big purpose for the Nagas. Praise the Lord!
On the eve of the 61st Independence Day, I greet my countrymen everywhere for it is your sublime steadfastness against political slavery, suppression and domination which has brought us thus far. The will to survive has been the essence of our struggle. Over the past sixty years, bones of thousand of men and women lie scattered all over Nagalim and other foreign lands; all for a cause so dear and precious to their hearts. The sacrifice of the dead and the unyielding spirit of the living is the testimony of the right of the Naga nation.
We pay homage to our beloved comrades who laid down their lives for Nagalim. History shall remember their courage. May they find everlasting peace in Heaven. I also take this opportunity to announce the promotion of some of the distinguished officers in the Naga Army to their next higher ranks in recognition of their seniority, achievement and loyalty towards the Nation.
Dear Nagas, Our politics and history is clear; to live in peace with our neighbors and to develop ourselves as free people was, and is, never a point of debate because this is the basis of our struggle. We respect and cherish the historical affinity that we share with our neighbors. This bond, we pledge, shall continue for hundreds of years to come. We are, however, very clear that Naga history, our right and our people cannot be reduced to being safety valves for our neighbors. Emotional outbursts cannot erase historical facts. Historical errors committed must be rectified by those very people who committed the act in their weak moments. The artificial boundaries created arbitrarily to suit the politics of the time must be uprooted. Historical blunder of few decades must be set straight to conform to the ageless fraternity amongst the Naga family. The inalienable right of the Nagas to live as one must be rightfully restored.
Mahatma Gandhi and his assurance to the Naga leaders on that sunny afternoon of 1947 still echoes in the hearts of both young and old alike: "Nagas have every right to be independent". This utterance from the Father of the Indian Nation must be respected both in words and actions. On Indo-Naga political talks, we do not wish either the Government of India or any other power to be confused or attempt to confuse us on this paramount issue. We will not survive on anyone's whims and fancies. Both sides have had, for hundreds of years, clear and distinct political, historical, cultural, social and religious existence. We do not beg or plead, we simply ask India to respect the rights, wishes and sentiments of our people. History has shown that to defend a nation and its right, succeeding generations come wave after wave giving little or no importance to enemy strength or size because to live and die defending the truth is the very meaning of life. It is more powerful than the mighty army. Sixty years ago our fathers struggled for us for that very reason; today without fear we struggle for tomorrow. I take courage to tell my countrymen that the world shall never brush us aside unless we allow ourselves to be.
The ceasefire and the political talks between the Government of India (GOI) and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has taken ten long years and although GOI has, time and again, failed to take any concrete step other than assurances through words, NSCN is committed to peace process. We have made our position very clear that the will of the Naga people shall be taken into consideration for any solution because we belong to the people. If the talks collapse, insincere nature of the Indian Government would be the sole reason. During the July 20 talks in New Delhi, NSCN proposed the next round of talks to be held in Nagalim for wider participation and consultation. Therefore, on 31st July 2007 at Dimapur, ceasefire with the GOI was extended indefinitely on the condition that there would be progress in the political talks and improved situation on the ground. The GOI is set to strengthen and ensure that ground situation would be conducive for political talks. This may simply be explained that GOI shall stop Indian Intelligence services such as Research and Analysis wing (RAW) and Intelligence Bureau (IB) and Para Military Forces such as Assam Rifles (AR) and Indian Reserve Battalion (IRB) from Sheltering, transporting and supplying money, Arms and ammunition to Khaplang Gang and the so called Federal NNC people. Until GOI put an end to these covert dealings, ceasefire would be meaningless. This has clearly been conveyed to Indian representatives in the talks and NSCN has been assured positive response. NSCN has, over the years, done much to understand the difficulty of the Indian government. We have proposed for a special federal relationship recognizing each other's historical and political rights as two different political entities through mutually acceptable political agreement. Mere recognition of unique history and situation of the Nagas does not solve any problem unless unique solution is found. NSCN hopes that the Indian leadership would exhibit boldness and maturity in tackling South Asia's longest running conflict. The ball is in GOI's court as to whether to bring the conflict to an end or resume hostilities. Any solution, therefore, must be honorable and acceptable to the Nagas. We are hoping for the best while also preparing for the worst.
Fellow Nagas, at this point of our struggle, we need to have a broader perspective on how to achieve the desired goal and not elbow one another on the question of factionalism without having a closer look at its origin. "Factionalism" is the most frequently used word in the Naga context. It is a simple ploy of GOI and its intelligence wings to undermine the Naga struggle in the eyes of international community. They supply hardware and other logistic support to K and NNC people to be used against the Naga Army.
Beware of imposters and traitors who constantly harp on Naga sovereignty even as they slumber inside enemy camps. A band of antisocial elements sheltered by Assam Rifles and IRB and transported from camp to camp fully armed to fight the Naga Army, can never taste true patriotism. Naga army have captured enough arms and ammunition with Indian markings on them, not to mention of the true accounts of former K, Federal/NNC cadres who joined the national mainstream having realized the futility of their association with K and NNC people. The crux of the problem is: how does one deal with a group who shout unity by day and troop back into Indian Army barracks by night? Will GOI react if Naga Army ambush Indian military vehicles transporting K and NNC people?
We honor and respect the efforts of the GB's and DB's, Hohos, the students, Mothers, Churches and different organizations who continue to pursue common goal for unity and reconciliation among the Nagas. We are for the people and will continue to listen to the voice of the Nagas, yet regretfully at times, reality of the situation forces us to defend and prove ourselves against enemies of the people.
The contribution of Naga civil societies and their efforts to create people to people dialogue with their counterparts in mainland India is very much appreciated. This is a noble way for the two peoples to understand and appreciate each other's history through non-political prism. NSCN has the highest regard for the many sympathizing Nations, International organizations, friends, well wishers and Christian believers worldwide, who take it as a mission to bring solution to the Indo-Naga political conflict. The support of UNPO (The Hague), SFTP (Germany), NISC (the Netherlands) NAC (US), PNSD (UK), NPFNK (Korea) Forum Asia (Thailand) IWGIA (Denmark), KWIA (Belgium) etc., has been instrumental in drawing international comm-unity's attention to the Indo-Naga political conflict. We convey our gratitude to every organization that speaks out for the oppressed nations and people.
The enormity of the task ahead demands that every Naga be prepared to accept the challenge of the time. We value tomorrow and therefore we must plant our feet firmly on the ground. There is no greater shame than bowing down to enemy in confusion and chaos. It is clear to us; Nagas shall never part with what belongs to them. I urge my countrymen to return to Christ for in him dwells the fate of our Nation. Let those who seek to glorify themselves by pleasing the enemy do so. A day will come when one's own actions and deeds shall return to mock at the tall claims. .
As we celebrate this historic day of our nation, may our hearts rejoice with great pride. May the good Lord bless us all. Kuknalim!
Issued by:A. Kamei, MIP, GPRN NSCN-IM
Are we right in politicizing Forgiveness? Morung Express
I desire to share these thoughts from a humane perspective with our leaders Isak Chishi Swu, Th. Muivah, SS Khaplang, Kitovi Zhimomi, Adinno Phizo and others.
Al Ngullie
One cannot help but feel sorry for Dr. Rev. Tuisem Shishak; for our Naga underground leaders; for our families; for our tribes; for our people, the Nagas; and I feel sorry for myself. I feel sorry that I am categorized a Christian Naga. I feel sorry that I’m regretting a virtue that should have been embraced in humility and Christian grace. I feel regret that a wholesome virtue so uttered in unselfish wholesomeness was countered with unabashed criticism. It breeds deep hurt and a deeper regret, because forgiveness merits no censure.
It is exceedingly inopportune the fact that a people like us “Christian” Nagas have mutated into antagonistic and self-centered creatures that we have cultured to the extreme, the despicable art of even scanning forgiveness for flaws and points to rip apart. No wonder at all that I feel sorry that we have turned into veritable scanners programmed to detect blotches where there are none – unless, of course, one deems there are some. That it is now human sanction to even seek forgiveness or give, and not a virgin virtue bred of God.
I am a Lotha Naga and I am exceedingly insignificant and wanting to even contemplate a trust as superior as seeking forgiveness on behalf of my people. But I do know this truth: only strong men are motivated by conviction to seek forgiveness. I am reminded of a Reynolds advertisement slogan. It said ‘Only strong men cry…’ But I am also reminded of the most superior directive no absolute history or mortal disclaim can put to shame: “For no man, no not one, has not sinned. All has fallen short of the glory of God…”
We have read of Rev. Dr Tuisam Shishak’s “confession.” And the subsequent – or may I say consequent – reaction from the FGN and the NSCN-IM. The political perspective in his seeking forgiveness on behalf of the Tangkhul community is a totally different dimension from the very virtue of forgiveness and forgiveness sought itself. What we should actually be reacting with, to his “confession,” is Christian grace and mutual acknowledgement that humanness itself is a fallacy in being human. Does it merit closer scrutiny for political undertones or cultural fallacies? Is it political imperfection to be a Christian and to seek forgiveness (for oneself or from others)?
Rev. Dr Shishak is for youths like me, an absolute stranger in our circle of fellowship and life as much as Isak Chishi Swu, Th. Muivah, SS Khaplang, Kitovi Zhimomi, Adinno Phizo or Vyielie Metha or just about any Naga leader are. But they are no strangers for the very fact that we all share the same vein of blood and heritage. The same goes for the NSCN-IM, the NSCN-K, the NNC and the FGN. Ideologically opposed to each other they might be, but if I may point out, notice the one name in all the nomenclatures of the aforementioned organizations – the word ‘Naga.’ All of you claim to fight for us. Is it not imperative you also reach in when we reach out to you with the plea that forgiveness is critically imperative to attaining the aspirations we have had for the last more than half a century?
But I account affinity with the strength of Rev. Dr Shishak to seek forgiveness. I am not defending him, for I know him not as a person. Further, the political context in which he sought forgiveness, I have little sense and in my young inference, vague. But I do know that the scarred, leather book beside my bed whispers into my ear every live second… ‘Forgive your fellowmen…if you forgive your brother, the Father will also forgive you…’
I appeal to all of us, please, let us cease measuring the value of forgiveness sought or forgiveness given by what words political tongues fashion to either acknowledge or deny. At least that is my understanding, if limited, from being a so-called Christian. I am too fallen even to be referred to as a “Christian.” But I am not too fallen to receive forgiveness or seek the same. None of you are either.
I am led to contextualize Th. Muivah or SS Khaplang or any Naga leader within the boundaries of my immediate, normal citizen’s life. What if either of you were a neighbor, leading a ‘normal,’ commoner’s life? A person who’d scour the fridge for a bowel of Pork curry rather than clean the kitchen at his wife’s rebuke? Would it been a test of moral strength to contextualize ‘forgiveness’ within the designs of our political history? Conflict? Change? Process?
When will we ever learn to appreciate at least the truth that there are strong people and minds amongst us, who are strong enough not to feel shame in kneeling and acknowledging that a wrong has been done? Yes, we cannot deny our history – a history so soaked in blood, the scar continues to set decay to our very aspirations to this day. But let us be challenge by this question: Which Naga tribe or community, faction or organization, has not committed a crime, planted a fallacy, and committed an irreversible wrong, a deliberate negation, an ill ruse, a sin? I prefer to contemplate on our antagonist, selfish selves rather than judge which community has done what; or whether or not they are right.
But it is an indisputable truth that all of us have been wronged, but we have also wronged others. All of us have fallen. Let us stop playing Holier-than-thou. None can claim to have not committed any wrong.
In my humble endeavor as a media person, I have been shared profound perspectives by readers that are anything but acceptable to validating the holier-than-thou attitude. Yes, we wholeheartedly welcome the fact that Isak Chishi Swu, K Kitovi Zhomimi and other Naga leaders in the recent past have made pronouncements on forgiveness. It is unfortunate grace that these affirmation have been purely self-centric – ‘I forgive you because you are the one who is wrong.’ Imagine what history, blood and hopes would have been spared if we had only said ‘I forgive you and I too seek your forgiveness for we all have committed wrong!’ We have yet to be blessed with such a pure virtue.
For today’s youths who are ill-disposed and ill-informed of history like the Plebiscite, Shillong Accord, the 16-Point Agreement – whether validated or unjustified – there is only a singular, specific, unambiguous point of reference: If our leaders/organizations (civil society or intra-political groups) claim to represent our aspiration, they should also be willing enough to listen to our voice. I do not agree with a number of aspects in Rev. Dr. Tuisem Shishak’s “confession.” But just because I disagree or agree, doesn’t at all mean he is either right or wrong. But his very strength to stand up and highlight a spiritual grievance, for redress, should have been acknowledged with humane grace. And not be picked for holes.
Further, the very response of the senior leaders of the NSCN-IM and some time earlier, the FGN, was a painful discouragement. The censure only highlights how we are still so immature to acknowledging that political dynamics do need humane (sic) application; that history is not supreme over forgiveness in Christ (Do we all not take pride and inspiration for “Nagaland for Christ?” ). We continue to remain stagnant because we are not brave enough to entertain criticism, accept a negation and the fact that we shall ever be in need of correction at any level, either organizational or individual.
We as a people in transition, the state government, the Naga underground groups, leaders, and youths, all are in dire need of culturing our minds to realizing the fact that without self-acknowledgement of a wrong done or received, there can be no regeneration of new perspectives. Or Approaches. Or Methods. Or dialogue. Or future.
Or we will continue to be stuck in the past. No wonder when we talk about “forgiveness,” “reconciliation” or “unity,” we pronounce it by explaining how this or that groups did what and said what decades ago.
And the Government of India knows this, enough to cement a cunning effort to let it turn malignant! It can afford to play with the NSCN-IM, then the NSCN-K and the NNC/FGN as well. The GoI can craft devious compromises to suit its purpose to delay a solution to the Naga political issue because it knows the Naga people are a divided people today. And it knows that so long a solution is denied, so will the blood flow between the Naga people and her leaders. And so long as the blood flows, so shall the people inch nearer to self-annihilation. We are making India’s task easier!
The Nagas’ aspirations today hang torn between deliberate one-upmanship and an uncertain future. Her leaders are at loggerheads, with each of them ‘bestowing’ forgiveness on the other, but never admitting that own selves need the same. It is sad that this cycle continues in bloody circles. It would be too late when we finally realize that we are back to square one.
This is an appeal and a prayer for our leaders, of the NSCN-IM, NSCN-K, NNC and the FGN; Naga civil leaders and politicians as well – every Naga has made a sacrifice in one way or the other. You hold our dreams, our hopes and our future. And our support, prayers and solidarity is always yours. But just this once: Think in our shoes. Just this once. Think in our shoes. The Naga people’s shoes.
Healing the Future for the Present Editorial Morung Express
Considering the profound pain and hurt caused in the past, it is very unlikely that a nation – any nation can begin the process of healing and building a political consensus over a deeply divided past. There is no doubt that the past – no matter how painful or ugly – needs to be addressed, and yet lessons from history has proven that the process need not necessarily start from the past or the present, it could start from the future by envisioning a shared destiny. And perhaps by negotiating a consensus of the future, it would then create opportunities to constructively address the burdens of the past.
So often initiators of well intended processes fall short of its objectives, essentially because they fail to fully appreciate how conflicting parties have over a period of time rallied and internalized around very different and polarized perceptions over the same past. This poses an extremely difficult and sensitive situation to develop a consensus of understanding, when the very act of framing a shared perception itself is challenged by polarized energies. These complexities gives rise to varying and diverse emotions, and it has been experienced that any process that begins with either the past or the present will only result in further polarization and personalization of differences. This perhaps was the difference between South Africa and East Timor when it came to addressing and reconciling with their own burdens of the past and their envisioned future.
I remember how in the 1990s, the builders of South Africa as they were transiting between Apartheid and Freedom, advocated and rallied around a public consciousness for a New South Africa. They focused around building a new Rainbow Nation, which with the dismantling of the Apartheid System, would be replaced by a new system where all peoples would be treated equally. And it was in the building of this new South Africa the much divided African National Congress and the Zulu led Inkatha party put aside their differences, which had spilled over to hatred; and forged a political consensus that would enable a new South Africa.
It was in this process that they also realized that for them to have a dignified future, they had to heal from the past. The shared understanding of building a common future was the persuading factor that compelled the whole of South Africa to discern and implement a process of healing. From my view point it was the approach of moving from the future to the past and present that enabled a new South Africa to begin a new journey of hope. This I must say was quite different from the East Timorese approach that assumed a more straight forward praxis which assumed that change would occur in the linear time frame of moving from the past to the present to the future.
Neither approach is absolute. The question here is not which is better, but which approach responds favorably within a particular context. After all what works in one context, may not work in the other; nonetheless there are lessons to be learned. I have always believed that there is a third way. It has never been good politics to be stuck only to ones perception of understanding. After all if the collective aspiration of a nation yearns for transformation of all life, it is only natural that one must explore all possible processes to see that the end result is realized. There must be a co-relation between the process and the end. In this case the approach that turns to the future is more process oriented, while the approach that turns to the past is more result focused.
In the Naga context, I believe Nagas must first turn to the future rather than the past. The past inspite of all its richness and valuable contributions has been politicized to the extent of polarization, while the future provides possibilities and new hope. I favor the future approach because I believe Nagas in general aspires for a shared future that will empower a people to exercise their natural rights with dignity and humility. It is a future which demands the participation of every Naga individual and organization to contribute, because without any one of them, this future would not be complete. In other words, turning to the future is a more inclusive process that brings and binds people together for a shared humanity, and it is in this shared future, that we need to evolve ways to address the burdens of our past.
For too long now, we have only turned to the past for answers, only to return disappointed, tired and more divided. Perhaps it is time for us to discern news ways and directions for seeking, and this could well demand the imperative need for us to turn to the future and then work our way to the present. It may well be that by developing a shared future we will find unity in purpose!
Message by Kedahge, Gen. (Retd) Viyalie Metha, FGN-
Dear Countrymen,
I send my warmest greet-ings to you all on the oc-casion of the sixtieth anniversary of historic Naga independence declared sixty years ago on this day, in 1947. I am once again privileged to take this opportunity to praise God Almighty on behalf of the Naga people. At the same time, I call upon each and every Naga citizen to celebrate our historic national day in appropriate manner with due humility towards God for His unceasing love and care through out the generations.
As we celebrate our great National Day, we remember the founding fathers of our nation who initiated and moulded the Naga Nation. We also remember the good deeds and sacrifices of our predecessors and ancestors, many of whose sufferings were known only to God. But their dedication and prayer in silence sustained our nation. They are the unsung patriots and true national heroes to whom we owe our gratitude. At the same time I express my gratitude and thanks to the present leaders and national workers for their continued sacrifice and steadfastly upholding our national right to this day.
As we arrive at a new mile-stone of our national history, let us look back to the facts that Nagas declared their independence on the 14th August 1947 before India attains its independence from the British. It is a fact that we conducted a plebiscite in 1951 and confirmed that declaration to remain independent. It is also a fact that we established our national government on 22nd March 1956 where by our people took oath of allegiance to the Yehzabo of the Federal Government of Nagaland. It is also a fact that Naga people made the Lakhuti Resolution which still stands to judge those who violate the Yehzabo of Nagaland.
And that, ever since our people came together to live a stronger national life, India began to invade our land, occupied our land by force and has been trying to destroy our tradition and fabric of our social and cultural life with the power of money and armed forces. In course of which countless futile exercises were perpetrated on Naga people, one latest of such kind was by hoodwinking a number of self seeking Naga acquired educationists along with few pseudo nationalists and renegades trying to mislead our people under the cover of holding stage managed so-called peace talk with India has once again failed to impress the reasonable thinking Nagas.
Even as India continued its unremitting militarized tyranny in Nagaland and tried to replace the national institution-Naga National Council (NNC) and our legitimate government, the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), with imposters and helping the self trumpeting heroes to replace the true national heroes, on the other hand India supports the terrorist groups to terrorize with intent to subdue the Naga people into submission.
Let us be very clear about our case with India. India invaded Nagaland, therefore it is a case of invasion and so it is war. Nagas fought the war with India in defense of their own country for a long time. However the war was brought to a halt in 1964 with the signing of the international Cease-Fire Agreement between the two nations. Accordingly Nagas kept their words and the cease-fire is honored till today even though India unilaterally abrogated and violated the agreement since 1972 to resume its oppressive agenda upon Nagaland.
God gave us Nagaland. And our forefathers laid our national foundation so firm that no power can destroy or take away our rights. It is for us to live and enjoy the fruits of the heritage that was handed down to us through our forefathers. And we who are living today, we have our responsibility to protect, preserve and nature our heritage, the envy of all.
We are in Nagaland, it is our country and we are not going to be threatened into submission. Any Naga who believes that it is not God but Hindu who can save him is neither a real Naga nor a Christian Naga as said by A.Z. Phizo father of Naga Nation.
The Naga National Council and the Federal Government of Nagaland had successfully celebrated the Golden Jubilees in 1997 at Kohima and 2006 at Chedema respectively. And today as we celebrate our nation's historic day, I call upon every bona-fide Naga citizen to decease from repeating any foolishness but be awakened and let the past pass. Let us give a chance to good deeds for our nation. Time has come for Nagas to speak out in one voice with one purpose. For our task ahead every single Naga is needed to take part let no one be left behind.
By tradition Naga people are known for their honesty and integrity and we shall live up to the expectation with our mission to maintain sanity if that is humanly possible to live in harmony with our fellow men and be of service to others at all time and with the objective to be a man among men and to be a nation among nations. Those were the teachings of our forefathers which we shall do our best to maintain.
With the brief reminiscence of our predecessors, I wish you all be blessed by God whom I beseech for His continued blessings.
Kuknalim. Kedahge, Gen. (Retd) Viyalie Metha, FGN
OBEDIENT JONAHS NEEDED Timothy Kaping NSG UK
On 11 August we were talking to one renown Reverend from Scotland. He came to the office of the Naga Support Group (UK) to request us to say the Lord’s Prayer in our native languages, thereby giving his mostly British congregation the joy of hearing that prayer said by different nationalities in their unique tongues. As he has to explain our background to the church, he wanted to know about the Naga Nation. I told him about our struggle for freedom, the strength of Naga Christianity which first began among the northern Nagas by American evangelists and southern Nagas by Scottish missionaries. He was surprised to know that the marble statues of these God’s servants from Scotland grace the front compound of my Ukhrul Phungyo Church and that educational institutes are named after these first Scottish missionaries. He was so amazed to know the religion and history of Nagalim that he has decided to talk about the Naga people on 19 August after we finish pronouncing the Lord’s Prayer in our languages. Also, following his suggestion, it was arranged that we tell the story of the Nagas’ quest for self-determination in a service on 16 September and the church would pray for the success of the ongoing Indo-Naga talks. Besides, he volunteered to introduce us to one senior church leader who till recently was the head of a church assembly which covers the whole area of northwest Britain. We were thrilled. Kindly pray for us for the two services and the meeting with the church leader who is keen on peace and justice.
Secondly, Indians and Burmese snatched away our self-determination and for over half a century they have been harassing, torturing, raping, sodomizing, burning churches and villages, blazing forests, and stealing properties in Nagalim. These arch-terrorist states of India and Burma wantonly maimed and butchered thousands upon thousands of Nagas. In stark manifestation of its beastly character, India for one shamelessly employed the notorious Armed Forces Special Power Act in Nagalim. Being given the license to loot and kill with total impunity by the parliament of the so-called biggest democracy, the occupation Indian armed forces turned the scenic mountains and valleys of Nagalim into burning and killing fields. The outside world could not know these acts of barbarism perpetrated in Nagalim because foreigners were kept at bay by India through imposition of an inhuman travel limitation system called Restricted Area Permit. But the Indians and Burmese covered their crimes against humanity by shouting from the roof-tops that they practice non-violence. The world unfortunately believed the lies of these rogues!
For many agonizing years Naga believers prayed and waited for their brothers and sisters in Christ in other parts of the world to hear their cries somehow and come to their rescue. Then the Nagas collected whatever little they had and smuggled out a few Naga leaders to Britain in the 1960s. Nagas at home expectantly waited for them to tell Great Britain and the UN of their anguish and let them make the Indians and Burmese marauders repent for their sins of turning Nagalim into a house of slaughter. However, other than sending meaningless statements during some red-letter days of the Nagas, these people did nothing. Those who are alive continue to do nothing other than repeating the same thing and criticizing those who are doing whatever they can for the Naga Nation through God’s help. These disobedient Jonahs must wake up and start working for their suffering people at home.
India and Burma are poor countries where so many disasters are taking place. The time is here for the Nagas, especially those of us who go out often or are staying outside Nagalim by the grace of God and are thus true ambassadors of the suffering Nagas, to be obedient Jonahs and let the people of India and Burma know directly or through others that they are waiting for more disasters if they do not stop robbing and killing the Nagas and recognize their self-determination. Today’s Jonahs of Nagalim must obediently tell the world as well as confront the Indians and Burmese wherever they are to repent for their crimes against the Nagas, so that “God saw their works, that they turned from their evil way; and God relented from the disaster” (Jonah 3:10).
Thirdly, in spite of the many odds against them, the love of God continues to enable the Nagas to get the friendship of international organisations and rights activists. But in recent days we are seeing that some of these friends have become shaky in their support for the Naga national cause after reading Dr Rev Tuisem A Shishak’s “Confession”. The points Tuisem mentioned in his article were devoid of connections. I am an archaeologist and in archaeology things are not considered worthy if their contexts are not properly established. NSCN Steering Committee had given a rebuttal to that article, and I wish to add three points as a Tangkhul community member:
1. Through the support and participation of Er Ashiho, Minister K Zhimomi, late Rev R Hungyo, SNUNS President C Daipao, Minister Thenucho, O Kathipri, Dr R Shaiza, Naga Hoho leaders, etc., for years we worked for Naga unification. To our joy we found the Tangkhuls always passionately ready for the territorial integrity of Nagalim and the emotional unity of its people, whereas I remember with dejection the cold receptions we were given whenever we met Tuisem. He was not enthusiastic enough about Naga unity and integration of Nagalim. As a Tangkhul, I was ashamed that one of my own fellows acted unpatriotically in front of the volunteers who love Nagalim.
2. India being the most corrupted country in the world according to the BBC, it is not surprising for some Nagas in the Indian-occupied Nagalim becoming corrupted as well. Also, we all know that with the passage of time people and churches grow up and they become independent of their parents and mother churches. Hence, southern Naga churches grew up and became independent. In other words, no one church can say that it is cleaner than the Tangkhul churches and therefore it does not want their friendship. Actually all the Baptist churches remain equal and united under the banner of the MBC. Tuisem has disgraced the Tangkhuls by stating otherwise.
3. Contrary to Tuisem’s insinuation, Tangkhul community as a whole is quite meek. In truth it is him who is arrogant; otherwise how can he condemn one big community inhabiting more than 300 villages and large towns? Tangkhul country in Indian-occupied Nagalim has five sub-divisions, and my Ukhrul sub-division alone has over 50,000 population. What about the Tangkhuls of the other four sub-divisions? What about those thousands of inhabitants in twenty-eight Tangkhul villages in Burmese-occupied Nagalim? And what about those hundreds upon hundreds of Tangkhuls who had obediently and unselfishly laid down their lives for Naga freedom? Is it correct for thousands of brave martyrs and innocent living Tangkhuls to be criminalized by Tuisem and tender uncalled for apology on their behalf? Who gave him that power? Our apex social body Tangkhul Long must ask Tuisem to tender an apology and undo the damage he has caused to the Tangkhuls. And, importantly, the Tangkhul Long must judge him as per our customary law.
Lastly, and most notably, the Naga Nation must praise God for giving us another ceasefire and peace process which has a good chance of bringing peace and justice. However, instead of working hard for it to bear fruits, it is sad to see that we have chosen this time to indulge in communalism, challenging and cursing those who are doing their best to end the agonies of the Naga Nation and bring about an honourable settlement to the Indo-Naga conflict. Let us not allow this precious opportunity to go waste. Let us not forget that all the Nagas are in a boat where everyone is required to lend helping hands to overcome the stormy seas and row it to a safe harbour.
KUKNALIM
Professor Timothy Kaping, President, Naga Support Group (UK) 14 August 2007
‘State involved in killings’ Morung Express News
Dimapur A sinister design to disturb not only Assam but the entire Northeast is behind the recent killings of Hindi-speaking people in Karbi Anglong, Holiram Terang, MLA and leader of the Autonomous State Demand Committee, a political party, said today. “The (Assam) government is aware but they let the insurgents go on to a particular level,” he said. Terang represents Baithalangso, a constituency in Karbi Anglong.
Not ruling out the involvement of the United Liberation Front of Asom in providing support to ‘local’ rebels in carrying out the recent killings. He was outspoken when he said there was a nexus between the state and “private organizations.” The public have to be informed of this nexus, he added.
After the recent spate of violence, Karbi Anglong is in gloom and a fear psychosis has engulfed the minds of people, residents of Diphu say. Sources said opposing Bodo insurgent groups burnt effigies of each other’s leaders, which ultimately resulted in the burning down of the Bodo Liberation Tigers office in Langhin, a village. At another area named Boknokpa, police beat up villagers after a rumour was spread that bombs were planted in the market, a reliable source said. “Life was paralyzed.”
Meanwhile, police sources in Dimapur assured there was no such real threat in the city that neighbours Karbi Anglong and added that no large-scale entry of jolted Hindi-speaking people into the district has been reported. But in wake of the Independence Day celebrations, citizens have been asked to keep vigil and immediately report any suspicious activity or items.
Assam sends Additional forces for protection of Hindi speakers The Morung Express
Guwahati, August 13 (UNI): Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi today said additional security forces had been sent to areas of the state where Hindi-speaking people were residing and relief camps set up for the affected. He told the mediapersons here that he had conducted a series of meetings with the state's top police and civil officials in this regard.
''The militants are undertaking unabated attacks taking advantage of the inhospitable terrain and inaccessibility of these areas for the security forces,'' he said, adding ''more security forces have been despatched and we have set up relief camps for the affected people so that they can take shelter.'' Meanwhile, accusing the state government of ''complete failure'', the Opposition parties have called for a statewide bandh tomorrow.
However, maintaining a tough stand, the Chief Minister said the government was ready to release the five arrested ULFA leaders, as demanded by the militant outfit, only if they directly come for talks and put an end to the bloodshed.'' Even as the death toll during the past four days stood at 28, it was apprehended that the mayhem would last till the Independence Day celebrations.
''It is difficult to predict and stop the killings as the Hindi speaking population is living in remote places. Some of them are quite far away from the district headquarters,'' Karbi Anglong Superintendent of Police Anurag Tangkha said.
Sharing the border with Nagaland, Manipur, Meghalaya and a stretch of Bangladesh, Karbi Anglong district has dense forests and is hideout of the militants. It has only one army unit and a few understaffed police stations, which are inadequate to contain the recent spurt in violence that began on August 8 in the district's Ampahar area.
More than 1,000 people have been killed in the militant attacks since the past three years, according to official sources.
Full-scale Army operations in Karbi Anglong soon By R Dutta Choudhury Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, Aug 13 – Concerned at the recent spurt of violence, particularly in Karbi Anglong district, the Government of India has sent a team of senior officials to assess the situation on the ground and agreed to send additional forces to the State immediately to tide over the situation. The Government of India has also directed the State Government to ensure optimum and proper utilization of the available forces.

Highly-placed official sources told The Assam Tribune that a team of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), headed by the Special Secretary, MHA and comprising other senior officials including the DGs of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the Border Security Force (BSF) arrived here this morning to asses the situation on the ground and the team also attended a meeting of the Unified Command in the office of Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi.

Sources said that in the meeting, the State Government sought more forces from the Government of India to deal with the growing incidents of violence. Sources said that the Central Government is of the view that the State should ensure optimum utilization of the available forces, as the forces available with the Centre also need to be posted elsewhere in the country. But realising the gravity of the situation, the Government of India agreed to rush at least 15 additional companies of forces to the State to deal with the situation.

Sources revealed that at present, the State has 146 companies of CRPF, of which six are deputed exclusively to provide security to the personnel engaged in the gauge conversion project of the Railways, 10 companies of the BSF, two divisions and one brigade of the Army and three battalions of the SSB, posted to guard the Assam-Bhutan border and the arrival of the additional forces would restore the availability of security forces to the pre-national games level. It may be mentioned here that immediately after the National Games, some forces were withdrawn from Assam to be posted for Uttar Pradesh elections and the State Government was claiming that it created a shortage of forces to deal with the activities of the militants.

The meeting discussed the situation in Karbi Anglong and decided to launch a full-scale operation in the district immediately after the Independence Day celebrations. Sources said that the Chief Minister said that the shortage of forces posed problems for the police in Karbi Anglong and as the entire State is considered vulnerable, it is difficult to withdraw forces from any part of the state for reinforcements in the hill district. However, the Central representatives pointed out that only availability of forces would not help in improving the situation in the hill district and immediate steps should be taken to improve infrastructure to facilitate movement of the forces to sites of crime. The ability of the forces to respond immediately in the hill district is very poor because of lack of infrastructure and this problems needs to be addressed immediately, felt the Central representatives. The Chief Minister also agreed to that point and said that six new police stations would be established in the district soon. Sources said that a full scale Army operation would be launched in the hill district soon to flush out the militants. At present, in addition to Assam police, personnel of the Army, CRPF and BSF are operating in the district and today’s meeting decided that each force would be given specific areas of operation to ensure intensification of anti-insurgency operations. The Central forces are primarily assisting the police in the district at this moment, but from now on, they would also go in with operation mode, sources added.

Meanwhile, commenting on the recent spurt of violence in the hill district, sources said that the ULFA has started providing help to the militants belonging to the KLNLF for its own interest and it is believed that the recent killings were joint operations by both the outfits. Sources pointed out that the ULFA wanted to create bases in Karbi Anglong as it the hill district provided the militants with a corridor to Bangladesh via Meghalaya and to Myanmar via Nagaland, while, on the other hand, the KLNLF wanted to show their strength because of the ongoing talks between the UPDS and the Government of India. Sources pointed out that the tactical understanding suited both the ULFA and the KLNLF, while, the terrain and lack of proper infrastructure posed hurdles in the way of counter-insurgency operations. Even if police receive an intelligence input, because of the poor road communication network the militants manage to get away by the time the forces reach the spot, sources added.
Dismantle all ULFA, KLNLF camps in Karbi Hills: Gogoi By our Staff Reporter Sentinel
GUWAHATI, Aug 13: Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi, who chaired the Unified Command Structure meeting in the city today, asked the security forces to dismantle all camps of the ULFA and the KLNLF from Karbi Anglong district so as to put an end to the current killing of Hindi-speaking people by the two outfits in the hill district. The meeting was attended, among others, by Special Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs, ML Kumawat, the Director Generals of the BSF and the CRPF, the GOC of 4 Corps and the Director General of Police, Asom.
Talking to newsmen after the meeting, Gogoi said: “At present, the ULFA, in connivance with the KLNLF, has been carrying out subversive activities in Karbi Anglong. So long the camps of the two rebel groups are there, they will continue to kill Hindi-speaking people. I have asked the security forces to dismantle the camps”. He said that a strategy group comprising police and CRPF officers would chalked out a strategy to dismantle the ULFA and KLNLF camps in the hill district.
On the strength of security personnel deployed in the hill district, Gogoi said: “At present, Karbi Anglong needs more security personnel, but we are left with no alternative”. It may be mentioned here that the Chief Minister gave enough hint that the State Government was not in a position to tackle the fragile law-and-order situation in the State with the present strength of security personnel available at its disposal. “We cannot pull the security forces deployed in some remote and vulnerable areas, because that may lead to attacks by militants,” Gogoi said, and added: “The current killings by the ULFA and the KLNLF are barbaric. Even kids have are not spared. This is the height of brutality”.
On the reaction of Opposition parties into the killings, Gogoi said: “They condemn the killings, but fall short of condemning the ULFA and the KLNLF for the brutal killings. The Opposition parties should have courage to criticize the militant outfits”.
On BJP national president Rajnath Singh’s demand for resignation of the Congress-led Government in Asom, Gogoi said: “The BJP should ask itself as to what it did when there was popular demand for resignation of Narendra Modi in Gujarat. The party, with its all might, defended the Chief Minister’s action at that time”.
On the frequent bandhs called in the State, Gogoi said that such bandhs could never solve any problem in the State.
Governor assures CPI-ML of peace in KA Rongpi briefs Governor on Karbi Anglong situation By our Staff Reporter Sentinel
GUWAHATI, Aug 13: Asom Governor Lt Gen (Retd) Ajai Singh has assured a delegation of the CPI(ML) of taking positive steps by this week to improve the situation in Karbi Anglong district in the wake of the killings of Hindi-speaking people there. The CPI(ML) delegation was led by its central committee member and former MP Jayanta Rongpi.
“You will see the results within a week,” Rongpi quoted the Governor as telling the delegation. Rongpi was interacting with newsmen in the city today.
The CPI(ML) delegation submitted a memorandum to Lt Gen (Retd) Singh demanding the institution of a judicial commission headed by a High Court judge to inquire into the mass killing in the hill district, to unearth the real culprits and the conspiracy behind it.
The party also urged the Governor to ensure security to the life and property of the common people, including the Hindi-speaking community, living in the hill district, and immediate relief and rehabilitation package for the violence-hit families. The party urged the Governor to take an initiative to bring the KLNLF to the negotiation table, he said.
The CPI(ML) leader said what is happening in Karbi Anglong is not a new thing. He added that in the last five years of Congress rule at least five genocides had taken place in Karbi Anglong. More than 500 people were butchered, one-and-a-half lakh people were rendered homeless and compelled to flee their villages, and property worth several crores were damaged in the Karbi-Dimasa clash that took place in 2005.
Rongpi said the most serious damage that the Tarun Gogoi Government has done to the nation is that it has not learnt any lesson from any of the past incidents of violence. Rather, by its unpardonable acts of omission and commission, the Gogoi Government has contributed to the present state of affairs in the hill district, he added.
The Justice Phukan Commission instituted by the State Government following the mounting pressure from the common people in the aftermath of the Karbi-Dimasa massacre is yet to start any proceeding, he said. The Chief Minister’s assurance of a CBI inquiry has also proved to be hollow, he alleged.
The CPI(ML), in its memorandum, has also alleged that the ruling party had a nexus with militant organizations. The party urged the Governor to use his special power to, what it said, stop the use of militants, who are under ceasefire agreements with the Government, for electoral gains by the ruling party and to make a sincere effort for a successful political solution to the peace talks with the rebel groups.
BSNL, MTNL plan submarine link to Southeast, West Asia, Indo-Burma News
August 14, 2007: (The Economic Times) New Delhi, State-run telecom firms BSNL and MTNL plan to lay submarine cable links from India to Southeast Asia as well as West Asia at an estimated cost of 400 million dollars (Rs 1,600 crore), the Lok Sabha was informed on Monday.
"The eastern segment has been planned to Malaysia and/or Singapore with branches to Bangaladesh, Myanmar, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Thailand and Indonesia," Minister of State for Communications Shakeel Ahmed said in a written reply.

He said the western segment has been planned from India to United Arab Emirates and/or Saudi Arabia with branches to Pakistan, Oman, Iran, Qatar and Kuwait. The possibility of a land route to Singapore via Myanmar was also being explored.

As per preliminary estimates, the cost of the project is 400 million dollar excluding terminals, Ahmed said. He, however, said the preliminary cost was only an estimate and would be firmed up after tenders were finalised. To another query, he said Delhi unit of MTNL incurred a loss of Rs 4.59 crore in 2006-07 due to stiff competition and reduction in number of landlines.

"A large number of connections in MTNL Delhi are from legacy system requiring fixed costs to maintain, which are difficult to reduce. This is the first year in which Delhi unit has exhibited operational loss," he said. He said the government has introduced various schemes to attract new landline subscribers and sustaining existing landline base to improve the situation.

During 2006-07, 2.44 lakh landline connections, 2.11 lakh mobile, 0.34 lakh Broadband and 0.01 lakh Internet connections were surrendered by MTNL subscribers. In the same year, 42.63 lakh landline and 28.40 lakh mobile connections were surrendered by BSNL subscribers.
Interview with the Chairman of the National Democratic Front of Boroland Nagalim uk
Press statement
The Hague, August 13 2007: Interview with the Chairman of the National Democratic Front of Boroland
BSG: Considering the Boros are the earliest inhabitants known in Assam and surrounding areas and have no known history or any voluntary intricate relationship with the people of India it looks only natural the Boros want to be free of being dominated by any other people.

Can you elaborate in what way the Boros want to be free to determine their own future so as to form a sovereign nation?
Nabla: Since the historically untraced ages the Boro had been ruling through out the Brahmaputra and Barak Valleys, with extension in Cachar Hills of Assam and Tripura and in some parts of West Bengal, Bihar, Nepal and Bangladesh.
The Boro people lived as a free nation with dignity and honor till the British invaded and annexed their dominions into British India Administration. The Boro people and their land was never a part of political India. So when the colonial British left Indian sub-continent in 1947, the Boro people had prerogative right to be free and independent. But since 1947, in the last sixty years, the Boro people have become subjection to another alien subjugation, exploitation and domination. Since the Boro people are ethnically, culturally and linguistically different from Indians and had no known history or any voluntary intricate relationship with the people of India, they naturally, want to be free from India to determine their own future as a free people.
BSG: Given the pressure you are in how would you think to be able to withstand this formidable army directed by the decision makers in Delhi? Nabla: Our fight is not the competition of might. We are just fighting to establish our legitimate rights and determine our own future as a nation. So we can withstand and ultimately we will prevail over the military might of India.
BSG: You have had alliances with other indigenous peoples in Assam and beyond so the Northeast. Some were unfortunate. How are you relating now? Is it possible to form coalitions but on the basis of your quest to be sovereign?
In order to strengthen your base how would you relate or initiate relationships with similar peoples in the north east so that united in aspirations you would stand stronger?
Nabla: It is quite natural to have alliances with all other indigenous peoples and revolutionary organizations in Assam and beyond to fight for the right to self-determination. We are natural ally and having very good relationship with all the indigenous peoples and who are fighting for right to self-determination in the Region. We formed coalition like Self-Defence United Front of South East Himalayan Region and Indo-Burma Revolutionary Front. Failure is the success of pillar - as the saying goes, the failure of the Self-Defence United Front of South East Himalayan Region and Indo-Burma Revolutionary Front is enhancing our unity and the movements. The national liberation movements in the Region are now advancing and in regular contact to strengthen their struggle. In fact, now we are working as coalition by respecting the aspiration and quest to be sovereign based on the principle of equal rights for every nationalities of the Region.
BSG: The ultimate prospect of your organization is to achieve self-determination? Please explain how you came to that perspective?
Nabla: As all the nations and peoples possess the right to self-determination, the Boro people too have ultimate prospect for the right to self-determination. Right from the USA to East Timor have fought and secured the right to self-determination, or have become independent and sovereign. So we will also fight and secure the right to self-determination.
BSG: In the North East there are a lot of peoples who are in the same boat as the Boros, yet they have different goals to achieve. When we think of Ulfa you once were aligned to, we see two major differences: first the ULFA does not want to break up Assam and second they use terrorist tactics. In what respects do you agree or disagree with ULFA.
Nabla: Not only in North East but also in India, there are peoples who are in the same boat with different ideology and principle but our aim is to be free from India. India is our common enemy. There may be some differences, but ULFA is our natural ally in fighting India. Formally we are not communicated by ULFA that they are against division of Assam. What ULFA is doing could be terrorist's tactic to someone but to ULFA it could be the guerrilla tactics.
We have more similarities than differences in our struggle against colonialism of India. Nevertheless the NDFB feels that ULFA should spell out their socio-economic and political system of sovereign Assam. They must understand that simply the liberation, independence and sovereignty words are not enough to unite the people of Assam. The ULFA must declare about their policy on the right to self-determination of the Boro and other indigenous peoples. They must also be more distinct on the term, "indigenous" - as no Kangaroo can be the native or indigenous animal of Assam or no Rhino can be the native or indigenous animal of Australia. So the invaders of the thirteenth century - the Ahom and the others who had migrated later in Assam with different roots from different places can not claim themselves to be native or indigenous people.
BSG: The general perception of the dominant local groups along with the Government of India are quite confident the Boros have no chance in becoming independent or can have another form of autonomy or self rule. With the cease fire renewed but no peace talks to follow up on, some think this is similar to mocking the Boros. Do you think this is true? How do you feel about this perception?
Nabla: This general perception is coming only from the middle age proverb that "might is right". Overestimation of the military might of India is creating fear psychosis not in dominant but among few parasites of India. They think that we can never defeat the might of India. Yes, of course, if we think in terms of military might, we are defeated. But we have our own rights. We have our historical rights. Freedom is birth right. So we are confident that we are just fighting for our rights. If we continue to fight with all determination India must recognize our rights sooner or later. India, in the present political form never existed before and so collapse is inevitable like former USSR.
Demand of the charter of demands and mere extension of ceasefire by India is in fact, insulting or mocking to the Boro people. India must understand that if the conflict is not resolve peacefully and democratically we are also ready to fight to achieve our cherished goal - freedom.
BSG: The Boros though their history is rich, are scattered and live by different names too. Some have become Hindu or have adopted other ways, but do not exactly identify themselves as Boros. Do you think this transformation in thinking took place because the Boros, in the past, have not been able to organize themselves well enough? How can you reverse this trend? And extended to: Considering the Boros are scattered and living in the North East, primarily in Assam, how do you think you could reunite them so they can stand up to defend their rights to self determination?
Nabla: Despite our glorious past, at present, we are exploited, suppressed, dominated and scattered. In the past, the nationalism, which is a modern and recent phenomenon, was unthinkable among the illiterate and rustic Boro people. But now the trend has been changed and the nationalism is growing among the Boro people. Lack of nationalist organizations, nationalist movements and leadership were of course, responsible for this transformation - the conversion and adoption.
But after the formation of the NDFB, a new trend has been started. A nationalist ideology has emerged to unite all the Boro people. A nationalist movement has begun by uniting all the indigenous peoples who are from the same ancestry. Now the history of the Boro people is moving. Now every body is looking back to his roots and joining the national liberation movement of the NDFB. Our roots and the nationalist ideology will unite us and defend our right to self-determination.
BSG: As the Boro Support Group is a Human Rights Organization to support the Boro people in their defense against occupation, which is a legitimate cause, yet a human rights organization cannot condone any act of terrorism neither state nor defensive army induced, organizations like ULFA have shown themselves to be using terror tactics. What are your policies of fighting against the occupational army? Terror tactics are applied with the objective of drawing attention, but not in defense of a homeland.
Nabla: For us a guerrilla or revolutionary war is the last resort against mighty occupational forces of India to free Boro people and Boroland. Nevertheless, we are not against peaceful and democratic solution to the conflict.
BSG: Compared to the Nagas the Boros are even less known to the international community. The Nagas were forcibly isolated and so no journalists or visitors could report on their plight or their losses during the wars they fought. This is no so for the Boros; foreigners can freely move around in Assam and other states of the North East. Would you consider opening up to foreigners both inside Assam as well as for Boros to go out to take the opportunity to inform the international community about their plight as a suppressed people?
Nabla: Because of the draconian laws like Assam Disturbed Area Act of 1955 and the Armed Forces (Special Power) Act of 1958 which are enacted to squash the national liberation movements of the Region and declaration of restricted areas by India government after Chinese aggression in 1962, the whole region and the peoples are isolated and less known to the international community.
We would be very happy to welcome any one, who comes to our land and report to the international community about the plight of the Boro people and the Region.
BSG When the international community knows about the Boros and recognizes its people as being part of the international community then support, mental and physical, can be generated and the pressure felt from India can then be returned. Do you laud initiatives leading into that direction? If yes, please explain how to achieve that?
Nabla: We will, certainly, laud the initiatives of the international community leading into the recognition of the Boro people as a part of international community and the pressure put on India to de-colonize the Boroland and the entire Region. We would like the international community to draw attention of the Special Political and De-colonization Committee of the United Nations.
BSG: In the past there were other Boro Organizations and some still exist; there is even an accord reached by one of them with the Government of India. How do you relate to these organizations now? How do they relate to you?
Nabla: In the modern history of the Boro, there were and are still many organizations that have been trying to upholding the cause of the Boro people. At present we have been maintaining good relationship with all the organizations.
BSG: Normally a cease-fire is between two parties and it presupposes talks to be held to solve a conflict. It also presupposes that those talks are between the two parties who are in conflict. The Boro Support Group wants to know why the talks have not commenced and why you have agreed to an extension of the cease fire if no talks are scheduled.
In addition: the NDFB represents the Boro Nation, so it is a nation to nation cease fire agreement which includes that the Boro Nation is recognized by the Government of India to be a nation. If the Goi does not do or has not done that it means that the Goi will let the Boro Nation simmer until it gives up? I understand the NDFB is a banned organization, so how can the Goi actually talk to you?
The Boro Support Group questions you to elaborate on the idea of being taken seriously and considering the almost decade long the Goi has been engaged in with the Nagas what does the NDFB expect the Goi will do? And, if not favorable; what do you do about that?
Nabla: We have declared ceasefire to talk and resolve the conflict peacefully and democratically. But in the last two years instead of holding formal political talks the Indian government is merely demanding the so-called charter of demands and extending the ceasefire. It is just a futile exercise on the part of Indian government. Mere extension of ceasefire cannot go unlimited.
By procrastinating the talks India may think that Boro people will simmer to give up. But India must understand that the Boro people will simmer to win, but not to give up. If India can enter into ceasefire with a ban organization it can also start talking to a ban organization.
We have been closely monitoring the Indo-Naga talks for the last 10 years. But it is unfortunate that in the last ten years there is no known development. When the talks started between the NSCN and the GOI, the expectation of the NDFB was very high. But now our hope is fading away. Sincerity and honesty of India is questionable. If the conflict is not resolved peacefully and democratically we will have no other options but to continue fighting for our inalienable rights - the rights to self-determination.
The Boro Support Group, BSG www.borosupport.nl
A human rights organization

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