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08/07/2007: "‘Nagas not demanding self-determination’ The Morung Express"

‘Nagas not demanding self-determination’ The Morung Express

Dimapur, Aug 6 (MExN): The Naga people never ‘demanded self-determination’ from India and even NSCN-IM general secretary Th. Muivah never ‘talked about self-determination’ when he was with the NNC, the NNC states.
According to “PS to youth president” NNC, Jessy Panmei when Th. Muivah was general secretary of NNC in 1965, he did not ‘talk about self-determination.’ However, in 2000 Muivah “dropped sovereignty” and started demanding for self-determination from India “which has nothing to do at all with the Indo-Naga conflict.”
“And now Th. Muivah’s demand for self-determination is justified by Prof. Timothy Kaping from London, UK saying ‘Israel was formed under the right to self-determination; Kosovo, Kashmiris, Kurds and are demanding self-determination etc.. the “PS to youth president” stated. In this regard the “PS to youth president” queried Prof. Kaping “when Germany invaded Poland and France in 1939, did these tow countries demanded self-determination from Germany or did they fight against the aggressor Germany in defense of their countries?” Stating that the Nagas have been fighting against the “aggressor India” in ‘defense,’ the NNC youth queried why Prof. Kaping is projecting the Nagas as being demanding ‘self-determination’ in order to justify “Muivah’s political blunder.’ Rather than “putting salt to wounds” Prof. Kaping should heal the wounds by pressurizing Muivah to “admit his mistake and stop killing the Nagas.”
Mokokchung unites in the face of threat Morung Express News
Dimapur Apprehension, tension and an uneasy calm runs high in Mokokchung as the Ao Senden called a public meeting in relation to the threat by the All Assam Students Union (AASU), which is threatening to enter Nagaland and destroy the checkgate at Tsutapela in Tzurangkong area inside Mokokchung. A public announcement was made this evening at around 6:30 pm to 7 pm, through public address system, amidst loud cheers from the public. Sources said all able-bodied males in the town are in readiness to go down to Tzurangkong area to fight the Assam students who have reportedly threatened to come up to Longtoh area, a small township which is within the boundary of Nagaland.
However, everything would be decided at tomorrow’s meeting called by the Ao Senden Executive Committee and the Mokokchung town elders, which has been called at 7 O’clock at Mokokchung Police Point. A meeting today resolved on the various course of actions to be taken and mobilization of public awareness of the impending situation.
Tension first started in Tzurangkong area in Mokokchung after an Assamese local Daily ‘Asomiya Pratidin’ reported that the AASU will march up to Tzurang valley to occupy Naga soil. This prompted the villagers to impose a bandh in the area from July 6. “Volunteers from Mokokchung town and the nearby villages shall proceed to Tzurangkong villages to support and assist the situation on 8th Aug 2007,” Ao Senden president, Temjenkaba and general secretary, Temjen Paul said in a release today.
The two leaders said today’s emergency meeting reiterated the July 11 resolution number three and further urged all the villages in Ao Naga areas to be prepared for any eventuality in the event of the war-like situation in the border areas. Ao Students’ Conference (AKM) president, Aodangnok, when contacted, said that the AKM is with the Ao Senden and that the students’ body would support whatever decision is taken by the Ao Senden.
“What they say (AASU’s declaration to come to Naga areas) is a direct challenge to the people of Mokokchung so we are also ready to face any kind of consequences, (that may arise out of this threat by the AASU)” said Aodangnok. Deputy Commissioner of Mokokchung, Abhishek Singh said that he visited the border area and had a meeting with the villagers in Chungtiayimsen village. Singh said that he apprised the Tzurangkong Range Union and Tzurangkong Students Union, that the district administration and the police are taking concrete steps to ensure that no unauthorized persons are allowed to enter Mokokchung from Tsutapala check post or any other check post without a proper Inner Line Permit (ILP).
Singh said that security has been beefed up in the border areas and the Police are prepared to face any eventuality. Singh further said that he has warned the Jorhat administration and its Police to restrain their students in order to ensure that no untoward incident takes place. Deputy Commissioner Singh had a meeting with Tsurangkong villages on August 6th in Chungtiayimsen village in connection with a situation arising out of the reported move of All Assam Students Union activists to enter Nagaland from Tsutapala check post on August 8.
“Jorhat DC and SP have been asked to ensure that no students or anyone undertakes any adventure as it will be counter-productive and any persons trying to enter Nagaland without ILP will be arrested straight away” said Singh. The Mokokchung DC also appealed to the Tsurangkong villages not to resort to any bandh or blockade as that will affect the people in Nagaland side more than Assam. He said this will only help vested interests in Assam who wants to create trouble along the borders.
The DC has made an appeal to public not to panic and assured one and all that the Mokokchung administration and police will ensure that no one will be allowed to violate the territorial sanctity of Nagaland. Assam and Nagaland have been embroiled in a bitter boundary dispute. Though Nagaland is open to an out-of-court settlement to the dispute based on historical ties, Assam on the other hand insists that the dispute can be resolved only through the Indian court system.
Political growth in Nagaland- Nagaland Post
First, some points to ponder upon:-
1. Nagas were headhunters before the advent of the British and the American missionaries.
2. Social interactions were limited within few villages in those days.
3. Modern education was a strange concept for the Nagas in those days and they considered it an instrument of conversion to alien cultures.
4. Social status and decision-making exercises were based on the population in the villages or of the regions. "Might" had an upper hand over intellectual competencies.
5. After 1947, the Indian Army forcibly occupied Nagaland consequently absorbing it into the Indian Union.
6. Thereafter, a new political system based on democratic principles was introduced in the state of Nagaland.
7. But social hangovers based on old traditions continued for a long period of time and politics and administration still continued to be based on village population, tribal allegiance, clan inclination, regionalism, etc.
8. Politics based on democratic principles are universally accepted and politics in Nagaland is also said to be conducted on the same principle, but it has not been successful as it should have been.
9. If we look into the matter carefully, we find that for the last 40 years, the successful candidates in the general elections have been mostly from the big villages or big clans. The translation is that, at the cost of competent candidates, general elections have been more advantageous to candidates from big villages, regions, or clans who have "Might".
10. Now, in the 21st century, should we still allow "Might" to take an upper hand over intellectual competence?
11. For better governance of a state or a nation, there must be political stability, clean administration, and all round development such as in the field of industries, trade and commerce, science and technology, education, human resources development, law and order maintenance, international relations, population control policy, welfare schemes for citizens of all categories, health care and family welfare, human rights awareness, legal awareness, environment protection and ecological preservation, etc.
12. To run a state or a country, the need is to see that the most efficient, dynamic and capable candidates are elected to occupy public offices. Therefore, it is desirable that candidates having at least some pre-requisite qualifications and exposure to the outside world are elected to high public offices.
13. In Nagaland, in the past few decades, most successful candidates having come from big villages, regions, or clans, the smaller villages or regions have been badly neglected. This is because, the successful candidates always take it for granted that they can win even without the help of the electorates from the smaller villages. Developmental activities are also carried out along such line or attitude.
To justify the above claims, I would like to cite my own Assembly Constituency, i.e., 39 Sanis AIC under Wokha district as a small case example. I have collected some data from the District Planning Office, Wokha to highlight how politicians have utilized the District Plan Fund (DPF) for 10 years from the year 1993 to 2003.
1993 -1998 DPF spent for 9 villages (Potinakup*): Rs. 23.20 Lacs
1993 -1998 DPF spent for one particular village alone: Rs. 119.75 Lacs
1998 - 2003 DPF spent for 9 villages (Potinakup): Rs. 18.20 Lacs
1998 - 2003 DPF spent for one particular village alone: Rs. 96.70 Lacs.
(* Potinakup comprises the following villages: Meshangpen, Tsopo, Chudi, Longtsung, Morakcho, Lotsu, Pyangsa, MoHan and Pyochu)
Again, a corresponding record of the successful candidates in successive general elections will show how only candidates from the big villages have won:
3rd General Elections (1974)*: Mhonshan Murry, Independent, from Okotso Village.
4th General Elections (1977): Mhonshan Murry, UDF, from Okotso village.
5th General Elections (1982): T. N. Ngullie, Independent, from Pangti* village.
6th General Elections (1987): T. N. Ngullie, INC, from Pangti village
7th General Elections (1989): T. N. Ngullie, INC, from Pangti village
8th General Elections (1993): Sulanthung Humtsoe, DLP, from Lakhuti village
9th General Elections (1998): N.Thomas Ngullie,INC,from Lakhuti (Elected unopposed).
10th General Elections (2003): Nkhao Jami, NPF, from Pangti village
(* in the first and second General Elections, Potinakup villages were under Moilan- Wozhuro Assembly Constituency. Potinakup was included in 39 Sanis AlC only after the 1972-73 delimitation whereby the AlC seats for Wokha district were reduced from 5 to 4).
(, * and these are the three big villages in 39 Sanis AIC),
Besides the Potinakup villages, the deprivation and discrimination is similar too for other smaller villages in the constituency Sanis village, Sanis town, Aree Old, Aree New, Sunglup and Yonchucho are living testifiers to the same.
Over and above all things mentioned, it is also regretful to say that all the road conditions, power and water supply facilities, school buildings, and medical care facilities which are basic human needs have been found wanting and are in deplorable conditions. Again most Government jobs falling vacant due to retirement of the incumbents or for other reasons within the 9 villages (Potinakup) are all forcibly filled up in a biased manner by candidates from other areas through the influence of local politicians. Thus, the sentiments of the local populace are hurt.
Because of all these deprivations over the years, the people of Potinakup have become liabilities or serious nuisances rather than social assets. As a result, unemployment of the educated has reached a climax and the social, economic and political situation has deteriorated beyond repair. Friends and countrymen, question: Should we still keep our eyes closed and continue in our ways of the old?
Thungkomo Jungio Chudi Village, Dist. Wokha
An open letter to Professor Timothy Kaping Kuknalim.com
Having read your letter in The Morung Express dated 1st of August, I was slightly dismayed to the fact that you seem to have not carefully read my article, In and Out of PSND. Perhaps this was due to the fact that you’re a scholar who is busy with digs at Exeter and presenting Nagalin to the British people at large at Plymouth. However I must state that as for me, I speck only regarding myself, I am not willing to put my hopes and expectations regarding my Nation in a vechle with no engine.
By now, I believe you would have had more time to read my article. As you would be aware that the issue is not weather one is an Indian, Naga or a Korean. Nor the issue is regarding weather ones name is Sema, Sumi or Kapimoi. My article raises certain issues, namely four in number, which I believe needs to be answered, for you connivance I will list them below:
1. Is PSND formed by an Act of the British Parliament?
2. Did PSND came into being, by the command of the British Government?
3. What responsibility has the British Parliament given PSND?
4. What power do the do the PSND have, that has been given by the British Government or the British Parliament?
I believe that not only I but whole of Nagalim need to know the answers to four points raised. I for one, have no object if you were to consult your good friend Lord Ahmed regarding this matter. However I must ask you that the answer should be given in simple manner stating dates names and sources which should be easily verified by the people of Nagalim, I ask this because as you are aware that the people of Nagalim at large are not Doctors or Professor but simple folks who like to think good things of others. I with the rest of the people of Nagalim eagerly wait for your response.
“Make the lie big, make it simple, keep saying it, and eventually they will believe it” Adolf Hitler, (German Chancellor, leader of Socialist Nazi Party)
Vikishe Sema
Nagas react to threat; DC mkg asks jorhat admin to restrain AASU Staff Reporter Nagaland Post
Dimapur, Aug 6 (NPN): Against the backdrop of the threat by All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) to march inside Nagaland and destroy the Nagaland Police check gate at Tsutapela on August 8 with a mob of several thousands, DC Mokokchung Abhishek Singh and the Ao Senden Monday have said the administration and people of the district were prepared to face such an eventuality.
DC Mokokchung Abhishek Singh assured the public of Tsurangkong villages at a meeting held in Chungitayimsen Monday, that the district administration and police were taking all measures to thwart the entry of unauthorized persons into the district.
According to a statement, the DC revealed that security at the Tsutapela check gate at the border with Mariani, had been beefed up to face the threat.
The DC Mokokchung has asked the DC and SP of Jorhat district to restrain the students in order to avoid any untoward incident. Abhshek also asked both DC and SP Jorhat to ensure that no students or anyone undertook any such adventure and warned that such a move would be counterproductive as anyone trying to enter Nagaland without ILP would be arrested straightaway.
He appealed to Tsurangkong villagers not to panic and assured that the district administration would not allow any one to violate the territorial sanctity of Nagaland.
Abhishek also dissuaded the villagers from resorting to any bandh or blockade as it would affect Nagaland more than Assam and instead, play into the hands of vested interests.
In another statement, the Ao Senden called upon all Ao villages to be “prepared for any eventuality in the event of a war-like situation in the border”.
The Ao Senden president Temjenkaba and general secretary Temjen Paul informed that a joint emergency meeting of the Ao Senden executive council and Mokokchung elders held Monday resolved that volunteers from Mokokchung and nearby villages would proceed to Tzurankong villages to “support and assist the situation on August 8.”
The Senden has also convened an emergency public meeting on Tuesday at 7 a.m at Mokokchung town Police Point, to “resolve the various course of actions and public awareness of the impending situation.”
Meanwhile, dismissing the claim of AASU as “false”, Additional Chief Secretary and Commissioner TN Mannen said the government was constantly monitoring the situation and if required, adequate security personnel would be deployed in the area to thwart any incident.
The indefinite curfew imposed at Tzurangkong came into force at 6 pm Monday. It was imposed by the Tzurangkong public as a preemptive measure to thwart the proposed march by AASU.
Meanwhile, the three-member Local Commission on Border held a meeting in Dimapur Monday with representatives of Assam and Nagaland at NAPTC Chumukedima.
Talking to Nagaland Post, Mannen said the meeting discussed at length the issue of preparing maps by Assam and Nagaland governments. He said the Commission asked the two States to prepare the maps in “1.50 thousand scale” to maintain uniformity.
The Survey General of India will assist the two States in preparing the maps, Mannen said. He added preparation of the maps would take about six weeks’ time after which the maps would be submitted to the Commission.
The Assam government was represented by twenty two officials while Nagaland was represented by Mannen, the Home Secretary, ADG (Border) and other officials entrusted with border management.
It may be mentioned the Commission, constituted by the Supreme Court of India last year, so far held a few rounds of meetings both in Nagaland and Assam.
Let the bloodshed end Sanjoy Hazarika
Let the fur fly, angry words be exchanged, emotions run high. Yet, words, however hurtful or disagreeable, are better than firing bullets, laying ambushes and creating fear and tension. Let the debate begin.
There are two moving memorials in Kohima and Khonoma in Nagaland that evoke a history of defiance and bravery. The first is well-known and lies at the foot of the Commonwealth War Graves Cemetery in the state capital Kohima, built along the tennis courts of the deputy commissioner's bungalow where the Japanese forces in World War II were slowed, stalled and then pushed back by a band of determined British and Indian troops. The words on the high marble slab over the busy intersection in Kohima are a strong reminder of the lives lost in this and countless other battles, on many fronts across the world:
“When you go home
Tell all of us and say
For your tomorrow
We gave our today”
An hour's run from Kohima is the village of Khonoma, flanked by dappled, forested hillsides and terraced rice fields. A great stone church dominates the village, clinging onto one hilltop while other houses are built in a sprawl of wood, stone and cement, and run up and down the other slopes. Khonoma is about 400 years old and is a major symbol of power and resistance for the Nagas — both against the British and the Indian Army. It is the home of the late Angami Zapu Phizo, who mobilised the Naga National Council and led the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), in its bitter armed campaign against New Delhi, asserting that the Nagas were not and would never be 'Indians'. And it was a Khonoma resident who is said to have walked to a telegraph office on August 14, 1947 in Kohima and sent a message out to the fledgling United Nations that the Nagas had declared Independence. This story, whether partly or wholly true, has found itself into Naga lore.

It is a village that suffered at the hands of the British and the Indian army: both destroyed it at least once for its defiance. In the square, as one enters, is a simple stone block, painted in the blue and white 'national' colours of the Naga National Council (this flag of Naga independence is accepted by other rival armed groups) with the names of 56 men who died fighting Indian troops. It praises the “heroes who died so that we may be free”. This is an extraordinary monument simply because it still exists. Where else can one find a greater tribute to co-existence and democracy — where the larger group accepts the right of the smaller to pledge defiance?
The negotiations that the government of India has been conducting for over 10 years with the main Naga militant group, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) of Isak Swu and Th Muivah (I-M), needs to be seen in this spirit of mutual acceptance. India has a ceasefire but no negotiations with the other major Naga group led by SS Khaplang. There is another aspect to Khonoma that needs to be taken note of: A reconciliation has taken place between two major clans, divided for decades over a killing. This division lasted over 40 years but finally, after years of dialogue and discussions, one elder took responsibility for the tragedy, apologised to the other family and called for healing. The apology was accepted and an old bitterness was finally buried.
It is this kind of reconciliation — at the individual, community, tribal and political level — that is crucial if political agreements at a higher level are to take place and bear fruit. Such a healing touch can cement the foundation of good politics and strong negotiations, although it cannot replace the latter. This action is relevant to the current situation; it takes great courage to put the past behind and accept one's mistake. It should be noted that the acute differences between Muivah's group and that of Khaplang grew out of mutual suspicions followed by a bloody assault on a remote camp in Myanmar housing Muivah's fighters by Khaplang's followers.

The journey to Somdel, a village in Ukhrul district, dominated by the Tangkhul Nagas, was one that I had long wanted to make. The Tangkhuls are one of the most prominent and educated of the Naga tribes, in Manipur and outside of it. They have provided some of the best organisers and fighters of the Naga battle for separation from India. Somdel is to the Nagas of Manipur what Khonoma is to their people in neighbouring Nagaland: the home of their most influential leader, Thiuengelang Muivah, general secretary of the NSCN (I-M). Muivah lived abroad for nearly 38 years, since he led the equivalent of the Long March to China, along with General Thinsolie, over jungles and mountains through Myanmar into Yunnan Province in 1966 and established contact and gained support from the Chinese. That official backing ended in 1976. When I visited Somdel a few years ago, I thought it was these mountain tracks that must have prepared Muivah for his legendary treks: there was no road, just a hill track on which no bus or truck could travel, barring the one village jeep and the occasional army and police patrol.

Often, as one travels in such isolated parts of the Northeast, one realises that what the Nagas and other groups have is de facto separation. What they want is a legalised adaptation of that reality: a de jure acceptance. If there has to be movement forward, out of the current log jam, the government of India must call joint consultations with the chief ministers and top officials of the neighbouring states of Nagaland as well to brief them on the progress of the talks with the NSCN and seek their views. Such an exercise will make consultations more transparent. But in a democracy, there's always an election around the corner! Nagaland is headed for one next year. In 2008, there will be elections to Parliament. And which government or political party is prepared to take decisions that could have repercussions on its electoral prospects?

So the talks will meander on, partly because it is difficult for the NSCN (I-M) to pull out. This suits New Delhi because no party to the talks can be seen as anti-peace. The core of the discussions among representatives of the Centre and the NSCN revolves around three issues related to the Constitution: what is acceptable to both, what is not and what needs change. These are questions that are unlikely to be concluded in any haste. Yet, although troops on either side are not confronting each other, the situation in Nagaland is still fraught with danger: the major rival groups, NSCN (I-M) and the NSCN (K) allied to the FGN cadres have been engaging each other in furious gunfights in district headquarters, smaller towns and elsewhere, creating panic and deep concern. Manipur is a case apart: the Nagas and Kukis have carved out spheres of influences for themselves in the hills ringing the Imphal Valley. The Meitei armed groups are influential in the valley in a state that is in an internal collapse.

In Nagaland, the state government appears unable or unwilling to do anything on the issue, saying that it is a 'political' problem and not one of law and order. Nothing could be more farcical, especially as the I-M leaders and New Delhi square off to begin a fresh round of talks in the capital. Take the riot that erupted in the Tangkhul colony in Dimapur, the largest town in Nagaland, a few weeks ago. Hundreds of homes belonging to members of this tribe were gutted after a series of incidents involving high-handedness of I-M cadres and Tangkhul youth. No Tangkhul was physically harmed but the homes of top leaders of the I-M were razed. That was an outburst of anger, which had been building up for a long time, and it should be noted that the I-M leadership of Muivah and Swu were at their Hebron Camp, not far from Dimapur, at the time.

Ironically, 10 years of negotiations with the Centre have seen a sharpening of the divide among Nagas, especially on ethnic and loyalist lines. The Church tries to reduce tension but finds itself rebu-ffed by both sides, each unwilling to trust the other. The negotiations at some point take on an air of unreality when we hear discussions about a federal relationship between the Nagas and the Centre. This is a fine concept and some media pundits and scholars have enthusiastically applauded such a move. A relationship between the Nagas and the Centre cannot be seen independently of the relations between the Centre and other parts of the country. Of course, all states of the Union may be allowed to fly their own flag and sing their own state anthem, but is the Centre prepared to shed its enormous control to just running defence, finance, communications and foreign affairs? I doubt it: I am all for out-of-the-box thinking but there should be a practical understanding of the Centre's interest on this.

One example should suffice: the Centre is determined not to act on the recommendations of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act Review Committee that proposed the repeal of this obnoxious law in June 2005. How far can it go with the Nagas who are demanding not just parity but a separate entity that includes parts carved out of three neighbouring states? (The central government has not even made the AFSPA Review report public but it is in the public domain because The Hindu placed it on its website in October 2006). What was once a bilateral issue has, by dint of several factors too complex to go into here, become an internal matter of India. And that is angering other factions and an older generation who have seen many Naga 'national workers', as the armed and political cadres are called, die for the cause.

The NSCN (I-M) is not negotiating for the Naga right to sovereignty, although this has been at the heart of the struggle. Leaders of the I-M have proclaimed that even the US is not truly sovereign in a changing world. I had once described the NSCN as the 'mother of all insurgencies'; but it no longer controls the others. There are collaborations and contacts but the groups in Assam and Tripura, and of course Manipur, plough their own furrows. The principal stakeholders in the Naga peace process include Naga neighbours: Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. Such a consultation can lead to a broadening of the process and can be an appropriate way to move ahead. New Delhi is not a real neighbour of the Nagas.

There is another aspect to the Naga and Northeast story. It is not insignificant that thousands of young Nagas, Mizos, Manipuris and Assamese are making another long trek — to better educational institutions in different parts of the country and even abroad, which lead to improved incomes and professions. Their worldview is changing and although convictions about their past run deep, there is lack of certainty about the future. Let the fur fly, let angry words be exchanged, let emotions run high. Yet, words, however hurtful or disagreeable, are better than firing bullets, laying ambushes and creating fear and tension. Let the debates begin, let the bloodshed end. [SANJOY HAZARIKA, HARDNEWS]

aga unit walks out on Neso OUR BUREAU The Telegraph
Kohima/Guwahati, Aug. 6: The Naga Students Federation (NSF) has dissociated itself from the North East Students Organisation (Neso), the umbrella organisation of students in the region.
The Nagaland-based students’ union alleged that Neso was more into politics than in ensuring the welfare of its constituents.
However, Neso itself was confident that its Nagaland unit would remain in its fold.
“The federation, as a students’ organisation, indulges in politics and does not work according to its constitution. Therefore, we have decided to sever our ties with Neso headed by chairman Samujjal Bhattacharyya. We will not be a part of Neso as long as its managers indulge in politics,” NSF president Imchatoba Imchen said.
Instead of joining issue with Imchen, Bhattacharyya said in Guwahati that the NSF would remain a part of Neso as it had been instrumental in its formation. He claimed that Neso was apolitical and would stay that way.
“The welfare of the student community is our area of concern and will remain so. But if raising our voices against influx or pushing for peace talks in the greater interest of the region is considered politics, then it is very unfortunate,” Bhattacharyya argued.
Sources in Neso, who participated in its meeting at Shillong last week that saw the constitution of a new body, said there was more to the NSF charges than meets the eye.
The decision to pull out from Neso, one of them claimed, was an attempt by the NSF leadership to divert attention from infighting within its own organisation.
Illegal migrants being identified, says Assam Minister Sp. Correspondent The Hindu
Guwahati: Two days after Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi reiterated that Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland had not pushed illegal Bangladeshi migrants into the State, Forest Minister Rockybul Hussain informed the Assembly that the process of identifying persons from Arunachal Pradesh was continuing.
Replying to a written question by Independent member Pranab Kalita, the Forest Minister said 3190 persons entered the State from Arunachal Pradesh till July 18.
On Saturday, Mr Gogoi reiterated that all those who had entered Assam from Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland “have been found to be Indian citizens with valid documents as per the provisions of the Assam Accord.” The All Assam Students’ Union, the AGP, the Bhartiya Janata Party, Asom Yuba Chatra Parishad and Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha were sceptical. They wondered how the State Government could so quickly verify their citizenship. They alleged that the Congress-led Government was protecting Bangladeshi migrants.
Students announce anti-mayek stance Newmai News Network
Imphal Reiterating the decisions resolutely arrived at the joint meeting held on July 29 2007, the All Naga Students Association, Manipur (ANSAM) and Kuki Students' Organization KSO, General Headquarters (GHQ) have rejected the "double standard of the state government of Manipur announcing its strong directives to control the Mayek volunteers of taking the law within their disposal and violating the motor vehicle acts of the state".
"The state government even declared the activities of Mayek agitators as criminals under 120-B/153-A/341/506 IPC read with 9 Punjab Security Act and 192/198 of Motor Vehicle Act. While on the other hand state government of Manipur clandestine signing of Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on July 26, 2007 at the Chief Minister's chamber with the Mayek agitators (published in Imphal based local dailies on 27th July 2007) is disgusting and ignoring the interest of other ethnic minority communities and defying the laws by the law enforcing agents of the state", said the two students bodies.
The statement also said that things have been proved without an iota of doubt that the state machineries are in connivances with the majority valley community to exploit and inflict injuries to the hill people.
"If this is the attitude of the dominant state govt., the ANSAM and KSO (GHQ) are prepared to initiate appropriate course of action within our jurisdiction with immediate effect from 6th August 2007," warned the statement.
The two student organisations directed all the constituent units and branches of ANSAM and KSO (GHQ) to restrict the entry of Meitei Mayek inscribed vehicles in the hill districts.
The statement also urged their units and branches to erase all sign boards, vehicle number plates and wall paintings written in Meitei Mayek in the hill districts.
"Any imposition of Meitei Mayek inscription in the vehicle No. plates may be reported to ANSAM and KSO (GHQ) for initiation of further course of necessary action in consultation with ATSUM," further urged the statement.
While terming it as the calculated attitude of the "dominant state authority to assimilate through linguistic, culture, dress code and script ventures", the student organisations urged the state government to spell out their hidden agenda on the people of the hill districts.
"Taking serious note on the sinister motives of All Political Parties in the state to oppose the delimitation process is crystal clear primarily focused and designed to subjugate and deprive the constitutional rights of the tribals. The delimitation exercise under 2001 census is promoting and protecting the provision of the constitutional rights and enhancing the prospect of the tribals of proportionate participation in the State Assembly which is directly denied and challenged by the dominant group to forcibly suppress us," said the ANSAM and KSO statement. The student bodies also strongly condemned the state cabinet decision on July 30, 2007 (published in Imphal based local daily on 31st July 2007) to reject 2001 Census report and their plea to halt delimitation exercise. "The state government's intention to maintain status quo in favor of the dominant valley interest by ignoring the tribal rights is injurious in the long relationship of the ethnic communities. This outcome is holding the tribals in ransom to prosper and benefit the valley sector. We on behalf of the hill people questions the integrity of the tribal cabinet ministers in the present SPF ministry and responsible tribal legislatures opposing the delimitation as per census 2001. Representatives timid and ignorant to defend and safeguard the rights of the tribals are betraying the aspirations of the people they represent and amount to selling off the rights at the cost of their respective chair and position in the State Assembly," asserted the two students organisations.
The statement however said that the student bodies acknowledge and appreciate the tribal legislators who walked out from the Special Assembly Session to advocate the delimitation exercise as directed by the Delimitation Commission for smooth implementation. It further stated that this is the time for the tribals to learn to foster unity and mutual understanding in the interest of the "minority hill people in the present state of Manipur".
On the development front the statement said, "The tribals have tolerated beyond our patience. Some basic requirements to develop hill sectors are deplorable. The road conditions under NH – 39 and NH-53 are in a pathetic shape. Though the central government has invested crores of rupees through the state PWD, nothing is in progress. Now, the ANSAM and KSO (GHQ) are compelled to take strong exception viewing the suffering and hardship of the daily commuters, vehicle owners and transportation inconveniences in trade and commerce". "Under such circumstances, the joint organizations urge the state government of Manipur to survey the road conditions and expedite the implementation of work sanctioned by the state before 16th August 2007," requested the Kuki and the Naga student bodies to the state government. However, both the student organisations warned that in the event of the failure to response in the affirmative to the appeals, the constituent units of ANSAM and KSO (GHQ) through various organs shall resume 24 hours total bandh along NH – 39 from midnight August 16 next.
It further warned that all the vehicles or transports carrying materials and goods belonging to PWD shall be restricted indefinitely from August 18 and "if the government and the concerned department fail to respond positively, course of agitations shall be intensified and also that the state government shall be responsible for any eventualities in neglecting the hill people".
The joint statement then announced that the Senapati District Students’ Association (SDSA) and its units and the KSO Sadar Hills and its units are empowered to deploy man power required for carrying out the course of action.
Karbi Anglong on the boil over ban A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph


Guwahati, Aug. 6: A ban on the sale and purchase of land in troubled Karbi Anglong has pitted the interests of the Karbi tribe against those of communities perceived as “settlers”.
Organisations representing non-Karbis, who constitute 65 per cent of the troubled district’s population, have approached both Dispur and Raj Bhavan to revoke the ban. A public rally will be held in Bokajan on August 11 to mobilise opinion against the ban, clamped by the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council on July 13 but notified only last week.
Karbi Anglong has a history of ethnic conflict with militancy adding to the strain on the tenuous relationship between indigenous tribals and other communities.
The autonomous council has banned the sale, purchase, mortgage, lease, barter and gifting of land from non-tribal to non-tribal and tribal to non-tribal in any nature. No transfer of land will be considered legitimate for the next 12 years and any such arrangement in the past 12 years, recorded or otherwise, stands cancelled.
The non-Karbi population is specifically objecting to the clause which states that if anybody who has been living in the area for 15 years wants to dispose of his/her land, the buyer must be a tribal. The autonomous council will take over the plot of land up for sale on the terms set by the seller and “settle it” in the name of the willing tribal buyer.
The organisations campaigning against the ban include the All Adivasi Students’ Association, All Assam Students’ Union, Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chatra Parishad, All Bengali Youth Students’ Federation, Hindi Bhasi Youth Society, Muslim Kalyan Parishad and the Assam Gorkha Sanmilan.
Depending on the government’s response to their plea to revoke the ban, the organisations could even move court for a re-merger of areas that were carved out of Sivasagar and Nagaon districts to form the erstwhile United Mikir and North Cachar Hills district on November 17, 1951. The Mikir Hills and North Cachar Hills were separated in 1970. Six years later, the Mikir Hills became Karbi Anglong. The general secretary of the AASU’s district unit, Madhurjya Dhekial Phukan, said the ban on sale and purchase of land had made non-Karbis insecure about their future in the district. “Whose interests is the autonomous council trying to protect? Checks should be on outsiders, not on local non-tribals or those who enjoy voting rights. We understand influx is a problem but can this be checked by curtailing our rights?” he asked.
Activists urge China, India, and Russia to cut Burma support Indo-Burma News
August 7, 2007: (AP) Dozens of Burmese activists rallied in Malaysia on Tuesday, urging China, India and Russia to cut support for the military-ruled country until democracy is restored.
Some 100 protesters, wearing red bandanas and armbands, carried banners that read "We want peace and justice in Myanmar" and "No military junta" as they demonstrated outside the Chinese Embassy under the watch of anti-riot police.
The activists later marched to the nearby Russian Embassy to continue their protest, marking the 19th anniversary of the junta's crushing of a pro-democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and seizure of power on August 8, 1988.
The group, which said it is the Malaysian branch of the opposition National League for Democracy, accused the junta of trying to fool the international community by holding what it described as a sham national convention tasked with drawing up guidelines for a new constitution.
"Human rights abuses are worsening with hundreds of political activists languishing in jail, while the wealth gap in Burma is widening and public necessities are scarce," the activists said in a statement.
"We request that China, India and Russia, the most powerful nations who support the stability of the military junta, to stop their business and political friendship with the military," the group said.
The group also urged China and Russia not to use their veto privilege to block UN Security Council measures that seek to keep a spotlight on the junta's abuses.
The two countries in January objected to a US proposal to put Burma on the agenda of the Security Council, which would allow the actions of the military junta to be discussed formally.
Burma's economy: The Junta's Achilles' heel By Larry Jagan Mizzima News
6 August 2007 - Burma's economy remains the military regime's Achilles' heel. Over the past nineteen years the majority of people have got poorer and poorer, as a select few with strong links to the generals, have successfully accumulated substantial wealth. But the deteriorating economic situation and the rising poverty have fuelled increased anger and even recently occasional public protests.
The government's new found wealth in gas and oil reserves is only likely to exacerbate the situation as Burma's military rulers care little for the plight of the country's civilian population. There is a real danger of Burma becoming another authoritarian Petro-dollar regime like Nigeria, a UN economist told Mizzima on condition of anonymity.
As yet there are few signs of conspicuous consumption amongst the Burmese elite, with the exception of the lavish wedding party, the country's top general Than Shwe throw for his daughter more than a year ago. But as the wealth from the country's energy resources begins to roll in this is likely to change and the visible divide between rich and poor stimulate increased social and economic unrest. This is what Burma's military rulers fear most. It was the demonetarisation of the kyat and subsequent food shortages some two decades ago that fuelled the strikes and political protests and demands for democracy that brought the country to a complete standstill nineteen years. The regime fears a repeat of this and tries to ensure that there is no shortages of rice in the domestic market.
"The people can judge us on our deeds," a senior subordinates of the former intelligence chief General Khin Nyunt told this correspondent more than ten years ago -- on one of the rare occasions this correspondent was allowed to visit Burma. "They will see that we have produced real economic development and made their lives better," he said. "That will be the litmus test of our success." But on this score the regime has certainly failed miserably. True, there have been massive developments of sorts. Major cities like Rangoon and Mandalay have been transformed. New homes, condominiums, tower blocks, modern shopping complexes, plush office buildings, luxury restaurants and hotels have all sprung up. There has, over the last fifteen years or so, been a continuous construction boom that has seldom slowed, even during the Asian economic crisis of ten years ago. The government has also pursued a vigorous mega infrastructure plan – building roads, bridges and dams throughout the country. But much of this construction was designed to improve the country's communications and transport links.
"These infrastructure projects also improved the military's access to the country's remote areas and significantly enhanced the speed with which the army could deploy troops," according to a senior Thai military source. These new roads should also have benefited the farmers, allowing them greater and speedier access to local markets – but the country's farmers have not benefited as they found themselves under increased economic pressure from government actions and the lack of investment in the agricultural sector.
"More than ninety percent of the country's population live in dire poverty," a Burmese economist told Mizzima on condition of anonymity. "It is not so much a case of food shortages as families' incomes being insufficient to purchase their daily needs," he added.
UN country-wide surveys in last few years have revealed this trend of increased poverty in Burma and the growing income gap. "More than ninety percent of the population live on less than 300, 000 kyat (around $300) a year," a senior UN official told Mizzima, but declined to be named. This is far greater than in the neighbouring countries with the possible exception of Laos.
"Food security has become a significant issue in many parts of the country, especially in the remote and border areas," he said. The worst areas are in Chin, Kachin, Rakhine and Shan states, according to a recent UN report seen by Mizzima. By far the worst area is Chin state, according to the UN surveys, where 40 percent of the population just do not get enough food to live on. In Chin state nearly three in five people live below the poverty line, according to the UN's resident humanitarian co-ordinator in Burma, Charles Petrie. This situation is expected to worse further as there have been recent reports from various parts of Chin state of potential crop failures.
In eastern and northern Shan state more than half the population lives under the poverty line. "They just do not have sufficient income to ensure food security, let alone provide a balance or varied diet," according to one of the UN researchers. The UN research has documented a deteriorating situation, with poverty levels in the country growing with no attempt by the Burmese government to counter it. A crucial sign of food insecurity and poverty is the level of household income devoted to purchasing food – in Burma the average household expenditure on food is nearly 70 percent. "This is reflection of a very low income level of the population," said a UN report. This compares unfavourably with its neighbours, where it is 59 percent in Indonesia, 57 percent in Bangladesh and 32 percent in Thailand.
What is more over the last ten years these neighbouring countries have reduced poverty levels significantly and improved food security whereas in Burma poverty levels have increased and food insecurity become critical, especially in the border areas. Government action in these countries has led to the improvement there, whereas in Burma the military government's lack of interest in these issues has allowed poverty levels to escalate alarmingly. In fact some government policies have even exacerbated the situation. Poorer farmers have not been able to afford the high costs of agricultural inputs –fertilisers, seeds, pesticides, irrigation pumps and diesel as a result of price and market liberalisation.
"Farmers are using less and less fertilisers, and as yields drop, families are abandoning agriculture and becoming landless," according to a former senior Rangoon-based western diplomat, who did not want to be named. "This has led, over the past few years, to an alarming increase in voluntary migration throughout the country, as these families go in search of paid work."
This lack of sustainable agriculture and the decline in some manufacturing sectors, especially the textile and garment industries which were crippled by the imposition of US sanctions several years ago, has fuelled a growing movement of people across the country and abroad in search of employment. There has been a massive increase in the number of women and children entering the sex trade or working in slave-like conditions in the textile factories in Thailand's border regions. The UN estimates that at least 10,000 girls every year are trafficked across the border to work in Thailand's brothels, according to a recent report prepared by the UN head in Rangoon, Charles Petrie. But the grim economic situation for most Burmese does not end there. Infant mortality rates are increasing and much higher than in the neighbouring countries. This reflects the growing problem of malnutrition across the country. The UN estimates that more than thirty percent of the country's children under the age of five are severely malnourished. In the ethnic minority areas and conflict zone this can be as high as three out of four children are malnourished, according to a recent UN report.
It is also now reporting an alarming increase in Beri Beri (caused by a vitamin deficiency). Burma is the only country in the world where this disease is a major factor in infant mortality. The list goes on and on – the increase in drug resistant tuberculosis. In 2004, multi-drug resistant TB was as 4% among newly diagnosed TB patients and over 15% in previously treated sufferers. This is more than double that in most of the countries in the region, for example Thailand's reported rate is 1.5% amongst new cases. The deteriorating economic and social conditions that the Burmese people have suffered over the last nineteen years also has longer term adverse affects for a developing economy hoping to eliminate poverty in the future. As farmers are displaced, either by economic conditions or the forced seizure and confiscation of their land, and poverty levels increase so does the number of children dropping out of school.
More than forty percent of children enrolled in primary school are now able to complete their studies. This, not only denies them education and employment possibilities, but limits the country's potential to develop. One of the most stark indicators that the government is failing its people is the fact that the Burmese military regime spends far less on health and education than any other government in the region. Burma spends a paltry 1.4 percent of its Gross National Product (or National Income) on health and education – 0.5 percent and 0.9 percent respectively. This is less than half the next lowest spender in the region – Indonesia. Even two of the poorest counties in the region Cambodia (3.5%) and Laos (3.3%) spend considerably more.
Burma is unique in the region for spending more on the military than health and education combined. That is a clear indicator of the regime's priorities. It is little wonder that many people in Burma are convinced that poverty, health and education will only be tackled once the military junta is no longer in power.
Larry Jagan is a freelance journalist and Burma specialist based in Bangkok. He was formerly the News and Current Affairs editor for Asia and the Pacific at the BBC World Service.