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07/31/2007: "Nagaland Ceasefire extended indefinitely by Syed Zarir Hussain"



Nagaland Ceasefire extended indefinitely by Syed Zarir Hussain

Dimapur (Nagaland), July 31 (IANS) Central government negotiators and leaders of a dominant separatist group in Nagaland Tuesday decided to indefinitely extend a 10-year ceasefire, aimed at ending six decades of insurgency in the region. The decision was taken after a meeting between central minister Oscar Fernandes and New Delhi's chief peace negotiator K. Padmanabhaiah with top leaders of the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) in Dimapur, the commercial hub of the state.
"After reviewing the status of the talks, it was decided to extend the ceasefire indefinitely, subject to progress in the talks," a joint statement said. The NSCN-IM, led by guerrilla leaders Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah, had entered into a ceasefire with the Indian government in August 1997. The current truce was to expire Tuesday.
"Both sides have agreed to strengthen the ceasefire monitoring mechanism so that the ground situation remains conducive for continuance of the ceasefire," the statement said. This is the first time the ceasefire was extended indefinitely - in the past the truce was extended either annually or after every six months. The two sides have since held at least 50 rounds of peace talks aimed at ending one of South Asia's longest running insurgencies that has claimed an estimated 25,000 lives since India attained independence in 1947.
"Now it entirely depends on New Delhi to come up with a mutually acceptable solution or else the ceasefire could be abrogated immediately and hence the indefinite extension of the truce agreed, subject to progress in future talks," V. Horam, a senior NSCN-IM leader, told IANS after the talks. The NSCN-IM had earlier threatened to pull out of the ceasefire saying the government was dragging the peace process for too long.
"There is no point in an annual ritual of just extending the ceasefire if the government of India does not have a plan for evolving a mutually acceptable solution. The people of Nagaland are getting restive with a decade gone without any tangible results," Horam said.
The NSCN-IM is one of the oldest and most powerful of about 30 rebel groups in India's northeast and wants to create a "Greater Nagaland" by slicing off parts of neighbouring states that have Naga tribal populations. The three state governments of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh have already rejected the NSCN-IM's demand for unification of Naga-dominated areas. New Delhi too has rejected demands for unification of all Naga-inhabited areas. NSCN leader Muivah had recently said New Delhi's delay in finding a solution was "taxing their patience" and this could be the "last ceasefire" unless there was a settlement.
Crucial NSCN Talks In Nagaland To Save Ceasefire NewsPost India
Central government negotiators are beginning fresh peace talks in Tuesday with a tribal separatist group from the northeastern state of Nagaland to save a 10-year ceasefire from breaking down. An Indian home ministry official said central minister Oscar Fernandes and New Delhi's chief peace negotiator K. Padmanabhaiah would be holding talks with top leaders of the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) in Dimapur, the commercial hub of Nagaland.

The NSCN-IM, led by guerrilla leaders Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah, had entered into a ceasefire with New Delhi in August 1997. The current truce expires Tuesday.

The two sides have since held at least 50 rounds of peace talks aimed at ending one of South Asia's longest running insurgencies that claimed an estimated 25,000 lives since India attained independence in 1947.

'This is going to be a very crucial round of talks and we don't know for sure if the ceasefire would be extended or not,' V. Horam, senior NSCN-IM leader, told IANS. The NSCN-IM had threatened to pull out of the ceasefire if government negotiators failed to come up with a solution.

'There is no point in an annual ritual of just extending the ceasefire if the government of India does not have a plan for evolving a mutually acceptable solution. The people of Nagaland are getting restive with a decade gone without any tangible results,' Horam said. The NSCN-IM is one of the oldest and most powerful of about 30 rebel groups in India's northeast and wants to create a Greater Nagaland by slicing off parts of neighbouring states that have Naga tribal populations. The three regional governments of Assam, Manipur, and Arunachal Pradesh have already rejected the NSCN-IM's demand for unification of Naga-dominated areas. New Delhi, too, has rejected demands for unification of all Naga-inhabited areas.

'This would be a very crucial round of talks and could determine which way the peace process moves from here on,' another rebel leader said, requesting not to be named.

NSCN leader Muivah had recently said New Delhi's delay in finding a solution was 'taxing their patience' and this could be the 'last ceasefire' unless there was a settlement. 'We are keeping our fingers crossed and would not like to hazard a guess about India's response,' Horam said. Community leaders and tribal chiefs are worried that Nagaland might again witness a cycle of violence if the NSCN-IM decides to pull out of the peace talks.

'It would be a nail in the coffin if the peace talks break down at this stage. Each and every Naga was hoping for a permanent solution and an end to bloodshed and killings,' said T. Ao, a church leader.
Dimapur set for Naga talks Sushanta Talukdar The Hindu
Dimapur: The Centre and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) are all set to meet for a crucial round of peace talks in this commercial town of Nagaland on Tuesday to decide on the fate of the 10-year long ceasefire between the two sides and the ongoing Naga peace process.
This is the first time that the peace talks are going to be held in Nagaland since the two sides entered into a ceasefire agreement in 1997. The previous rounds of talks were held in Amsterdam, Bangkok and in Delhi.
The team of negotiators of the NSCN(IM) and New Delhi are scheduled to meet at the Circuit House at 11 a.m. to discuss among other things the issue of extension of the ten-year long ceasefire. The ceasefire comes to an end on Tuesday after it had been renewed for a year on July 31, 2006 when the two sides met in Bangkok.
The Naga Hoho, the apex tribal council of the Nagas has organised a public rally and reception of the peace negotiators here ahead of Tuesday’s peace talks to make a formal appeal to “expedite the political negotiation and to bring a peaceful solution to the age-old political problem without further delay.”
The NSCN(IM) delegation will be led by its general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah while the Centre is expected to be represented by Union Minister and key political negotiator Oscar Fernandes and interlocutor for Naga peace talks K. Padmanabhaiah besides top officials.
Self-determination of Nagalim- Naga Support Group UK Nagaland Post
It was Lord Nazir Ahmed who proposed a support statement in relation to the historic 1997 Indo-Naga peace process inside the British Houses of Parliament on 25 July 2007 and, after a brief commotion following a competition among the members present to second the proposal, the British Parliamentarians for National Self Determination (PNSD) unanimously adopted it. The PNSD Secretariat sent the document to the Indian government the next day through its embassy in London. Besides requesting India and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim to extend the current ceasefire and take forward the political talks, the statement appreciated the Indian and Naga leaders for resorting to dialogue to settle their decades old conflict amicably.
It is good to know that a certain Vizosielhou Nagi has expressed his gratitude to the PNSD for officially recognizing the God-given right of the Naga people to self-determination.
The main purpose of the UN is to "develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace". The principle of self-determination expresses the entitlement of each nation to its own nation state. Article 1 of the UN Charter states that "all peoples have the right of self-determination." By virtue of that right, they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development", and that every UN member "shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right".
Israel was formed under the right to self-determination as per the UN Charter, and still rightly gives this principle in its defence against anti-Zionist criticisms that argue that Israel is not a legitimate state within the international community. The people of Kosovo are currently trying to seek sovereignty from the Serbs on the grounds of self-determination. Also, the Kashmiris, Kurds, Palestinians, Sikhs, etc. are presently struggling to get full sovereignty on the unshakable belief to their right to self-determination. Hence, some persons are exposing their lack of knowledge by wrongly saying that Nagas want sovereignty and not self-determination.
The Naga Support Group (UK) has received messages of appreciation for its fruitful interaction with the PNSD. Unfortunately, we are also seeing that some elements are showing their frustration over the formation of the PNSD and its support to Kashmir, Khalistan, Nagalim, etc. The fact that the PNSD has received such unfriendly reactions from India and its agents is unfortunate; for the diatribe comes despite the fact that the PNSD represents stateless nations such as Kosovo, Kurdistan, Palestine, etc. Nonetheless, the PNSD will always give each of these subjugated nations a voice and common platform to take their plight to the British Parliament and far beyond. Kuknalim.
Professor Timothy Kaping, President, Naga Support Group (UK)
On cease-fire document of GBs & DBs- Nagaland Post
The GPRN/NSCN is constrained to publish in the print media some of the related documents in the ensuing process of cease-fire between the Naga factions for public consumption. It is not intended to provoke someone or somebody nor does it mean that the NSCN authorities do not want peace. Peace in Nagaland and among Nagas is our first and foremost agenda all along in the past and the days to come. But we want to make matters vivid and clear. The following is Five Point resolution adopted by the Nagaland GBs and DBs, passed in a general meeting on the June 6, 2007. The Nagaland GBs Federation and Nagaland DBs Association held joint Forum General Meeting at 9 am on June 6, 2007 at State Academy Hall, Kohima, chaired by A.Taku Long-kumar, Convener Joint Forum Working Committee under the Theme: "To stop bloodshed and fratricidal killing amongst the Naga National Workers".
The discussion was officially participated by all District GBs Association and DBs Association along with the general discussion in the house and adopted the following resolutions:
1. The fratricidal killings bloodshed among the Nagas of different factions and also killings of the innocent civilian during the clashes is discussed with concern. It was resolved that such act of violence among the Naga National Workers is totally condemned and appeal to all to shun act henceforth.
2. The Joint Forum resolved to appeal for peaceful co-existence amongst the different factions for which understanding among themselves and conductive atmosphere amongst the different groups is advocated. And further, the Joint Forum resolved that in course of carrying out implementation of these resolutions by the member, if any faction or group victimizes any member of the Forum, then the entire GB and DB members from all over will, in unity, take up the crime for justice from the organization.
3. To create an enabling situation, it is resolved all the factions must agree for a period of 6 (six) months Cease-fire between them with immediate effect and if any factions refuse to abide this clarion call and appeal from the Joint Forum, then it shall not co-operate that particulars group or groups. Any if any killing takes place during the currency of Ceasefire, it will be investigated of DBs and GBs and the guilty party will be brought to justice as per the appropriate Customary Laws or such enacted laws as may deem fit.
4. During the inter-factional cease-fire period, the Joint Forum will take the initiative of bringing the top leaders from all the different groups together into a meeting under the protection of the Joint Forum members to thrash out their differences. And to establish a harmonious atmosphere and encourage them to bring about peaceful approach to the Naga issues.
5. The Joint Forum also resolved that the ongoing Ceasefire between NSCN-IM and the Government of India and the NSCN-K with Government of India and their respective ground rules enforcement must be fully geared up. The Joint Forum appeal to the Enforcing Agency of the ground rules to strengthen the mechanism of its enforcement for effective implementation of the rules. The Joint Forum extends and appeals for full support for effective implementation.
The following is the new draft document signed by Samson Jajo of IK and by the office bearers of the Joint Forum of GBs and DBs and brought by the Joint Forum leaders on July 11 which was rejected by GPRN leaders.
Enforcement of inter group ceasefire In response to the goodwill mission initiative taken by the Joint Forum of GBs and DBs of Nagaland appealing to various Naga groups to bring about better understanding and mutual respect amongst different groups by restraining killing of one another so that a conductive atmosphere is created to enable the leaders to give undisturbed attention on searching for an honourable solution to the Indo-Naga issue.
To this clarion call in the line of over whelming desire of the Nagas for creating peaceful atmosphere free from self destructive internal conflict or feud, with members of …organization agrees to co-operate fully with the effort, for its fulfillment on the following conditions:
1. Firstly, we appreciate the Joint Forum initiative for creating peaceful atmosphere in the Naga territory to enable the Naga leaders to concentrate their time without disturbance on finding negotiated settlement in pursuance of the common vision of finding a liberated Naga homeland.
2. The resolution of the Joint Forum for six months long cessation of clashes amongst the different groups is acceptable provided the other group(s) do agree to observe in letter and spirit.
3. That any violation or complain by any group is promptly and impartially investigated by the members of the Joint Forum Working Committee and appropriate measure is administered or imposed on the merit of the case.
4. Strict monitoring, prompt and impartial investigation and action as resolved by the Joint Forum is carried out without fail.
5. Efforts of bringing better understanding and tolerance among the different groups so as to enable them to consolidate approaches to common objective of finding an acceptable solution to the Naga issue, intensified at the appropriate time and with right appreciation of the problems. The following is the acceptance document of the first Five-Point resolution by the GPRN.
Deed of Acceptance The representative of the GPRN/NSCN met the delegation of the Nagaland GBs Federation and DBs Association at Oking at Mon on July 11, 2007. Surprisingly the delegation brought another draft document signed by an official of the IM group and some of the leaders of the two organizations. But the GPRN NSCN representatives rejected the new draft document.
The GPRN/NSCN had already agreed to the Five-point resolutions adopted by the Nagaland GBs and DBs in general meeting at the state academy Hall, Kohima on June 6, 2007. Therefore, the GPRN NSCN could not entertain any document at this stage, but only give acceptance letter to the said five point resolutions. The ceasefire or stoppage of bloodshed among the Naga factions will be applicable to the Nagaland State at present. More documents are required as a guarantee to the ceasefire agreement between the factions.
Libemo Jami, Home secretary, GPRN NSCN-K
8 defect to NSCN(IM) Submitted by: brylboy The Tangkhul

Dimapur, July 30 (NPN): In a significant development, eight members of the NSCN (K) Lotha Region, led by Joseph Lotha, secretary, Ministry of Defence (Keya) Affairs * supervisor of Lotha Region, defected to NSCN (I-M) along with seven other fellow activists and a huge quantity of assorted arms and ammunition
A press release issued by the MIP of NSCN (I-M) said apart from Joseph Lotha, the seven other NSCN (K) activists who defected to NSCN (I-M) included Thechamo Lotha (RCM) Lotha Region, “Lt” Khenchathung Lotha, “2nd Lt” Zubenthung Lotha, Sgt Maj. Orenthung Lotha, Sgt. Maj. Chibothung Lotha, Sgt. Phakathung Lotha and Sgt. Pilamo Lotha

The arms and ammunition with which they defected included one AK-56, one US-Carbine, one Semi-Rifle (M-21), one .32 pistol, one 9mm, one Rocket Launcher, five hand grenades, four hand made bombs and 1,347 round of ammunitions.

Later, speaking at the welcome reception at CHQ Hebron, Joseph said during his four-year service in NSCN (K) “he was convinced of the total absence of political vision as there was no mention of anything to do with Naga political issue whenever talk was held with the Government of India either in Kolkata or New Delhi”.

As a member of the ceasefire Monitoring group from 2005 he was part of the Khaplang group delegation for six times. Mr. Joseph confessed that nothing substantial other than re-affirmation and extension of ceasefire and its ground rules were brought up in all the talks with Government of India, the release said. Welcoming the eight on behalf of NSCN (I-M), Steering Committee Convener, Qhevihe Chishi Swu and Steering Committee Secretary Rh. Raising expressed happiness that NSCN (K) activists were gradually realizing the “duplicity of Khaplang”.

“This is not the first time Khaplang boys joining the mainstream; this has been happening. It is not the arms that do the work but it is the persons that do the work” Raising said. Qhevihe Chishi Swu said it was misunderstanding “among the Nagas that divides and there are no two or three rights but there is only one”.
Stoking separatist tendencies Central Chronicle
Both Haryana and Punjab still want Chandigarh. Orissa demands the return of Saraikala and Kharsuan. Nagaland still wants to cut into large chunks of Manipur and certain forest areas of Assam.
How big is big? When does big become small? Does beautiful small make big ugly? Will small fetch better dividends than big? Or vice-versa? Confused? Don't be. At least not when we are talking about our polity and their vote-bank shenanigans. The latest brainwave to emerge from the political stable is to once again carve big states into small.
Obviously, the bigness and smallness of a state has everything to do with massaging the polity's vote-banks and improving their winability quotient! Trust the Congress, hurting after its electoral massacre in the UP Assembly poll last May, to reignite the flames of 'separatist tendencies' by talking of redrawing the contours of the sprawling state. In the hope that UP carved into smaller units will fetch the party big political dividends. Camouflaged as imperative for "political stability" in the country (read Party), it has mooted the idea of setting up another States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) to explore the formation of new states. No matter that till its electoral rout in UP, the party opposed tooth and nail the creation of small states.
It even let the Telengana Rashtriya Samiti quit the UPA alliance. Needless to say, this out-of-the-blue decision to appoint another SRC has opened a Pandora's Box on the demand for statehood from every nook and cranny of the country.
Already, over 10 new entrants are rearing to go. It remains to be seen whether the Congress-led UPA Government will come out smelling of roses or reek of rotten eggs. That the task is tough can be gauged from the fact the issue is both emotive and politically sensitive, against the backdrop of many regions and sub-regions aspiring to be full-fledged states. Besides Telengana in Andhra Pradesh and Vidarbha in Maharashtra, there is demand for Harit Pradesh out of Western UP, Bundelkhand and Purvanchal out of south-eastern UP, Gondwana from portions of Chhattisgarh, Andhra and Madhya Pradesh, Kodagu in Karnataka's coffee belt, Bodoland from Assam, Ladakh from Kashmir, Garoland from Meghalaya, Mithilanchal from North Bihar and Gorkhaland in West Bengal.
With the state party units divided in Telengana and Vidarbha it would be politically wise to push for reorganisation of the two states. This would force smaller parties align with it. Nobody can deny that a few states in India are much too large and unwieldy for efficient governance. It takes nearly two days to get to Jhansi from Lucknow by road! Obviously, administrative efficiency is the first casualty. Recent experience shows that smaller states are able to meet the rising expectations and aspirations of their people for speedy development and a responsive and effective administration. Uttarakhand, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and, earlier, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh are cases in point. Haryana, a barren backyard of united Punjab largely comprising illiterate jats, was carved out of a prosperous Punjab after a long and patient struggle. So also Himachal. Ditto Uttarakhand from UP, Jharkhand from Bihar and Chhattisgarh from Madhya Pradesh. Today, all are shining examples of "small is beautiful".
However, protagonists of bigger states disagree. What guarantee, they ask, is there that this will end internal fissures. Make the rivers flow smoothly from one state to another. (Look at the ugly riparian fight between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.) Bring about a synthesis between the haves and the have-nots. A linguistic and cultural affinity. Clinching their arguments by asserting that India is not ready yet for a fresh redrawing of its political and economic map. Further reinforcing that if smaller incisions have to be made as in the USA, then the body politic of India would need to be wholly restructured on that pattern. In addition, it could well encourage fissiparous tendencies, ultimately leading to India's balkanization and stoke the sub-terranean smouldering fires of disputes over borders--and cities.
Both Haryana and Punjab still want Chandigarh. Orissa demands the return of Saraikala and Kharsuan. Nagaland still wants to cut into large chunks of Manipur and certain forest areas of Assam. Bihar yearns desperately for the mineral-rich districts of Jharkhand. Will not a further partition of the existing states result in an India that would fit Jinnah's classical description of Pakistan as being "truncated and moth-eaten"? The only purpose it will serve will be to whet regional and separatist appetites, as it happened at the time of the first SRC in the mid-fifties?
The very "blackhole" that our past leaders were ever eager to avoid. The Congress manifesto of 1945-46, no doubt, stridently assured the people that provinces would be restructured on a linguistic and cultural basis. However, the priorities underwent a perceptible change following India's partition. Speaking before the Constituent Assembly on 27 November 1947, Prime Minister Nehru pleaded: "First things must come first, and the first thing is the security and stability of India." And, India's 'Iron Man', Sardar Patel, embarked upon his mighty effort to integrate and unite India. More than 560 princely States were merged with the rest of India peacefully without any loss of time--lest India should be broken up into hundreds of smaller States.
This was followed by the appointment of the Dar Commission to enquire into and report on the desirability or otherwise of creating any more provinces. Interestingly, the Dar Commission recommended that no new provinces should be created. India, it said, was burdened with problems more urgent than the problem of redistribution of provinces. Such as defence, food, refugees, inflation and production. Grounds which more than hold true today. Secondly, the country could not afford to add to its anxieties---the heat, controversy and bitterness which the demarcation of boundaries would involve. Lastly, the economic consequences of splitting up existing provinces into several new provinces. This led to the Congress appointing another Committee, the JVP-Jawaharlal (Nehru), Vallabhbhai (Patel) and Pattabhi (Sitaramayya). The JVP concurred with Dar's views that reorganisation would divert attention from more vital matters and retard the process of consolidation of the nation's gains. However, to appease their political supporters, a significant rider was added: "If public sentiment was insistent and overwhelming, the practicability of satisfying public demands with its implications and consequences must be examined." An innocuously-worded political corollary for which we are having to continue paying a heavy price. In turn, this resulted in the setting up of the States Reorganisation Commission in December 1953, headed by Justice Fazl Ali, retired Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
It made its recommendation in September 1955. Whereby the component units of the Indian Union would consist of two categories---"States forming primary federation units of the Indian Union and territories which are centrally administered." It recommended the continuance of Hyderabad as a composite State comprising Urdu, Telugu, Marathi and Oriya speaking areas. However, Nehru developed cold feet against the backdrop of a violent agitation for Andhra Pradesh (as "Telugu Desam") and the self immolation of Potti Sriramulu. He went over All India Radio and, to the shock and surprise of his senior Congress colleagues, expressed "surprise" over the recommendation. Regional leaders like Charan Singh promptly took advantage of Nehru's statement and started demanding the liberation of smaller colonies from the ruling classes. Union Home Minister Pant, eager to ensure the clout his State of undivided UP wielded in national affairs, countered the demand for smaller States by talking of zonal States.
In fact, he went on shrewdly to turn the tables on those loudly demanding smaller States by cautioning against India's break-up into hundreds of smaller States. Did the country want to reverse the historic integration brought about by the Sardar? Typical of India's political culture, the first SRC and the creation of new States left in its wake more controversies than it sorted out. Assam got carved out into four units, beginning with the promotion of a solitary Naga district into a full-fledged State of Nagaland without much thought to its consequences. Logically, if one district could initially be made Nagaland and another Mizoram, what was the logic to hold back Telengana or Vidarbha? The tragic irony of history is that successive Prime Ministers bought peace at the cost of strong integrated India by carving out new jagirs for acquiring "new chelas" and assured vote banks. Lest history books omitted their "contribution" in the building of a new India. The controversies and demands generated then continue till date. Unfortunately for the Centre, its policy of going populist time and again and opting for quick-fix remedies has boomeranged. What, one might ask, is the alternative? Statesmanship and sagacity lie in adopting the middle path.
The UPA Government should not set up another SRC just to win votes. It needs to learn from the mistakes of the recently carved small States, diagnose the disease afresh and hammer out solutions for better governance. Much can be achieved through meaningful decentralization of administration in these days of computerization, without adding to the cost of governance through top-heavy ministerial baggage. Let us not allow politicians of all hues to create new pocket boroughs motivated by petty personal interests, undermining national unity. India has just entered its 60th year of Independence with 27 States, a testimony to a free and vibrant democracy. Are we now going to roll back history to pre-Independence days and create 562 States? Let not history record what Conrad Egbert once brilliantly stated: We learn nothing from history except that we learn nothing from history!
Poonam I Kaushish, INFA
How not to eat the world's hottest chili: In big bites PR Inside
NEW DELHI (AP) - I know people who regularly eat bhut jolokias _ the «ghost chili» now rated as the world's hottest pepper. They're nice people. I like them. They don't seem crazy.
Appearances are deceiving. I ate an entire bhut jolokia the other night, sitting at my dining room table with an open beer and on the advice of the experienced a bowl of yogurt and a few slices of bread at the ready.
I had the strange fear that nothing would happen, that I had traveled halfway across India in search of a chili that would be no hotter than an apple. I thought I was prepared.
What followed was a gastronomic mugging. I know, I know. You probably think I'm exaggerating, or maybe just inexperienced in the ways of chilis.
«I like hot peppers,» you're saying to yourself, thinking of those times _ you were probably in college, maybe your early 20s _ when you'd had too much to drink and challenged a friend to a chili-pepper-eating contest. You slopped down one jalapeno after another, enjoying the way it battered your system.
I used to think like that too. But that was before my encounter the other night, when I took the first nibble from the end of a red vegetable barely two inches (five centimeters) long and weighing little more than a sheet of paper.
«Not too bad,» I said aloud to the empty room. My ignorance lasted about three seconds.
It was hot. Hotter than anything I'd ever eaten. My tongue burned, I began to cough.
I knew I'd have to eat quickly, or I wouldn't be able to finish it. So I took another bite, and chewed. Then another. I ate down to the stem. I swallowed.
It's not how bhut jolokias are normally eaten _ most locals use them in sauces, or chew off tiny pieces between bites of their main course _ but I figured I should get the full experience (Plus, let me add, one of my editors suggested this exercise in masochism: Thank you, Ken).
The full experience
It was awful. My eyes watered uncontrollably and my nose ran. I felt like I was gargling with acid. My hands quivered. As the minutes passed, the pain grew worse.
I shoveled in yogurt: No relief. I chewed bread: Nothing. My head felt like it was expanding. My ears felt as if hot liquid was draining from them. Picture one of those old Tom and Jerry cartoons, with steam blasting from the cat Tom's ears as a train whistle blows. That was me.

The experts say beer and water do no good at such times. Maybe that's true, but gulps of very cold beer were the only things that helped me _ washing away the pain for a few blessed seconds.
Twenty minutes later, I had recovered enough to speak clearly. So I called my wife in New York, where she is on vacation with our children. She laughed at me.
A day later, my tongue felt as if it had been scrubbed with a wire brush.
And a day after that, a friend made me a lunch flavored with bhut jolokias.
It was a traditional meal from Nagaland, the northeastern state along the Myanmar border where my friend was born, and where super-hot chilis are a part of life. There was diced chicken and hunks of pork and a cold stew of fermented tofu beans, all spiced with the chilis.
The food was simple, delicious. It was mild by the standards of Nagaland, just one bhut jolokia or so for each dish. I loved it. I just hope she couldn't see that my eyes were again watering.



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