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07/22/2007: "Govt, NSCN-IM to decide on ceasefire on July 30-31 Hindustan Times"

Govt, NSCN-IM to decide on ceasefire on July 30-31 Hindustan Times


The government and NSCN-IM are expected to decide on extending the 10-year-old ceasefire in Nagaland in their talks to be held in Dimapur on July 30-31 amid indications that the rebels have hardened their stance on the demand for "sovereignty".
NSCN-IM's move to insist on another round of talks on extending the truce, which ends on July 31, is being seen in the Union home ministry as part of pressure tactics to get the government to agree to its controversial demands, including the unification of Naga-inhabited areas of the northeast.
There were indications that the ceasefire could be extended only for six months, unlike last July's one year.
Though top rebel leader VS Atem said talks between the NSCN-IM and government in New Delhi on Friday were held in a "very positive" atmosphere and both sides respected each other's position, sources said the rebels had hardened their position on the key "sovereignty" issue and sought a commitment from the Centre on it.
"The issues of unification of Naga-inhabited areas and sovereignty indeed figured in the discussions," a senior NSCN-IM leader said.

Sources said the rebels wanted to know why the ceasefire should be extended if it "did not serve any purpose". They questioned New Delhi's response to their proposals made six years ago for a settlement raised queries about what the government is willing to commit to the Nagas, the sources said.
The answers to these questions, they said, will decide the fate of the ceasefire between the NSCN-IM and the government.
Naga Rebels defer dialogue on extension of new truce Gulf Times
GUWAHATI:A powerful separatist rebel group which began talks yesterday with senior government officials to extend a new 10-year-old ceasefire agreement deferred negotiations until end of this month, a senior rebel leader said.
A seven-member team of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Issac-Muivah) (NSCN-IM) and a group of Indian officials in New Delhi stopped discussions, without giving reasons.
"The next round of talks will be held in Nagaland on July 30," Tongmeth Wangnao Konyak, spokesman of the Naga rebels group, said.
He gave no reason for postponing the talks. The talks were earlier scheduled for two-days.
The Naga rebel leaders and Indian representatives were holding talks in Southeast Asian and European cities, besides New Delhi, over the past 10 years and for the first time talks between the two sides will be held in Nagaland.
On Friday both sides agreed to set up of a "consultative committee" to speed up the peace process, Konyak said.
The NSCN-IM agreed to a ceasefire in August 1997 and launched a peace process to bring an end to the country's longest-running insurgency, which has killed about 20,000 people since 1947.
But talks between the two sides have not made progress over the rebels' main demand of unification and eventual independence of Naga-dominated areas in northeast India, which is being opposed by other ethnic groups in the region.
Nagaland is a mainly Christian state of 2mn people on India's far eastern border with Myanmar.
Security analysts say peace with the Nagas is crucial to a broader peace in the northeast - seven states connected to the rest of India by a thin strip of land and home to dozens of insurgent groups.
The cycle of violence, including the spate of kidnappings and extortions by separatists, have slowed the pace of investments in Assam, although the unsavoury incidents have failed to scare investors away.
"The recent incidents of violence did have some impact on the economic front but Assam is moving ahead compared to insurgency-afflicted states like Jammu and Kashmir. Investors are unscathed by such incidents and still showing interest," Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi said.
The chief minister, however, said militants were trying to extort money from business houses to fund their rebel campaign.
"All these kidnappings were done purely for extortion purposes by the militants. Money is what they (rebels) want," Gogoi said.
The state has witnessed a spurt in abductions by militants - 13 people kidnapped since April, including 12 on Sunday night. Three of the hostages died in captivity.
Food Corporation of India executive director Phulchand Ram - kidnapped by militants of the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) April 17 - was killed in crossfire on Thursday.
Kailash Jha, manager of the Cement Corporation of India, was found dead Monday, a day after he was abducted by tribal Karbi rebels.
Another state government engineer Ajay Deka - taken hostage was found dead a day later near Guwahati. A group of surrendered ULFA rebels was reportedly involved in the murder. – Reuters
Jamir responds to criticism The Morung Express
Dimapur, July 21 (MExN): Under a barrage of attack for political statements he is said to have made, Goa Governor Dr SC Jamir today a issued a statement clarifying his stand on ‘sovereignty,’ the ‘Bedrock of Naga Society’ and his position vis-à-vis Naga talks. In his clarification, Jamir also reminded that the concept of sovereignty has changed in tune with global realities.
The Goa Governor stated that while there definitely is a longing in the hearts and minds of the Nagas, the concept of sovereignty has changed with the times. “…the very concept of Sovereignty has also undergone a world of change and is no longer the same as it was fifty years back. Global realities have changed and so have the traditional concepts changed the world over” the Goa Governor reminded. Moreover, he expressed belief that the aspirations and urges of the Nagas do not really conform to the Western concept of Sovereignty which is generally subscribed by the Government as well as people of India. In this regard he called upon the younger generation to have a fresh look at the real meaning of Sovereignty in the context of the tribal communities.
On the “old issue” of the booklet ‘Bedrock of Naga Society,’ Jamir stated, has been raised and clarified ad nauseam in the past Its purpose of generating a debate has been served, he reminded. “But this is totally out of context with the present topic at hand, namely, the views on the concept of Naga Sovereignty, and revival of this old issue after such a long gap of time is quite mysterious” Jamir stated adding his conviction that this is a non-issue which does not deserve any more debate.
Jamir has appealed to all concerned to put to rest all speculations, surmises and conjectures which have appeared in the media in the recent past. He also appealed to all “not to jump the gun” after going through speculative and imaginary news reports, but to be reasonable and practical in one’s thinking or utterances.
In regard to the football friendly between the Tangkhul Shiroi Lily Club and the Longterok Ao Football Club on July 12 at New Delhi, where he pointed out that since Christianity was brought to the lands of the Ao and Tangkhul Nagas by Rev Clark in 1872 and Rev William Pettigrew in 1896 respectively, they, the tribesmen are enjoined upon with greater responsibilities to spread the message of peace, love, brotherhood and compassion in the region which has been afflicted by violence, bloodshed and turmoil all these decades.

Jamir expressed his happiness that the friendly was organized and held in a cordial, bordering to filial, atmosphere. He had stated that Nagas belong to the same family and that there is no reason why there should be hatred in the same family. He failed to understand why anybody or any organization can conclude that he is exploiting the tribes or using them, like the NSCN (IM) alleged, “as his political playthings.”
“Politics and religion are two totally different spheres of human activity, and how a call by a Christian to fellow Christians to spread the Gospels could be linked to politics or tribalism, is beyond comprehension. In a land ravaged by hatred, killings and misunderstanding all these decades; where the people are fed up with violence and abnormal prevailing circumstances; where the sole yearning of the people is for peace, peace and peace alone” he stated adding that no amount of argument or criticism can shake his faith that Christ-like living alone can heal the wounds, reconcile the Naga people with each other and solve the many ills of the Naga society.
He also expressed surprise in one of the national dailies “if” he could be “sold” to the NSCN (IM) as a “mediator” by the Centre and that the NSCN (IM) should hasten to respond critically to the speculative news report which did not have any named or verified source. “… There is no veracity in this speculation and he considers it as a figment of somebody’s wild imagination. To be very realistic, it is absolutely improbable that any Government will utilize the service of any Naga as a mediator in the on-going political talks between Naga groups and the Government of India since any Naga would naturally be in favor of his own people” Jamir reminded.
ANSAM says ‘NO’ to Manipur’s urbanization policy Newmai News Network Senapati Rejecting the policy of urbanization of hill districts by the government of Manipur, the All Naga Students Association (ANSAM) today said that the students’ body is compelled to initiate measures to stop the acquisition of indigenous land of the hill people.
“The hill areas traditionally has no khas-land, every village has its own boundary and owner, however the traditional lands of innocent and simple living hill people were virtually acquired through the enactment of legislations to serve the affairs of the dominant government of the state,” claimed the Naga students body. It said that on many occasions the ANSAM has expressed its stand against “crafty policy” of depriving the right to land ownership in the hills.
It also added that the recent “filthy policy, an obvious ploy to impose municipality status in Moreh”, a border town in Chandel district, is a threat to the existence of the tribals. Chandel is a hill district and the indigenous people owns the land and they are the rightful owners, stated the ANSAM statement, adding, “the dominant state agenda to buy off the simple-living hill people with promises of uplifting the hill areas is deep rooted policy to assimilate the minority hill people who are owners of 20,089 sq. kms”.
The ANSAM then expressed its appreciation on the decisions of the Kuki Students Organisation (KSO) of the General Headquarters and Kuki social organizations to oppose the move of the “dominant government to impose municipality status to Moreh”.
It then cautioned that the ANSAM as a facilitator to safeguard the hill people again announced the stand that without prior and informed consent is sought; the policy to impose urban status to the hill districts and sub divisional blocks will prove futile. The Naga students’ body warned that the policy of the Manipur government will rather invite the wrath of the people. The attempt itself is endangering the survival because hill people are likely to be swallowed by the richer and dominant forces of the state, alerted the ANSAM.
The Naga students’ body has also opposed any force to perpetrate the policy through investment of development fund in urbanizations of hill infrastructures. “It is just a face wash to conceal the sinister plan. The contractors, interested individuals, politicians, bureaucrats are cautioned not to dip their fingers and fortunes. Any person tantamount to disrespect the call shall be at risk,” further cautioned the ANSAM.
The ANSAM reminds the chief executive officers in charge of the Autonomous District Council of hill districts to cancel any notification issued to upgrade urban status within its jurisdictions.” If they are found executing against the interest of the hill people, ANSAM warned that “appropriate investigation shall be initiated and the findings which deserved action shall be done according to the customary and traditional practices of the hill people.”
Army busts Ulfa border camp - Huge cache of arms and ammo seized from forest hideout OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Dibrugarh, July 21: Intelligence agencies have long kept an eye on Singlopathar, which, because of its proximity to the border with Nagaland, has been serving as a transit route to camps in the neighbouring state for Ulfa rebels.
Today, the vigil, aided by a valuable tip-off, paid off as the 66 Field Regiment of the army busted an Ulfa camp at Singlopathar in Abhaypur reserve forest under Sonari police station in Upper Assam’s Sivasagar district and recovered a huge cache of arms and ammunition.
Codenamed Operation Abhaypur, the raid was launched late last night and reportedly continued throughout the day.
Commanding officer of the 66 Field Regiment Col Narendra Babu said the troops seized a universal machine gun, a carbine, three .303 rifles, a 12-bore gun, a 5-bore gun, a G3 rifle, a pistol, four grenade launchers, four improvised explosive devices (IED), 121 rounds of UMG ammunition, 158 rounds of 12 bore gun and 32 rounds of G3 ammunition from the camp.
“We had specific information about the presence of six to seven Ulfa militants in the camp, which is located in a hilly area and along the Assam-Nagaland border. The inmates of the camp might have fled when our men advanced to the area,” Babu said.
The army, however, had not informed police about the episode till this evening. “As of now, we do not have any information about the operation carried out by the army,” Sivasagar superintendent of police Shyamal Saikia said over telephone.
Villagers in the area said they had seen choppers hovering around near the forest.
A source in the Dinjan-based 2 Mountain Division said General Officer Commanding Maj. Gen. N.C. Marwah had flown to the area in a chopper to inspect it.
“The Bravo company of the Ulfa’s 28 Battalion uses it as a transit point since the area is close to the bordering villages in Mon district of Nagaland. Some of the camps of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland’s Khaplang faction are located there. The camps also provide shelter to Ulfa cadre,” an official of the intelligence department said.
Unconfirmed sources said an encounter took place between the army team and Ulfa militants holed up in the camp today. There were also reports of two armymen sustaining injuries during the operation. The Singlopathar area has seen raids on Ulfa camps by security forces earlier, too.
In another incident, a suspected Ulfa militant was killed in an encounter with security forces at Lampara forest in Kamrup’s Boko area at 2.30pm today, a staff reporter adds from Guwahati. An AK-47 rifle, two Austrian grenades, 45 rounds of ammunition, three magazines and a mobile phone and camera were recovered from him. A police source said personnel of the 6 Rajput Regiment and police had launched a search operation in the area based on a tip-off.
“During the search operation, militants fired at the army and police team. In the retaliatory fire, one of the rebels was killed on the spot. Efforts are on to nab the remaining members of the group,” the source said.
Fear grips non-Mizos in Aizawl By A Staff Reporter Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, July 21 – Fear has gripped the non-Mizos residing in Mizoram, especially in and around the State capital Aizawl, following the imposition of a ‘curfew’ by some Mizo organizations asking them not to venture out of their houses. “The diktat came on Friday morning, and was also carried in several local newspapers. The situation has since been one of fear and tension for the entire non-Mizo populace, including the Assamese,” a person, who did not want to be named for obvious reasons, told The Assam Tribune over phone.

The curfew comes in the wake of an incident near the Assam-Mizoram border at Vairengte on Wednesday where a Mizo youth was killed and another injured seriously. The incident was the result of an altercation between the Mizo youths and a group of non-Mizos.

The body of the Mizo youth was brought to the bordering Mizo town today.

Another local non-Mizo resident said that the situation for them was like a house arrest. “We are extremely worried, and our relatives outside Mizoram are equally tense, fearing for our safety. We have been in touch over phone constantly. We also appeal to the Assam Government to take up the matter with the Mizoram Government and diffuse the tension,” he said.

A few non-Mizos, who had moved out of their houses yesterday and today, were reportedly beaten up by groups of Mizo youths. There have, however, been cases where policemen gave protection to non-Mizos who had gone out.

The resident said that the student bodies like the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) and the North East Students’ Organization (NESO) should also step in to discuss the matter with Mizo student groups.

“The AASU and the NESO recently met the Nagaland Chief Minister besides holding talks with the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) following the violence in the Assam-Nagaland border in Sivasagar district,” he said. “We expect a similar move now,” he added.

It may be recalled that similar incidents had taken place on the Assam-Mizoram border in the recent past. “In 2004, we had to undergo a period of prolonged curfew here,” the resident said.
Assam locks horns with Arunachal - School hall demolished RIPUNJOY DAS The Telegraph
Dibrugarh, July 21: Assam today demolished a community hall at Tamlung basti, a village located on its border with Arunachal Pradesh. The move comes at a time when it is also embroiled in boundary disputes with Nagaland and Mizoram. The Sivasagar district administration and Charaideo subdivisional authorities demolished the hall, which also served as a school, this afternoon in the presence of magistrates, police and the CRPF.
They also arrested a teacher of the school, Nano Genzing, and registered a case against her at Borhat police station. She was later released.
Charaideo sub-divisional officer (civil) Vivekananda Phukon said the eviction and subsequent demolition of the hall-cum-school was carried out after the Tirap district administration of Arunachal Pradesh turned a deaf ear to its Sivasagar counterpart’s repeated requests to stop the construction of the school.
Sivasagar deputy commissioner N.M. Hussain said Arunachal Pradesh had been informed time and again about the school’s construction and was strictly asked to stop it.
“We acted according to law. Atrocities have been reported from the Kanubari circle of Tirap district and we are committed to maintaining law and order in the border areas,” he added.
Tamlung basti lies in an area that has been a bone of contention between the two states. Assam alleges that Arunachal Pradesh has illegally encroached upon 17,000 bighas of its land and set up villages and schools there, while its neighbouring state has steadfastly refuted the accusation.
Phukon, who was present during the eviction drive, said the police team even found signs that Arunachal Pradesh had established a police outpost in the village.
Refuting the allegations, Tirap deputy commissioner Talem Tapok said over phone: “We had constructed the school to meet the villagers’ demand and had informed the Sivasagar deputy commissioner about it in writing. It is very surprising that the Assam side carried out the eviction drive by force.”
He said he had sent his magistrates to the demolition site and was awaiting their report. “We will strongly take up the case with Assam.”
What has irked the Tirap administration is that “Assam chose to use force rather than dialogue to settle the dispute.” A source in Tirap administration said they had repeatedly asked Assam to sit for talks in order to settle border disputes, but the latter preferred to use force.
Assam’s inspector-general of police (border) R.M. Singh reached Sonari in Charaideo sub-division today. “We are monitoring the situation. Our forces have been posted in the sensitive areas to prevent any backlash,” he said.
Singh said the Assam government had agreed to deploy more forces in Sivasagar, Jorhat and Golaghat districts and a plan had been chalked out to set up more outposts.
India and Myanmar Poised to Boost Ties Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury Morung Express
There lies a possibility that India-Myanmar counter-insurgency cooperation could shift from coordination to joint operations on Myanmar’s territory. Whether India should proceed with these proposed operations is a matter of debate. The bitter experiences of the Indian peacekeeping force in Sri Lanka (1987-90) dictate that New Delhi should proceed cautiously before opting to interfere in neighboring countries. There is concern that India might get drawn more and more into Myanmar’s internal politics and conflicts if Indian forces enter its territory.
However, if India wants to quell the insurgency in the northeast, the bases in neighboring countries must be dismantled, and since Myanmar does not have adequate firepower then India has to share the responsibility. In Myanmar, India would be launching operations in its own interests, unlike as in Sri Lanka. Sharing India’s broad perspective about Myanmar is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which has included Yangon as a member. The Indian understanding is based on hard realities — the present ruling junta is there to stay, and it is best to deal with them directly. Myanmar also needs India, an established democracy, and would like to have an alternative to China for economic development assistance.
Counter-insurgency operations in northeast India cannot succeed unless neighboring countries refrain from supporting the separatist groups based on their territories. While Bangladesh has not launched any operations against the northeast insurgents on its soil, the military regime in Myanmar is cooperating with India and will soon initiate a military offensive to attempt to evict Indian separatists and insurgents from its territory.
Over the past three years, New Delhi-Yangon counter-terrorism initiatives have gained in momentum and there is optimism that the military junta will continue the operations as part of efforts to deepen bilateral ties with India. India and Myanmar share a 1,020-mile (1,640-km) long unfenced border, allowing militants from the northeast to use the adjoining country as a springboard to carry out hit-and-run guerrilla strikes on Indian soldiers. At least five major militant groups from India’s northeast, where numerous tribal and ethnic groups are fighting for greater autonomy or independence, have training camps in the dense jungles of Sagaing in northern Myanmar.
New Delhi has been deliberating with Yangon to launch a military offensive against such groups — mainly the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the United National Liberation Front (UNLF). There are at least 20,000 guerrilla fighters in Myanmar belonging to various groups. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland operates out of Myanmar with the outfit’s general headquarters located in Sagaing. The NSCN (K) has observed a ceasefire with New Delhi in Indian territory since 2001.
As previously noted, cooperation between the security forces of India and Myanmar in countering rebels based in Myanmar is poised to enter bold new phase, with the countries discussing joint counter-insurgency operations inside Myanmar. Myanmar’s ruler General Than Shwe has reportedly asked for helicopters, helicopter gunships, heavy rockets, navigation equipment and global positioning system devices from the Indian government. While India is willing to supply the equipment, it is concerned that Myanmar’s security forces are not trained to use it. India apparently has communicated this concern to Myanmar and, as a way to overcome the problem, suggested that the equipment be deployed in joint operations with the Indian military. Coordination between Indian and Myanmar security forces in counter-insurgency operations has grown dramatically in recent years, especially since 2004 when Shwe visited Delhi. During that visit he assured Indian government authorities that he would not allow his country to be used by anti-India militant groups active in the restive northeast.
Myanmar’s recent decision to crack down on Indian rebel bases was made by Brigadier General Tin Maung Ohn, who led an 18-member Myanmarese army delegation to India in April. The Myanmar team held extensive meetings with India’s army and paramilitary commanders in Nagaland and Assam. New Delhi would like Yangon to follow Bhutan, which launched ‘Operation All Clear’ to flush out ULFA militants in 2003.
During External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee’s visit to Myanmar in January this year, the junta had agreed to India’s proposal to institutionalize cooperation between their armies for operations against ULFA and other insurgent groups in the northeast. Vice Chairman Maung Aye said that he would pass instructions to his commanders to determine, with their Indian counterparts, how to operationalize the understanding. During the visit, India agreed to initiate action on Myanmar’s pending request for supply of military equipment.
Earlier, in Dec. 2006, during a meeting between Home Minister Shivraj Patil and his counterpart Major-General Maung Oo in Delhi, Myanmar had agreed to set up a “police liaison post” at the border. The post, to be installed by both countries, will provide a platform of daily interaction, joint interrogation of arrested persons and help in joint sharing of information at the field and national levels. Both sides are in agreement to furnish details of Myanmar and Indian nationals arrested in either country on drug-related charges immediately after their arrest so that follow-up action can be taken simultaneously.
India has been trying for a while to get its neighbors to close down the camps and flush out the militants from their sanctuaries. In Dec. 2003, under considerable pressure from India, the Royal Bhutan Army launched military operations against camps in southern Bhutan along the India-Bhutan border. Some 30 camps belonging to the ULFA, the NDFB and the Kamtapur Liberation Organization and others were closed down and about 600 insurgents were killed. While the actual operations were carried out by Bhutanese forces, India played a quiet role planning the moves, supplying weaponry, helping transport casualties and so on.
For decades, insurgent groups like the ULFA, the UNLF, the People’s Liberation Army and the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak have run their operations from bases and training camps on Myanmar’s side of the India-Myanmar border. For many years, the military junta in Myanmar supported these insurgent groups, partly because it saw them as useful to pressure India, which was openly supportive of Aung San Suu Kyi’s pro-democracy movement. Besides, there have been accusations in the past that sections in the military have strong interests in the lucrative arms-narcotics trade in the region, and have thus been reluctant to act against the insurgent groups as they are vital parts of the narcotics network.
ULFA continues to terrorize people in Assam and its survival, despite the lack of local support, has been attributed to the continuing sanctuary it receives from Bangladesh and Myanmar. Upper Assam, where ULFA targeted migrants in Jan. 2006, is separated from Myanmar by a narrow strip of Indian territory in the state of Arunachal Pradesh. ULFA cadres based in Myanmar slip across Arunachal into Assam, carry out attacks there, and then melt back into their sanctuaries in Myanmar. At a meeting on the sidelines of the ASEAN summit at Cebu, Philippines, earlier this year, Myanmar’s Prime Minister General Soe Win apparently assured Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that Yangon would take all necessary action to end the attacks.
As noted, India has promised more military aid and training to Myanmar in return for the military junta’s full cooperation in flushing out Indian insurgent groups operating from its soil. Apart from two Islander surveillance aircraft, India is also transferring arms, including 105mm light artillery guns and T-55 tanks being phased out of Indian Army, to Myanmar. Indian and Myanmarese armies, in return, are conducting coordinated operations along the Indo-Myanmar border to flush out of the rebel groups, which have set up bases in the thick jungles there.
Last August, unmindful of British protests, the Indian Navy transferred two BN-2 ‘Defender’ Islander maritime surveillance aircraft and deck-based air-defense guns and varied surveillance equipment to Myanmar. Soon after the navy announced its intention of supplying the British-built Islanders to Myanmar following Indian Navy Chief Admiral Arun Prakash’s visit to Yangon in January, Britain declared that it would be unable to provide spare parts and maintenance support for them as it opposed the country’s military administration. Nonetheless, India had quietly transferred other hardware to the Myanmarese military. In the past India had given Myanmar 75/24 howitzers. Though the numbers were not huge, neither were they merely symbolic. Recently India’s Defense Secretary Shekhar Dutt finalized negotiations in Yangon to supply Myanmar varied military hardware in return for the military junta’s cooperation.
Over the last half-a-decade India has followed an independent foreign policy, driven more by realpolitik, to engage the military regime in Myanmar. New Delhi has reached out to the authorities in Myanmar, cultivated so far by China as well as Pakistan. The relationship now covers a wide spectrum of issues including energy, trade, counter-terrorism and defense. For India, good ties with Myanmar helps New Delhi to expand its “Look East” policy and connects it to southeast and east Asia.
New Delhi decided to revive the past relationship (1948-1962) between Prime Ministers Jawaharlal Nehru and U Nu. India had provided Myanmar with military and economic assistance during U Nu’s rule but in 1962 the then-military leader General Ne Win sided with China during the India-China war and ordered all Indians to leave the country. After almost three decades, Indo-Myanmar relations witnessed a major shift during Narshima Rao’s regime. The reasons were clear — contain China, the counter-insurgency and drug trafficking in India’s northeast, and New Delhi’s Look East policy. Concerned by the violence and drug smuggling in the northeastern states and by the growing support that Indian insurgents were receiving from the Bangladesh Government, Narasimha Rao undertook a review of policies towards Myanmar.
In the mid-1990’s, India began wooing the generals when India and Myanmar launched Operation Golden Bird. Troops from the two countries trapped scores of insurgents on the Mizoram border. However, the military junta halted the operation and even released many of the rebels it had rounded up. Since 2000, relations between the two countries have stabilized, with India extending Myanmar economic carrots in return for cooperation from the junta in dismantling insurgent bases.
Civil and military officials meet regularly to take bilateral ties further. India’s influence in the junta has increased and several top generals, including Vice Senior General Maung Aye, are said to be close to India. Trade has expanded from $87.4 million in 1990-91 to $569 million in 2005-06.
India’s rethink on its relationship with Myanmar dates from the uprising and coup d’etat in 1988 and the influx of refugees into northeastern Indian camps. Between 1988 to 1992, the idealist phase lingered on as Indian policy vacillated between support for the democracy movement and continuing with diplomatic isolation. In 1993, the “realist U-turn” took place, but it was the Look East policy that caused Indian diplomats really wonder whether ignoring a strategic neighbor like Myanmar was a good thing or not.
An overhaul of India’s policy towards greater engagement with Myanmar thus began, starting with the visit of India’s foreign secretary in March 1993. Since then, India has decided not to interfere in the internal affairs of that country and to engage its military regime. The period of 1994-96 saw an enhancement of economic cooperation between the two countries.
Recently, India announced plans to invest nearly Rs. 850 crores over the next three years to develop infrastructure for growth of regional trade. Apart from the plan to increase road connectivity, a regular bus service from Imphal to Mandalay and air cargo service between Imphal and Myanmarese cities are also in the pipeline. New Delhi is also keen on energy cooperation with Yangon that involves both exploration and sales, including transportation through ships and pipelines. It is estimated that Myanmar has 300 billion cubic meters of gas reserves and India is engaged in drawing out routes of pipelines to transport this gas to its northeast. Gas Authority of India Limited and the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation are presently involved in this process.
India is pressing ahead with work aimed at building or developing roads in Myanmar, besides setting up a hydroelectric station and a communication and IT project. The most ambitious of New Delhi’s ventures is a link between ports on India’s east and Sittwe Port in Myanmar that would further connect Mizoram through river transport and road. This is the $100 million Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project. It is expected to provide an alternate route for transport of goods to northeast India.
The other project is upgrading the almost 100-mile (160-km) long Tamu-Kalewa-Kalemyo Road in Myanmar across Manipur. The Border Roads Organization originally completed this in 1997, but India decided in 2006 that the road needed to be resurfaced and repaired. India is also building more roads in Myanmar, which is woefully poor in infrastructure and communication, and a highway from Moreh in Manipur to Mae Sot in Thailand through Bagan in Myanmar. Besides all of the aforementioned, New Delhi is setting up an IT Park a Mandalay in Myanmar and two e-Learning centers in Yangon and Mandalay. It is also conducting an e-governance project to train Myanmar government officials. A hydroelectric project is coming up with India’s support on river Chindwin in Myanmar’s northwest, parallel to Nagaland and Manipur.
In 1994, India and Myanmar signed an agreement for maintenance of peace and tranquility in the border areas. In the maritime domain, the two sides have made substantial progress. Indian naval ships have on regular basis made port calls to Myanmar ports and Myanmar has participated in “Milan 2003,” a naval exercise involving India and several southeast Asian countries. When India launches operations on its soil, it alerts the Myanmar military, which then steps up combing operations in the western hill tracts. When the Myanmar army smashed ULFA bases along the Chindwin River couple of years back, India sealed the border in that area. Indian troops in turn have hunted down and evicted hundreds of Myanmar insurgents from Indian territory.
Together with Thailand and Laos, Myanmar is also part of the notorious ‘Golden Triangle’ region of the global narcotics trade, and is a source of drug trafficking and HIV/AIDS in Manipur, Mizoram and Nagaland. To counter these non-traditional security threats, better management of the Indo-Myanmar border is required. The two armies are organizing regular meetings in border posts such as Moreh-Tamu in Manipur and have agreed to open four more posts for such meetings.
But concerns exist about the robust military cooperation between Yangon and Beijing. Most of the Myanmar military inventory today is of Chinese origin. China has also built strategic infrastructure that includes roads, communications and intelligence networks into Myanmar. Beijing has also constructed an electronic intelligence system at the Great Coco Island in the Bay of Bengal to monitor Indian naval activity in the Andaman Islands.
Myanmar must address these concerns to deepen friendship with India. China is also helping Myanmar modernize its naval bases at Sittwe, Coco, Hianggyi, Khaukphyu, Mergui, and Zadetkyi Kyun by building radar, refitting and refueling facilities that could support Chinese submarine operations in the Bay of Bengal. China’s influence in Myanmar can disturb India’s maritime strategic calculations as China can access the Arabian Sea via Pakistan’s Gwadar port and the Indian Ocean via Myanmar. In addition, China has also signed an agreement to develop the harbor of Hambantota in Sri Lanka. Chinese access to these strategic locations can provide the potential for a maritime encirclement of India by China.
India is also concerned about Pakistan’s long standing military ties with Myanmar, to whom it had supplied several shiploads of ordnance and other military hardware like 106 mm M-40 recoilless rifles and various small arms over the past decade. Pakistan also regularly trains Myanmarese soldiers to operate a range of Chinese military equipment like T-63 and T-53 tanks, Soviet fighter aircraft and 155-mm howitzers and instructs its air force and naval officers at many of its institutions. India is finalizing a comprehensive program to upgrade Myanmar’s vintage Soviet-era fighter fleet.
To translate the concept of military cooperation into effective operations against ethnic insurgents will require a great deal of joint planning, coordination and execution. Moreover, for meaningful results joint military cooperation between India and Myanmar should not be a one-time operation. The terrain of the border region is difficult for operations. The communication infrastructure on both sides is poor; on the Myanmar side it is abysmal. As the tertiary communication routes are almost non-existent, land operations will be slow and ponderous. Therefore good air support and lift will be required. Myanmar has very limited air support elements. The area is poorly developed and ineffectively administered. Forces operating in the region will have to be totally supported from the hinterland.
As the tribal population on both sides of the border, particularly in Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram, are ethnically similar, there is close social and cultural affinity between them. Myanmar has not been able to exercise sovereignty over this region due to a number of powerful ethnic insurgent groups, who have been waging war against Yangon’s rule for over four decades. That was how the Naga insurgents, and with their blessing the Assamese insurgent groups had been finding refuge on the Myanmar side. Any military operations in this region need to be coupled with a social uplifting of the local population. Otherwise, it will be only a police action.
The Myanmar army is poorly equipped and administered. If they are to render meaningful support in the long term, it will have to be upgraded. The areas of operation are astride the routes of flourishing drug trade and traffic, as well as arms traffic. Vested interests, including those from the Myanmarese Army and criminal elements involved in such traffic will also have to be tackled. India has been engaged in peace parleys with the NSCN (I-M) since 1997 and has a ceasefire agreement with NSCN (K). Carrying out joint or closely-coordinated operations in areas of their proximity without jeopardizing the peace talks will require a delicate balancing act. Source: Worldpress
India cosies up to Burma to suppress Naga movement July 20, 2007: (Mizzima)
India and Burma cosying up in a bilateral relationship has had an adverse impact on the Naga movement for self-determination, a Naga human rights group said on Thursday. Speaking to Mizzima on the sidelines of a conference held in New Delhi, Dr. N. Venuh, Secretary General of the Naga Peoples' Movement for Human Rights, said increasing Indo-Burmese bilateral relationship has had a negative impact on the Naga's movement for autonomy and self determination. "This is India's policy. They want to suppress the [Naga] movement. That's why it has forged a relationship with the Burmese junta," Dr. Venuh said.
Venuh said India's policy of building bridges with the military rulers of Burma is part of its strategic plan to crush movements in northeast India states. Besides bilateral trade, India and Burma, in recent years, have stepped up military cooperation with India supplying military hardware and providing technical expertise.
In exchange for armament, India has demanded Burma flush out Indian insurgents operating from northwestern Burma. On Monday, Amnesty International said India plans to supply Burma Advanced Light Helicopters, which is made up of components from European Union member countries. AI said India's plan threaten the EU's arms embargo on the military ruled Southeast Asian country. However, Venuh said, the Naga movement, encompassing Nagas living in northwestern Burma, will continue a step at a time.
"We are one, so once we achieve this side [the Indian side] we are not going to leave them [Nagas in Burma] to fend for themselves," said Venuh. However, he admitted that there are difficulties in launching a movement under military rule and that has to come phase by phase.
Nagas, an ethnic minorities living both in Burma and India have long struggled to create an independent state that will include parts of India and Burma . The move for independence has been led by the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, which waged an armed insurgency. However, in the late 1980s the NSCN split into two factions, with the Isak-Muivah led NSCN leading the struggle in India and Khaplang led NSCN leading it in Burma. In August 1997, the NSCN I-M entered into a ceasefire agreement with the government of India and launched a peace process to end India's longest running insurgency.
With the decade long ceasefire agreement expiring this month, Naga civil society groups are concerned over the prospects between the outfit and government of India.
Speaking at the "Convention on Indo-Naga Political Dialogue", held in New Delhi, Naga civil societies voiced their concerns and agreed to have a more sustainable and cohesive networking and enlarging a pressure group for progress in Indo-Naga peace talks.
Meanwhile, the NSCN in a statement issued on Thursday asserted its opposition to any idea, programme, policy or ideology which leads to disintegration of the Naga homeland in any way, whether as a 'union territory' or a separate state.
It states, "…all Nagas are totally against all artificial boundaries including the so-called international boundaries between Myanmar [Burma ] and India."
Mandalay-Moreh bus service cleared Indo-Burma News
July 20, 2007: (Mizzima) A direct bus service between Indian border town Moreh and Burma's second largest city, Mandalay is in the offing. This was announced by Manipuri's Transport Minister on Friday. Speaking to reporters, Manipur Transport Minister Langpoklakpam Jayantakumar said in order to give a leg up to bilateral trade relations both India and Burma will give the go ahead to the direct bus service.
"The concerned authorities have cleared the project," said the Minister adding that the bus link will be a historic milestone for trade between the two nations.
Though the Indian Commerce Minister Jairam Ramesh, during his visit to Moreh in September 2006, gave the green signal to the proposed bus service, the project got mired as Burmese authorities failed to respond to India's proposal then. The bus service, which is part of the proposed Trans-Asia Highway and Trans-Asian Rail link, would take Burmese traders and tourists from Mandalay only 12 hours to reach the Indian border town, the Minister added.
The Minister also said in order to work out a detailed programme, a meeting will be held in Manipur's capital Imphal on July 23, where Indian officials including security personnel and traders would participate.
"We will identify the number of stoppages along the route and other pros and cons of the bus service at the meeting," said Jayantakumar adding that the resolutions would be forwarded to the Union Ministry of Surface Transport in New Delhi for approval. Responding to a question by Mizzima, the Minister said a ministerial team along with officials will be visiting Mandalay shortly to study the ground situation. "Hopefully we're planning to go next month" he added. The Moreh-Mandalay bus service has been one of the major demands of the Indo-Myanmar Border Traders' Union."It is encouraging as it's going to attract tourists as well as traders," said Yumnamcha Dilipkumar, President of IMBTU.
Cabinet approves draft for UG talks, 7th IRB, another MCS recruitment exam The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 21: The state cabinet today gave its approval to the draft ground rules for peace talks with unlawful organizations, action plan to reduce violence, strengthening of the civil policing among other agendas that were discussed in its meeting held at the cabinet room of the chief minister.

Establishment of 7th IRB battalion, disaster management institutes, reservation for OBC in the recruitment of MPS, MCS, MSS, SDC, SDO MFS, opening of three more divisions of MSRRDA under state development department were also approved by the marathon meeting which was convened from 3 pm and went on till late around 9.30 pm.

The cabinet also decided to urge the Delimitation Commission of India to extend the deadline for completion of the exercise of delimitation in Manipur from September 30 as there is election for panchayat institutions in the state at that time.

A source said that the cabinet gave approval to the proposed ground rules for the peace talks with the underground groups operating in the state after a thorough discussion.

The underground groups which put conditions like demand for homeland etc. which would be against the integrity of the state will not be accepted, the ground rules reportedly stated.

The ground rules prepared by the state administrative department, said that the underground groups which came out for peace talks should remain at the designated camps and their expenditure while staying in the camps would be borne by the state government.

They should not engage in extortion of money, kidnapping of people etc. which are directly related with the law and order of the state.

The nature of talks may be at the ministerial level as per response from the UGs with third party negotiation (may be the government of India), the source said.

As regards the draft action plan to reduce violence in the state that was approved by the cabinet, the government will monitor the publication of underground propaganda in the print and electronic media under the rules and regulations of the Registrar of Newspapers of India act.

Necessary actions would be taken up against the media houses for publication of propaganda of the UGs unedited.

The whole of the state would be divided into three zones to combat violent activities as per the draft action plan to reduce violence.

Zone-I will cover the Imphal city and its surrounding areas, Zone-II will cover the remaining parts of the Imphal east and west districts not covered by zone-I while the remaining valley districts and hill areas would be kept under the jurisdiction of zone-III.

For effective implementation of the action plan, the cabinet also approved the requisition of 1197 civil police of different ranks to strengthen 32 select police stations in the state.

The police personnel to be requisitioned include eight inspectors, 70 sub-inspectors, 88 asst. sub-inspectors, 85 head constables, 859 constables and 87 drivers, the source said.

Apart from this, the cabinet also agreed to the establishment of 7th battalion IRB by recruiting 1007 personnel including one CO, three deputy commandants, seven assistant commandants, 198 havildars and 675 riflemen.

The financial involvement in the establishment of the new battalion has been worked out at Rs. 22.89 crores per annum by the state home department.

Meanwhile, the state government will reserve 17 percent seats for the OBC in the recruitment of MPS, MCS, MFS, MSS, SDO etc. through MPSC.

The reservation within the OBC of 12.5 percent for Meetei, 4 percent for the Muslims and .5 percent for Teles/Nepalese will be done under 200 point roster system.

The cabinet also agreed to treat ST, SC and OBC candidates as general without losing the percentage reservation if they are among the merit list in the general category.

The source also maintained that the MPSC is likely to conduct a competitive exam for the recruitment of MPS, MCS, MFS, MSS, SDO etc. to fill the current vacant posts after successful candidates in the recently declared result are utilized.

The cabinet also approved opening of three more divisions of Manipur state rural road development agency, MSRRDA under the state development department. It also agreed to appoint 21 staffs on contract basis for the MSRRDA which are currently lying vacant. It also gave approval for conduct of recruitment drive for appointment of three executive engineers, nine AE, 39 SO, three accountants, three UDCs, 18 LDCs, 36 road mohors, three drivers, nine tracers, six khalasis and 18 peons for the opening of the three new divisions.
The cabinet also unanimously resolved to extend the targeted deadline set by the Delimitation Commission of India to exercise the work of delimitation in the state from September 30 this year.

The cabinet discussed the matter thoroughly as the commissioner of the Manipur Election Commission is a member of the Delimitation Commission of India who will be involved in the exercise of the delimitation work. As the commission has already scheduled conduct of the panchayat election during the middle week of September this year with the process to be completed by September 24/25 at the latest, the state election commissioner will not be able to take part in the delimitation work.

The cabinet decided to urge the state government to apprise the matter to the Delimitation Commission for extension of the targeted deadline specially for the state.