07/24/2007: "Talks “successful” – NSCN (IM) The Morung Express"

Talks “successful” – NSCN (IM) The Morung Express
Dimapur, July 23 (MExN): The “mission” of NSCN-IM Chairman Isak Chishi Swu to New Delhi is “successful.” According to an MIP note, Swu announced this to his kilonsers after his return from Delhi. Also, to further proceed on this, the 6th Naga peoples’ consultative meeting has been scheduled for July 27 at Camp Hebron.
The MIP note asserted that general secretary Th. Muivah placed the Indian team “in a very uncomfortable position” when he charged the GoI of arming the NSCN-K to kill innocent citizens. Muivah is said to have told India to “prove yourself” if the GoI is at all serious about having peace in Nagaland.
The NSCN-IM also informed that the next round of the Indo-Naga talks was proposed to be held in Kohima. On this, the MIP note stated, the Indian leaders were “caught by surprise” and were “convinced to accept the proposal.”
Although the talks was “deemed successful,” Muivah cautioned to “prepare to face any eventuality but in the name of God.” Further, the MIP asserted that the “biggest” and “most meaning success” of the talks was the ‘clear-cut understanding” that no Indian Constitution will be imposed on the Nagas “and the NSCN too will insist on their proposed constitution.”
Undying spirit of freedom Interview with Thuingaleng Muivah Mizzima News
Nagas, an ethnic minority living both in India's northeast and Burma's northwest, have waged one of the longest insurgencies in South Asia, demanding an independent state. Led by an armed rebel group, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, under the leadership of Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah, the Nagas are carrying on an unending struggle to fulfill their aspiration to unite Naga inhabitants both in India and Burma and live independently.
However, with increasing bilateral cooperation between India and the Burmese military junta, the NSCN (I-M) led movement seems to be at the cross roads.
In August, the decade long ceasefire between the government of India (GOI) and the NSCN (I-M) will end. And there is widespread speculation on the prospects of the Naga movement as a whole.
Mizzima's desk writer, Lemyao Shimray, caught up with Thuingaleng Muivah, the general secretary of NSCN (I-M), during a fleeting visit to New Delhi, and interviewed him on the prospects of the Naga movement both in India and in Burma.
Mizzima: Sir, we are aware that the ceasefire agreement between NSCN and India is expiring soon. Is there any possibility of extending it? What is the prospect of a further ceasefire?
Muivah: We have talked a lot about it. But as you know it is our political commitment to our people that whenever there is an extension of ceasefire or the issue becomes serious, we will come back and ask the people because we are responsible to the people. So, we have fixed a meeting for the 27th. There we will decide. There, we will discuss about the last talks we had here. Yes I think it is quite possible.
Mizzima: Where will the next talks be held? Here in New Delhi, outside India or has the place been already decided in your last meeting?
Muivah: We have asked them (GOI) this time to come to Nagaland and talk there.
Mizzima: Through 10 years of the cease fire, do you think India has been true to its commitment? And what has been the impact on the Naga movement as a whole?
Muivah: Yes, it is a big question. Anyway this is very pertinent. You know we have explained our position clearly enough and they cannot deny it. After all they are clear enough about the nature of the Naga issue. Now it is for them to decide. If they cannot take positives steps, then we have to say that they neither have the guts nor the sincerity to solve the problem.
Mizzima: What kind of sincerity are we talking about? Because the Indian Government has mentioned that Nagas have to agree to abide by the country's constitution, so what are your views about the Indian Constitution?
Muivah: We are not interested in talking about the Constitution because we know one of the principles of the talks is that it has to be unconditional. There should be no precondition on either side. So, we will stick to that.
Mizzima: When you say Naga movement, it includes Eastern Nagaland, which is currently under Burmese military rule. What is the level of struggle or movement in Eastern Nagaland?
Muivah: The first point is that everyone needs to know that Nagaland has been divided not by the Nagas themselves but by external forces. So, Nagas have every right to start the movement and fight the external combination. It is not an acceptation for the Nagas. Yes, as long as our people living on that side are responsible to us and we will be equally responsible to them to decide our fate together.
Mizzima: Sir, the NSCN has said that the Burmese military junta is trying to divide the Nagas. So what are the steps that have been taken to counter this if there is such a plan at all?
Muivah: It is not a surprise that the Burmese junta will do whatever they like. They are aware that Nagas are a force and have their own national movement. It would naturally affect them. So, how to counter it? Yes, they are in the process of dividing the Nagas further. But the question is that in the 21st century it is not for the Burmese to decide the fate of the Nagas neither is it for the Indians to decide the fate of the Nagas, but, the Nagas themselves. We have to decide. And until that is done of course there will be problems.
Mizzima: Sir, if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi comes to power or the military junta is overthrown, do you think it will be possible for Nagas in Burma to be more flexible and would they have more freedom?
Muivah: At the moment we think, Aung San Suu Kyi will be more understanding. We believe she respects people's voice because she herself is a lover of democracy. I think it is not on our part to have that kind of expectation from her though.
Mizzima: The Indian government has asked the junta to flush out Indian insurgents from Burmese soil. Do you feel that this would pose a threat to the Naga movement spearheaded by the NSCN?
Muivah: If I am to say at all, their collaboration is against the NSCN as a whole. Because they both know that NSCN is a force to reckon with. Yes, in that area, in the East we were there as also in the west and we can prove it. So, naturally they will be forced to collaborate with each other against us, mainly against the NSCN. They will do that and it is not a surprise but how far they will succeed that is a different question. The future will say. The Indians and the Burmese will be compelled to do that because they cannot ignore the force shaping up. So, you know they have to be alert, very much so otherwise the field will be left to the opponent alone. And in our case also, yes, we need them because what is ours is ours. But so far you know, we have been maintaining a ceasefire -- not fighting the Burmese.
Mizzima: What about Burma's military junta? Are the Nagas planning to have a ceasefire with them? Or is there to be any negotiation with the junta?
Muivah: At the moment we don't have it. But feel that it is not necessary to solve the problem through fighting. If they can understand us, in the near future we can start negotiations.
Mizzima: Has there been any talks earlier about the issue with the junta?
Muivah: No. Of course there were some interactions but that was not very meaningful. But remember we haven't clashed with them for a pretty long time and I think they understand that.
Mizzima: What about the NSCN –K, [Khaplang]. Is the Burmese Army after them?
Muivah: The NSCN-K, of course they have been chasing them. Well, they have to be that way. There is no other alternative. How much they can do, we do not know but Burmese armed forces must be moving up and down. They have to deal with them and if we happen to be there, they will be bound to deal with us also. But that will not bring a solution. There must be an attempt or efforts to come to an understanding peacefully like making contacts or something of the kind.
Mizzima: Sir, one last question. What is the NSCN's vision for the future and what do you envision about Eastern Nagaland?
Muivah: Our vision is very clear. The Nagas are the people who can develop themselves best. Nagas are the people that we have to trust most. Other people cannot think what is good for us and we cannot expect the best for us from them. This is our political philosophy. So, until that is achieved, you know you cannot expect the best and our life here on earth will be all together pitiful. But we know for sure that the Nagas will have their own rights. Nagas will have their own rights meaning, Nagas will have the right to determine their own fate and Nagas can do the best for themselves. We believe in that. So long as that kind of philosophy is there of course Nagas can have a future. There is no doubt about it.
10-year-old NSCN-IM truce brings peace to Nagaland By R Dutta Choudhury Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, July 23 – Nearly ten years have passed since the cease-fire agreement between the Government of India and the NSCN (I-M) came into force and it will take some more time before a final agreement is reached with the militant outfit. However, formal talks with the NSCN (K) are yet to begin though the outfit has also signed a cease-fire pact with the Government of India.

Highly placed official sources said that the cease-fire pact with the NSCN (I-M) came into effect from August 1, 1997 and the present term of the agreement would expire on July 31. The Government of India and the outfit, in a meeting held in New Delhi on July 20, agreed to extend the term of the cease-fire pact by one more year and the formal agreement in this regard is scheduled to be signed in Kohima on July 31.

Sources said that though signing of a formal agreement with the NSCN might take some more time, there were quite a few positives that were visible in the last ten years and the leaders of the outfit also softened their stand on several key issues. The biggest positive aspect of the ongoing peace talks is the restoration of peace in Nagaland. Sources pointed out that though there have been instances of attacks and counter attacks by the militants belonging to the rival factions of the NSCN, the common people of the state have not been affected and the State and the Central Governments could also take advantage of the peaceful situation to embark on development activities. The people of the State have also been able to take active part in development schemes, which is another positive outcome of the cease-fire agreement.

Over the years, the NSCN leaders have also softened their stand as series of meetings helped in melting the ice. There was a time when the leaders of the NSCN only talked with the Government on foreign soil, but now they have started coming to India for talks. The cease-fire agreement also gave a chance to the top leaders of the NSCN to visit Nagaland and hold talks with the common people to know their feelings, while, on the other hand, it also gave the opportunity to the Nagaland civil society to voice their opinion before the NSCN leaders. Sources said that different social organizations of Nagaland and even the common masses could now put pressure on the NSCN leadership to continue extension of the cease-fire agreement and to look for a peaceful political solution to the problems.

Giving details of the actual progress of the peace talks with the NSCN, official sources said that the Government of India had categorically told the leadership of the outfit that granting sovereignty would not be possible. “The Government has told the NSCN that solution to the problem must come within the framework of the Constitution of India and the NSCN has also agreed to give up the demand for sovereignty and they have agreed to remain as a part of India. The NSCN now agreed that they would agree to remain as a part of India under “a special federal relation” and on its part, the Government is also of the view that the Constitution is not rigid and it could be amended. Now discussions on this issue is going on,” sources said. Sources also pointed out that the Constitution of India already provided some special provisions for Nagaland on issues like right over land and resources and the special customary and traditional laws remained untouched.

On the reported demand of the NSCN for greater Nagalim with areas of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh, official sources asserted that the Government of India would not agree to reorganize the existing boundaries of the States. The Government has made it very clear to the leadership of the NSCN that the Centre would not redefine the existing boundaries of the states without the approval of the concerned state Governments. It may be mentioned here that the Governments of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur have already voiced their strong opposition to the demand for greater Nagalim by including the land of these states.

Sources also said that the Centre received allegations from the Governments of the North Eastern states that despite signing the cease-fire agreement, the NSCN members were actively supporting other militant groups of the region. The Assam Government has alleged that the NSCN was extending help to militant groups like the Black Widow. Official sources said that the Government of India has asked the NSCN to stop indulging in such activities. “Of course, the NSCN denied the allegations but the Government made it clear that such activities should be stopped,” sources added.

Sources also admitted that signing of any agreement only with the NSCN(I-M) might not solve the Naga political problem. But formal talks with the NSCN(K) are yet to start. Sources said that the NSCN(K) has not placed formal demands before the Government to start the ball rolling.
Hoho bid to stymie statehood campaign OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, July 23: The campaign brewing in eastern Nagaland for a “state” distinct from the NSCN (Isak-Muivah)’s vision of “Nagalim” has left the apex organisation of the Naga community baffled.
The Naga Hoho said today that there was no question of supporting the attempt by the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) to begin a parallel campaign.
Keviletuo Kiewhuo, the Hoho vice-president, said a meeting would be convened soon to discuss the possible repercussions of such a move. “Unless the issue is addressed with political correctness, such a sensitive matter will have far-reaching consequences, more so at a juncture when the peace process is on.”
The dialogue between the NSCN (I-M) and the Centre’s team of negotiators was to resume in New Delhi last weekend, but a last-minute change in venue forced them to reschedule the talks. The two sides will now meet in Nagaland on July 30.
The ENPO has yet to formally apprise Delhi of its demand. Its president, Pohwang Konyak, said some people were trying to create misunderstandings among the Naga tribes by raising a hue and cry over the planned campaign.
The organisation cited the state government’s negligence of four districts — Tuensang, Mon, Longleng and Kiphere — as the reason for deciding to campaign for a separate state.
The government responded with the allegation that residents of these districts wanted to be “spoon-fed”. Chief minister Neiphiu Rio said the four districts were no more backward than other places in Nagaland. He asked the tribes inhabiting Tuensang, Mon, Longleng and Kiphere to have a broader outlook and march ahead with the rest of Naga society. Phoms, Konyaks, Yimchungers, Khiaminungans, Sangtams, Changs and a few sub-tribes inhabit the four districts. Their combined population is around 10 lakh.
The Eastern Nagaland Students’ Federation is separately campaigning for 25 per cent job reservation for residents of these areas.
Legislators representing the four districts have requested the students to suspend their agitation and allow a government-constituted committee to study the pros and cons of reservation.
Ceasefire Uncertainties Source: IMPHAL FREE PRESS

The ceasefire between the NSCN(IM) and the government of India is due to end on July 31, unless it is extended again, as it had been over and over again for the past one decade. Whether it is back to the jungles for the NSCN(IM) or another leash of life to the ceasefire remains to be seen. As of now, expectedly, it is a war of rhetoric, posturing and threats of resorting to the extreme – a modern equivalent of ritualistic war dances of the primitive era, aimed at making the opponent cower before the battle and ease up on their respective intransigent stances. But the hunch is, as it has happened in the past, at the end of the day on July 31, it will be another leash to the ceasefire that both parties agreed upon in 1997. This is a natural presumption, for in the 10 years that have gone by, the peace that the ceasefire ushered in, however flawed it may be, has become a powerful vested interest for everybody, the Government of India, the NSCN(IM), the Naga public and indeed all other neighbouring northeastern communities. The peace talks may have stagnated miserably and the light at the end of the tunnel may still be as remote as when the talks began, but all said and done, it is better to stagnate in peace than in hostility. It needs to be recalled that if the 10 years of peace negotiations did not bring in any tangible result for the Nagas, armed rebellion could not do it either in all of half a century. It is unlikely that a resumption of hostility now would make this scenario any different. It is a bitter irony, but short of a radical paradigmatic change in notions of people-hood, ethnicity, nationhood, territory etc, neither hostility nor ceasefire is likely to hold any promise. This is a valuable lesson not just for those who have bitten the peace bait, but also those who still have been resisting it stubbornly. On an optimistic note, the futility of it all must serve as the trigger for thoughts of other routes to a resolution. Whatever the case is, one thing is certain, the conditions for peace must be rooted in the soil, and in the present reality, not in the past or in ideologies evolved out of attempts to understand social conditions in other parts of the world in past eras.

The stagnation of the Naga ceasefire, in this sense was inherent in its very inception. In the semantics of the ceasefire terms agreed upon, maybe it was a ceasefire between two equal parties, but never so in reality. For there was another unwritten script that emerged concurrently, one which became the general understanding of the spirit of the agreement too. Unfortunately, in the euphoria accompanying the “peace breakthrough”, the signatories themselves either failed to notice it or ignored it. In this script, the Government of India was the benefactor, giving the insurgent organisation another chance to reform, or else an honourable exit. If this was not so, the preconditions of the ceasefire would not have been about setting up designated camps for the insurgents, but of a clear Line of Control, LOC, between the two entities, just as there exists an LOC in Kashmir between India and Pakistan, or more relevantly between the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE (ceasefire line as it is called in this context). Would the Government of India ever agree to such a term in the Naga situation, or for that matter any other insurgency in the northeast? The answer is a foregone conclusion. The unarticulated understanding always was, and still is, whatever the settlement reached, it will have to be ultimately within the Indian Constitution, or else within acceptable limits of amendments of this same constitution. If the NSCN(IM) or for that matter any other group which chooses to negotiate peace thinks anything beyond this is achievable, they better be prepared for a hundred years of unending fruitless negotiations. The lack of an LOC has another implication. It puts the ordinary citizens in total misery. They are harangued by different and opposing laws, different tax (extortion) regimes, are expected to be loyal to two powers on the threat of being penalised either for the crime of being party to sedition and treachery to the nation, or else for being a collaborator of colonisers. Nobody has given much thought to this matter, but this is actually the status of ordinary life in this complex conflict theatre. Official ambiguity, be it on the terms of peace or strategies of war, have only accentuated the hopelessness of this predicament.
Tuisem A. Shishak: A Confession Tuisem Shishak The Morung Express column
They say, “Confession is good for the soul.” I am not so sure. Individuals, peoples, and nations the world over have confessed with no tangible results. Hypocrisy and pretensions make confessions a mockery. St. Augustine ’s Confessions reveals the inner condition of the author’s heart in such a way that it has inspired and challenged Christians and non-Christians alike for the last sixteen hundred years. The Christian scriptures (the Bible) demand that human beings everywhere confess and repent for their sins committed in mind, heart and body prior to receiving forgiveness from God. We know forgiveness does no good to the one whose confession is hypocritical.
With all the bombardment against Tangkhul NSCN (I-M) members and the Tangkhul tribe as a whole in recent times, I have been thinking and praying whether a response of some kind would be appropriate, or would such a response from me turn out to be just another Tangkhul talking out loud? I also wonder how many fellow Tangkhuls will share my concern. Then I remembered the Human Rights group’s poster: “Speak up before your silence is misunderstood.” I point no finger at any non-Tangkhul (person or tribe).
I am only concerned about removing the negative attitude other Nagas have toward the Tangkhuls.
By now I have heard enough from Tangkhuls and non-Tangkhuls, read enough in local papers, and seen enough with my own eyes about the behavior and lifestyle of the Tangkhuls in general and Tangkhul I-Ms in particular. I have had ample time to honestly think and analyze all the materials that have reached my hand and my mind, and I am convinced that many of the things spoken against the Tangkhuls in general, and Tangkhul I-Ms in particular, are valid and true.
Let me start with “An Appeal”, an article written by several responsible non-Tangkhul ladies and gentlemen, which appeared in the Nagaland Post of 12 February 2007. In so many words they said the “Quit Notice” to the Tangkhuls was not in the interest of the Nagas as a whole, hence the necessity for revoking or withdrawing it. I agree. But they also said: “Excesses committed by certain Tangkhuls in the NSCN (I-M) have for long angered other Nagas, not just the Khaplang group.” To this also I agree. Reduction, if not elimination, of any violent activity results in immediate lessening of tension in society.
Many non-Tangkhuls have the misconception that the Tangkhul I-Ms are loved and supported by all the Tangkhuls. Apart from my direct contact with Tangkhul villagers, many individuals have reported to me the harassment, extortion, and torture committed by Tangkhul I-Ms against innocent fellow Tangkhuls. Tangkhul I-Ms have killed innocent fellow Tangkhuls; one of the victims was a relative of my mother. Prior to the formation of NSCN in 1980, innocent Tangkhuls also suffered in the hands of the old NNC cadres. Like other Nagas and non-Nagas, many living Tangkhuls still carry deep, painful wounds and scars in their minds and hearts; they are still looking for truth and reconciliation. God said to Cain (and to killers/murderers today): “Your brother’s blood cries out to me from the ground” (The Bible). We forget but God remembers. Hence, pay day, some day! The Tangkhul I-Ms have also been accused of meddling with the normal functioning of village, church, and Tangkhul Long affairs. In general, I believe these reports to be true.
Lest I be misunderstood, let me make this very clear. I believe the majority, if not all, of the Tangkhuls support the current negotiation between the Government of India (GOI) and the NSCN (I-M); they support the Naga freedom struggle; they are for Naga integration. What they cannot accept is the behavior, action, and lifestyle of many within the I-M group. They want I-M people to repent for their past crimes against innocent fellow Tangkhuls and others, and ask God to enable them to treat the civil population humanely.
But what about the Tangkhuls in general, including Tuisem? Are they liked by other Nagas? Not quite. The Tangkhuls in Manipur were, perhaps, the first among the tribals in Manipur to become Christians, and the first to receive education. But today our testimony in Manipur is very poor. Most of our so-called Christian politicians and government bureaucrats are morally bankrupt; Meitei Hindus and other non-Christians make fun of them and their faith. Fellow tribal Christians in Manipur used to look up to the Tangkhuls for guidance and inspiration, but not anymore. Corruption has caught up with the NSCN (I-M) too. There was a time when overground politicians and civil servants were condemned by underground cadres for being corrupt, and rightly so. Not anymore; today both are equally guilty. I see several Tangkhul I-Ms living in houses which can’t be built or purchased with honest earnings in such a short time. I am told that underground soldiers and lower-rank workers work hard but are poorly paid and looked after. I would not be surprised if much of the extortion has been and is being carried out by those poorly-paid underground personnel.
So far I have not said anything good about the Tangkhuls. But I am here only to point out what has gone wrong with the Tangkhuls. There is another characteristic of my tribe: arrogance. Many Tangkhuls have false pride; humility is not a normal trait of my people. You can be sure, Tangkhuls are not united. Many Tangkhuls living and working in Nagaland State must have provoked the resentment of fellow Nagas against themselves. This I understand too. I keep urging fellow Tangkhuls in Nagaland to make friends, not enemies; I hope they are listening.
I hope I have said enough to convince fellow Tangkhuls that we have had our share in creating the current turmoil which has forced other Nagas to even hate the Tangkhuls. This is enough reason to say “sorry” to the Nagas of Nagaland State. But what about other underground factions? other Naga tribes? Are they not also participants in today’s Naga mess? I am not the one to answer these questions. All I know is that somewhere we have to stop blaming each other, and start confessing our sins to each other if we ever hope to see peace in our land. The Bible says: “But if we judged ourselves, we would not come under judgment.” “You hypocrite, first take the plank out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to remove the speck from your brother’s eye.” “If any one of you is without sin, let him be the first to throw a stone at her.”
I am a Tangkhul; by implication I am a partaker of the sins my people have committed against fellow Nagas, against non-Nagas. Therefore, in behalf of all the Tangkhuls who long for healing within Naga society, I, Tuisem A. Shishak, say “sorry” to all those whose families have been hurt through harassment, extortion, torture, destruction, and murder. My confession goes to members of the NSCN (K), NNC, FGN, all the Naga tribes in Nagaland State, Manipur, Arunachal, Assam, and Eastern Nagaland (Myanmar), non-Tangkhul IMs, and even non-Nagas (Kukis, Meiteis, Mayangs, etc.). Will you forgive my people for the sins they have committed against you? And to Christians (Nagas and non-Nagas) everywhere: Will you forgive me and my people in the name and for the sake of Jesus Christ? Will those Tangkhul families that have been hurt by I-M, K, NNC, FGN, and non-Naga groups also forgive them in Christ’s name?
“Thou hast made us for Thyself, O God, and our hearts are restless until they find their rest in Thee.” (St. Augustine ). May the current restless hearts of the Nagas (underground and overground) soon find their rest in God. Time is running out for the Naga political peace process. “The harvest is past, the summer has ended, and we are not saved” (The Bible). Could it be disunity among the Nagas that is responsible for the current talks impasse? Could it be disobedience to God and his Word that is hindering any progress? Or could it be both?
It will be almost impossible for any underground faction to eliminate another faction, partly because every faction has a support base both within and outside Naga territory. All the factions must know by now that there are people within Nagaland/Nagalim who would like to see factional fightings continue so they can continue amassing wealth for themselves. All the factions should also be aware that there are forces within and outside Nagaland/Nagalim trying to bring about further splits within the existing factions, and even within the great Naga family as a whole. By now all the factions ought to realize that unless they come together and deal with the Government of India (GOI) unitedly, separate and piecemeal negotiation will simply give GOI ample time to prepare sophisticated strategies to ensure the Naga political struggle will end up in smoke. By now all the factions ought to realize that Assam (Asom), Manipur, and Arunachal will continue to oppose integration of all contiguous Naga areas in their states. Everybody seems to be against us; that’s understandable though it is irrational. But what is appalling and even diabolical is that the Nagas are at war with fellow Nagas. What for? Why is each faction fighting to set up its own kingdom within India? No faction seems to be fighting for a united kingdom for the Naga nation. Let us be very clear about this: the GOI will get serious only when the Nagas are united; until such time they will continue to play politics indefinitely. Time is the essence. The Bible teaches that sin separates man from God, and sin separates man from man. Simply fasting and praying will not do; simply shouting “Nagaland for Christ” will not do. We Naga Christians are very good in all this. What Jesus Christ really is telling us is: “Produce fruit in keeping with repentance” and remember that “To obey is better than sacrifice” (The Bible).
Sometimes with heartache I wonder if we Nagas understand the predicament we are in. When the British and foreign missionaries came to our land over a century ago, we were a bunch of villagers; the concept of tribe was very weak. Education and the Christian faith slowly spread; then came the First and Second World Wars, and the concept of tribe began to enlarge and consolidate. If we hope to achieve nationhood for the Nagas, we must move beyond our tribes. Our underground brothers and sisters call themselves national workers, and rightly so. But their behavior, their actions, and their lifestyle only prove that the Nagas are still bound by tribal mentality and attitude. Nagas will not become a nation until we make our tribes subordinate to the Naga nation. Until the animal called “tribalism” is arrested and controlled sufficiently, the road to Naga nationhood will remain rough and elusive for a long time to come.
I believe the mandate of the Naga people to the NSCN (I-M), NSCN (K), NNC, and FGN includes, among others, the following:
1) Stop indulging in violence: kidnapping, extortion, killing/murder, etc. of fellow Nagas and the innocent public;
2) Let all the “national workers” be reconciled and united;
3) Behave and act as if you are working for the Naga nation, not for a tribe;
4) It’s time you listen to and carry out the will of the Naga people;
5) Make political talks between any faction and the GOI transparent; keep the Naga public informed;
6) It’s time the Nagas practice what they preach: “Nagaland for Christ.”
As for me, I have never been a party to any of the Naga underground factions. I remain committed to Naga unity, and in this position I am ready to dialogue with any faction leader.
I am first and foremost a believer in Jesus Christ, but I am a Naga before I am a Tangkhul. What about you, beloved Nagas?
AKM’s vow on Naga identity Nagarealm.com

DIMAPUR, JULY23 [NPN] : Pledging to safeguard the blood, tradition, culture and customs of the Ao Nagas and their land, the Ao Students' Conference (AKM) has said the identity of a people can be preserved only when there is no adulteration of their blood, tradition, culture and customs.

“There is only one right that is sacrosanct and this right is at the same time the most sacred duty. This right and obligation are: that the identity of the Naga racial stock should be guarded,” said a press release issued by AKM president Aodangnok and vice president L. Imti Jamir. The apex Ao students’ body, which is spearheading ‘Survival 2007 campaign to check the menace of influx of illegal migrants, said it was high time to take the campaign to each and every Ao villages since the illegal migrants had taken undue advantage of the hospitality of Ao Nagas and started to abuse their freedom.

“These shrewd illegal migrants are hiring local goons to physically assault the genuine Indian citizens residing in Mokokchung in their sinister bid to flare up communal tension,” AKM alleged and cautioned “AKM is on the look out for those traitors and will be dealt with befittingly when found out.” It called upon all village councils and NGOs of all six ranges under Mokokchung District to extend their moral and active support to successfully implement ‘Survival 2007’ exercise in their respective jurisdictions. The AKM also said it expected the various village councils to enact certain sanctions of law and issue diktats to all illegal migrants in order to ensure that the right of the indigenous people to exist as a dignified people was secure.

“In fact, the villages are the institutions for preservation of our culture, tradition and customs, and the pollution of the village institution is the first step towards our annihilation,” the release added. Further, the AKM urged upon “every son and daughter of the soil” to support ‘Survival 2007’ so that “posterity shall not wail and blame us for our today's oversight.” Meanwhile, while acknowledging the suggestions and contributions of NGOs as well as individuals towards ‘Survival 2007 campaign, AKM has at the same time, requested all concerned “not to conjure any rumours apart from the official information released by the office of the AKM.”
Students in Assam protest against attacks by Naga rebels By ANI
Guwahati/Sonapur (Assam), July 24 (ANI): Students in Assam on Tuesday blocked rail lines protesting attacks on locals by Naga rebels from neighbouring Nagaland.
Students belonging to All Assam Students Union (AASU) are protesting against the recent attacks on villagers in Sibsagar district by rebels.
The students' group allege that Naga rebels are taking undue advantage of the ceasefire agreement with the Centre.
"The government has not provided any safeguard to the people living near the border. If the government, both the Centre as well as the State government does not act we will launch a bigger agitation," said Jatin Bora, vice president of All Assam Students Union.
The states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur have however, expressed concern over the idea of widening the ceasefire agreement with Naga rebels. (ANI)
Dissent among DAN coalition Sentinel
Kohima, July 23: The dissention among the ruling Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) coalition came to light, when its partner BJP expressed resentment against its ally Nagaland Peoples’ Front (NPF) on the voting of Presidential election recently.
The Nagaland unit of BJP is not happy with the NPF-DAN alliance. With NPF 32, BJP 05, JD (U) 02 and Independents 04 (all in DAN coalition) supporting the Nagaland Congress, which has only 17 legislators in the 60-member Nagaland Assembly.
One JD(U) legislator did not cast his vote in the Presidential election due to ill health. But in the Nagaland election, altogether 40 votes were cast in favour of UPA-Left backed Presidential candidate Pratibha Patil, which shows that 23 of the DAN coalition did not cast their votes to the NDA backed candidate Bahiron Singh Shekhawat.
This is unbecoming and against the spirit of coalition, Nagaland Health and Family Welfare Minister Dr T M Lotha retorted in a statement here today.
He said, "We should have some political principle and atleast in a state like ours, where the government is run by a non-Congress coalition, particularly backed by the NDA, voting against our own candidate is uncalled for." Describing as ‘ridiculous’, he pointed out to the NPF that it was during the NDA regime that the DAN government enjoyed unprecedented economic and development packages and received certain status in the Naga political issue. Dr Lotha claimed that though Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio had agreed to hold a discussion with the coalition partners over the Presidential election, it was never discussed. Instead, he said, the NPF chose to hold a separate meeting and unilaterally resolved on casting ‘conscience vote’.
He said it was not for the first time that NPF had betrayed the BJP. He alleged that even in the past the NPF had not allowed the BJP to field its own candidate in the elections. Dr Lotha, however said, despite all these, the BJP in Nagaland, continued to maintain the pre-poll coalition spirit. (UNI)

Heart of Darkness Source: IMPHAL FREE PRESS

Objections to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, AFSPA, is another matter, but so long as the Act is in force, the claim that the Army has the right to search a minister’s car or for that matter his office or residence, is plain. The AFSPA is unambiguous about giving the army the power to search any premises private or public without warrant. From the legal standpoint hence, the army major, Nikhil Thakkar, who stopped state cabinet minister Ph Parijat’s motorcade as it passed by the post he commands at Sagang and ordered the latter out of his car, may be perfectly okay, but what should not be ignored is, the unwritten norms of official propriety and social customs go beyond just the legal. There is no law that says you cannot swear at your parents or for that matter any elder, but social customs and intuitive civilizational sense of culture and decency, have ensured that these behaviours are seen as not correct. Only untutored juvenile delinquents do these things. The story of the present sorry episode goes far beyond the legal too, for it was not so much about legal immunity but of impunity and disregard of universally accepted norms of civility. The body language of the major in question said all this loud and clear. Thanks to press and cable TV cameramen who were in the ministerial entourage that day, everybody got to see the impudence of the soldier in casual shorts and T-shirt, confronting the senior minister, raising his index finger as if driving home a patronising point to someone who could by age have been his father, and by protocol certainly a man his bosses’ bosses would call Sir and salute. Even if he had to stop and search the minister’s car, couldn’t he have shown a little more respect for official formalities even if he does not believe in anything as manner and etiquette?

In any condition of lawlessness, anybody or any organisation with the raw power of arms at its command, un-moderated by civil norms, would tend to assume to be a law unto itself. Manipur should know this better than anybody else, for indeed its hapless citizens today have no choice but to live by rules of diktats and decrees on the threat of death and public humiliation on the one hand, and on the other, the intimidation of draconian laws. That power corrupts is a time-tested adage, and this corruption was what we witnessed in the major who presumed he could lord over a civil leader of the stature of a cabinet minister in the manner he did before the camera. And photo images do not lie. If the AFSPA has meant to be a traumatic experience for many a victim, its corrupting influences have not spared its masters either. The story is not very different on the other side of the fence of the state’s soul-eroding, endless conflict, tearing at its very moral being. One is reminded of Kurtz the protagonist in Joseph Conrad’s “Heart of Darkness”, a novel on which the Marlon Brando-starer Hollywood classic of the 1980s “Apocalypse Now” was based. A line from the novel runs something like: “alone in the jungle he had a peep into his own soul, and beware, he went mad”. The prolonged lawlessness in Manipur has amplified the sense of raw power of those with arms, and beware many of them are inebriated on this insatiable intoxicant. Beware that you do not cross their path lest you end up mauled or gored, but the caution is also ultimately for them. Let them beware of the corrupting influence of power that their own souls are exposed to.

Maybe wars and conflicts are human destiny. This is also perhaps why arms have been almost an inalienable part of any human society. Civilisation, and indeed the very notion of democratic rule itself, has also been very much about sublimating the need for armed strength of any State under civil norms, values and laws. This is why in a democracy the supreme commander of its army is always the head of the civil government, and not generals. Not only are the top leadership of the Indian army, civilians, but India went a step ahead yesterday and for the first time in its history elected a civil woman, Pratibha Patil, to be the next commander-in-chief of its mighty army. But in pockets of wilderness as Manipur, even mere majors still think they can browbeat cabinet ministers and get away with it. We do hope the matter is straightened out appropriately and in proportion to the offence by army authorities.

Nagalim.NL News

07/24/2007: "Talks “successful” – NSCN (IM) The Morung Express"