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05/29/2007: "Factional guns claim 5 in Nagaland The Sangai Express / Newmai News Network"

Factional guns claim 5 in Nagaland The Sangai Express / Newmai News Network

Phek, May 28: Three cadres of the non-accordist Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) and two cadres of the NSCN-IM were killed in a clash at Khutsokhuno village, about 15 km from Phek town in Nagaland, early this morning. According to the police, the Chakhesang command of the NSCN-IM launched a surprise attack on the non-accordist FGN cadres camping in Khutsokhuno village in the wee hours at around 3.45 am today.

Three cadres of the non-accordist FGN and two NSCN-IM cadres were killed while another NSCN-IM cadre was seriously injured in the clash, which lasted till 5 am , sources said. The police team which rushed to the spot has confirmed recovery of the body of one slain NSCN-IM cadre and three bodies of the non-accordist FGN cadres. The deceased belonging to FGN have been identified as Mugulhu of Kekhonu village, Zeveta of Khuza village and Khrusavoyi of Chepoketa village. However, the identity of the slain NSCN-IM cadres and the injured could not be confirmed till the time of filing this report. The NSCN-IM cadres have also reportedly taken away one semi-automatic assault rifle from the slain FGN cadres.

This morning's clash is the first major clash causing maximum casualty among rival factions since the arrival of the NSCN-IM cadres in the stronghold of the FGN on April 21, local residents, who woke up to the sounds of the staccato semi-automatic assault rifle firing early today morning. Tension gripped the district hqs and the villages in the proximity of Khutso-khuno village as both the factions are readying themselves for further showdown, sources said.
4 killed, 1 injured in Phek clash Kuknalim.com
Three cadres belonging to the FGN (Non-Accordist) faction and one NSCN (IM) cadre were killed and another NSCN (IM) cadre was injured in a major armed encounter at Khutsokuno village, 20 kms away from Phek town in the wee hours of May 28.

According to Phek district police officers, the firing started when an unascertained number of NSCN (IM) cadres attacked a group of 12-13 FGN (Non accordist) cadres who were inside a house in the village at around 4:30 am. In the ensuing gun-battle which lasted for about half-an-hour three FGN cadres identified as ‘Lt’ Mugulhu of Khutsokuno village, ‘SS Pvt’ Yieveta of Khuza village, ‘SS Pvt’ Khrusavoyi of Chepoketa village and one NSCN (IM) cadre, ‘SS Sgt’ Kindingan Zeliang of Topun village were killed. Another unidentified NSCN (IM) cadre was injured and admitted to Civil Hospital, Phek. There were no civilian casualties, police said. No arms or ammunitions were recovered, they added.

The district administration rushed police forces to the village to take stock of the situation. Police sources said that the situation is under control, with both the Naga underground factions vacating the village and moving out into the jungle.

Concerned over heightened factional clashes among the Naga underground faction the in the Naga society, the Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee is planning to submit a representation to State Governor, K Shankaranarayan with regard to the law and order situation in the state. NPCC’s president Hokheto Sumi, in a telephonic conversation said that the increasing number of factional clashes is proving to be very dangerous to the innocent public in the state. He lamented that the State government is just watching the whole scene and simply appealing to the underground factions to stop factional fights without intervening or dispersing the warring underground cadres. Hokheto pointed out that even the State Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio, during the inauguration of the Peren district headquarters recently, admitted that the law and order situation in the state has deteriorated.

“When the Chief Minister is saying that the situation has deteriorated, what can we say” said Hokheto.

He said that the Opposition is helpless since they do not hold the government. However, Hokheto said that if the situation remains the same then the NPCC would be left with no alternative but to meet the State Governor and submit a representation, once the latter returns to the State from his official trip.

Expressing pessimism over the recent initiatives of the civil societies especially the Naga Hoho towards peace and reconciliation, Hokheto lamented that it is too late for peace and reconciliation, and added that the underground factions are not going to do anything despite the appeals by civil society for peace and unity. However, he said that such factional fights among the Naga people will bring ‘nothing good’ for the people and will not benefit anybody. (MExN)
Burmese students hop over to Manipur to attend school Mizzima News Lemyao Shimray The Morung Express
The deplorable condition of schools in the hill districts of Manipur notwithstanding, many students from border villages of neighbouring Burma come to study in different schools in Ukhrul district. Interestingly, they walk 20 kilometres every day in their quest for knowledge.
During a recent visit to remote Poi village of Ukhrul district, The Sangai Express came across many Burmese students studying in schools in the district. Eight-year old Jolla, a boy from Ngachan village in Burma is staying in Poi village for the past one year to study. He is in class I in a private school. He can speak Tangkhul fluently but has not picked up the Manipuri language.
Jolla said he wants to stay and study in Poi and does not want to go back to his village in Burma, where there are no educational facilities. Asked whether troops of the Burma Army came to his village, Jolla promptly replied, 'Kabo Siphai come every now and then'.
A senior IAS officer of the state government revealed that in an instance in the past, people of some of the neighbouring villages in Burma requested the Government of Manipur for paying house taxes and to merge with Manipur instead of being a part of Burma.
The headman of Poi village said that at least 10 to 20 Burmese students come to study in Poi Junior High School every year. They either walk to school everyday or put up in rented rooms or with some acquaintances. Around 300 students are studying in Poi Junior High School, and there are only two government teachers including the Headmaster in the school.
In order to educate the students, the monthly rice share of the school under the Mid-day Scheme is sold off and six teachers are hired by paying them Rs. 1,200 per month as salary.
Some amount from the funds for developmental schemes of the village are also deducted for paying the salaries of the teachers when the mid day rice does not reach in time.
The villagers are concerned about the education of their children and so there is a sort of competition among the villagers in taking care of the teachers in the village.
Unfortunately, not even a single graduate teacher appointed by the government has been posted in Poi Junior High School, the headman rued. The wooden bridge over Chall-ou River snaking through the village is in a dilapidated condition, the headman said and urged the state government to construct a new bridge. Among myriad problems faced by the people of this remote village, one is health care. Many villagers irrespective of their age are suffering from stone cases.
NSCN-IM’s version of house-ransacked story refuted The Morung Express
Dimapur, May 28 (MExN): Reacting to the NSCN-IM’s clarification on the reported ransacking of the house of NSCN-K Kilonser AZ Jami’s daughter, the house owners have issued a rejoinder refuting the “bogus and false” episode.
A rejoinder issued by Paul Lotha and Mhono Lotha informed that on May 24, around 7:30 pm the NSCN-IM of Lotha region “came directly” to the house saying that “thief is inside.” Inside the hose the cadres fired under “the table.” They ransacked the house as well as broke the bulbs. At this, the family and children left the house sensing danger to their lives.
“It is therefore made to one and all that at no time the host had ever entertained any member of either factions in the house more sympathizers of any factions; the husband and wife are both peace-loving persons and they are humble government employees ” the family stated adding that the allegations of the NSCN-IM “CAO” Renthungo Ovung is refutable.
The family also appealed to the “CAO” of Lotha region to “kindly give necessary direction to the group who had looted cash which was kept for ten-tithes including the mobile, WLL set, ICICI cheaques of the husband to hand over to Mrs. Mhono Lotha.
Communitisation of social capital to empower rural Nagaland Indlaw.com

Some of the parameters for improvement in the quality of education as normally understood starting from enrolment to reduction in the dropout rates, from the pass percentage to the attendance of the teachers in the primary schools marked a quantum rise in Nagaland between 2002 to 2004. So also the case in the efficiency of the village health service delivery system measured in terms of number of child and adult patients visiting health centers in rural Nagaland. It also indicates improvement in the staff attendance, visit of the medical officers and even in the staff attitude. All this is reflected in a report by the UNICEF on the impact assessment of cummunitisation of public institutions and services in Nagaland. The unique scheme for involving the community was conceived under the stewardship of the then Chief Secretary of the state Shri R. S.Pandey and was launched after the passage of an act in 2002. Initially. the scheme focused on three very important areas : Elementary eduction, Grass root health services and Electricity management.
The experiment evolved from the need to revitalize the massive welfare infrastructure and vast network of delivery services set up by the government which had become ineffective and dysfunctional. It is based on the philosophy of communitisation as an alternative to privatization as well as management by government. This philosophy attempts to combine the best of both approaches by substituting the private profit motive with enlightened collective self interest. It holds among other tenets, that when the empowered are not adequately motivated to perform, it makes sense to empower the motivated. In a sense it was an attempt to reinvent the welfare state,

What is communitisation: Communitisation consists of a unique partnership between the government and the community involving transfer of ownership of public resources and assets, control over service delivery, empowerment, decentralization, delegation and building capacity - all with the aim of improving the delivery of public utility systems. Communitisation therefore involves transfer of government assets to the community, empowerment of community through delegation of governmental powers of management and supervision of day - to - day functioning of employees to village committees. It also demands ensuring accountability of government employees posted at the service delivery level to local communities and control of government assets by village committees including the responsibility for maintenance, amelioration and augmentation of assets. As such communitisation is based on triple 'T' approach. Trust the user community. Train them to discharge their newfound responsibilities and Transfer governmental powers and resources in respect of management.

Policy initiatives The first initiative was to provide for the constitution of Boards or committees to represent the community which uses the particular facility set up by the government in the area of education, health and sanitation, water supply and so on. The second initiative comprised delegation of powers and functions of the state government to such authorities to manage such public utilities, transfer of government assets to such board, creation of fund for such authorities to which salary and other grants from the government will be credited for running and development of those utilities and imposition of responsibility on the government to provide to such authorities critical supervisory and supportive assistance. In Nagaland the legal framework was provided through the enactment of the Nagaland Communitisation of Public Institutions and services Act, 2002 following which rules were promulgated for each sector and communitisation of elementary schools and rural health sub - centers was initiated in the same year.

Communitisation of rural education ; Communitisation empowers the village community to own and to develop the government elementary and middle schools as its own. The Village Education Committee (VEC) is the local legal authority to manage the elementary education in the village. Salary amount for government employees in the schools is deposited in advance into the VEC account and the VEC disburses the salary. The VEC is required to ensure discipline and regularity of teachers with powers to enforce 'no work, no pay' principle. Funds for key purposes such as purchase of text books, furniture, construction and repair of buildings etc. are deposited by the government in VEC account. VEC was also given the powers to make inter-school utilization of teachers and select and recommend appointment of substitute teachers against long - term vacancies. VEC was also made responsible for universal enrolment.
In the health care sector, as in the case of education, rules were promulgated prescribing powers and functions of the committees and authorities of the government and providing for constitution of Village Health Committees (VHC) in both rural and urban areas with powers similar to VECs.

Communitisation of electricity Management; The experiment with communitisation entered a more complicated arena in 2003 when the government decided to move beyond the social sector and leave the management of electricity supply to the community. It is complicated because Nagaland like many other north eastern states has been plagued by resource gap in the energy sector, huge transmission and distribution losses and mounting electricity dues making the management of power supply and revenue administration in rural areas neither easy nor pleasant proposition. The 2002 Act envisages the formation of Village Electricity Management Boards (VEMB) who are given the task of monitoring the availability of power supply, collect electricity dues, supervise the electricity board staff and power to check theft of energy and recommend punitive action. But they were also given a 20 per cent rebate on the electricity sold/consumed in their area. The VEMBs were authorized to use the money collected from the rebate in such welfare projects like providing street lights and adding power amenities.

Impact The introduction of the communitisation programme has led to significant enrolment of both boys and girls with zero percent drop out in as many as 23 out of 28 villages covered under the study. Teacher attendance improved more than 90 percent in 18 of the 28 villages and unauthorized absence has been totally eliminated in 17 of the 28 villages. Impact of improved attendance of teachers reflected in improved attendance of children and passing rates of children improved from 75 - 100 percent in 24 out of 28 communitised schools. What was more heart warming that data from 17 of 28 village schools showed a clear trend of children shifting from private schools to government schools indicating growing confidence with government schools.

In the health sector, there was more than 50 per cent rise in the children accessing the health centers across villages. The trend was similar for girl children and adults, at places the rise even exceeded 100 per cent. The study report says, there was improved availability of good quality medicines in almost all the villages studied and the attendance of health functionaries impoved to over 90 per cent in all villages, with 7 villages out of 28 reporting 100 per cent attendance. While authorizes absence has been reduced to 3-5 per cent, unauthorized absence has come down to nil.

In the electricity sector, where the study was conducted a few months after the communitisation programme was launched, the results were quite encouraging The Task ahead(Shri R.S.Pandey is a 1972 batch IAS officer of Nagaland cadre who has been selected for the Civil Services Award this year for his pioneering role in the Communitisation programme of the three sectors discussed above. Currently he is posted as the Secretary, Ministry of Steel, Government of India.)(PIB)
Indigenous Women’s Pushback Yifat Susskind Report on New York Indigenous conference 2007
Indigenous activists are putting up a fight – against violence. At the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, activists are focused on passing a declaration that recognizes the right of Indigenous Peoples to their lands, territories, and resources. This organizing drive is seeking international legal protection from the violence done to Indigenous Peoples, which over the centuries has threatened their very survival. Indigenous women, meanwhile, are organizing against gender-based violence. This violence has derived not just from gender discrimination and subordination but also from the violation of the collective rights of Indigenous communities.
At the international level, 2,500 Indigenous activists and NGO representatives from around the world have gathered in New York this month to debate the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which calls on governments to recognize Indigenous Peoples’ right to self-determination and control over their territories. At the local level, women’s groups are translating the same right to self-determination into economic autonomy and the preservation of Indigenous traditions. Much progress has been made, both internationally and locally, but the movement still faces significant obstacles.

US Opposition Last fall, when the UN General Assembly rejected a draft of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, many Indigenous leaders saw the hand of the United States behind the move. The UN Human Rights Council had approved the Declaration just the previous summer. But the United States – which includes 562 federally recognized tribes – and a handful of other wealthy governments (Canada, Australia, Russia, and New Zealand) scuttled the document.
At the sixth UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, the United States is putting its weight behind an amendment proposed by a group of African governments that would strip the Declaration of its teeth and undermine decades of international legal precedent. Traditionally, states are required to ensure that national laws comply with any international agreements they have ratified. But this amendment would exempt state signatories from having to revise state laws in accordance with the UN Declaration. In effect, state ratification of the Declaration would be rendered meaningless.
The Bush administration has also claimed that the Declaration is “inconsistent with international law,” a strange concern from a government that flagrantly violated the founding document of international law – the UN Charter – in its invasion of Iraq. As well, the United States objects to the Declaration on the grounds that it could “require the recognition to lands now lawfully owned by other citizens.” The United States and other countries fear the domestic implications of the Declaration.
But the United States also does not welcome the potential global ramifications of states recognizing Indigenous Peoples’ rights to land, resources, languages, cultures, spiritual beliefs, and self-determination – all upheld by the Declaration. Consider the regime of U.S.-driven free-trade agreements that violate Indigenous rights by turning life-sustaining, Indigenous-managed ecosystems into commodities. Around the world some of the most profitable industries - including oil, natural gas, mining, and pharmaceuticals – depend on corporations having unregulated access to Indigenous territories. Or consider the issue of climate change. This year, the Inuit filed a petition against the United States at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. The petition argues that climate change caused by U.S. greenhouse-gas emissions violates Inuit human rights, threatening their livelihoods, spiritual practices, and cultural identity. The struggle for Indigenous rights, then, is intimately connected to other human rights struggles.

The Problem of Violence Indigenous Peoples have fought for centuries against genocide, displacement, colonization, and forced assimilation. This violence has left Indigenous communities among the poorest and most marginalized in the world, alienated from state politics, and disenfranchised by national governments. In the Americas, Indigenous Peoples have a life expectancy 10-20 years less than the general population. In Central America, Indigenous Peoples have less access to education and health services, are more likely to die from preventable diseases, suffer higher infant-mortality rates, and experience higher levels of poverty than non-Indigenous Peoples. The same general pattern holds internationally, and because of gender discrimination, the pattern is most entrenched for Indigenous women. Today, the human rights – and very survival of – Indigenous Peoples are increasingly threatened, as states and corporations battle for control of the Earth’s dwindling supply of natural resources, many of which are located on Indigenous territories. One key concern of Indigenous women is gender-based violence. For Indigenous women, violence doesn’t only stem from gender discrimination and women’s subordination within their families and communities. It also arises from attitudes and policies that violate collective Indigenous rights. As Dr. Myrna Cunningham, an internationally recognized Indigenous leader, says, “For Indigenous Peoples and Indigenous women, exercising our rights - both as Indigenous Peoples and as women - depends on securing legal recognition of our collective ancestral territories, which are the basis of our identities, our cultures, our economies, and our traditions.”
That understanding of collective rights has enabled Indigenous women to create anti-violence strategies that address connections between issues as diverse as women’s human rights, economic justice, and climate change.

It Takes a Village (Run by Women) In Kenya, a group of 16 Indigenous Samburu women developed a bold strategy to meet the needs of women forced to flee their communities because of gender-based violence. They founded an independent, women-run village for survivors. Many of the women had been raped by British soldiers stationed for training on Samburu ancestral lands. Because of the rapes, the women’s husbands ostracized them. Several of them were forced from their homes for having “shamed” their families. Led by Rebecca Lolosoli, the women joined together and appealed to the local District Council, which governs land use. In 1990, they were granted a neglected field of dry grassland, where they have worked hard to create a unique and flourishing community, which they named Umoja, or “unity” in Swahili.
As members of the Indigenous Information Network – which works to develop connections between Indigenous groups in Kenya, strengthen Indigenous demands for human rights, and enhance the political participation of Indigenous Peoples – the women of Umoja have worked to bring human rights trainings to their community. These trainings have fortified women’s political mobilizations against gender-based violence. Referring to the Beijing Platform for Action introduced to local women in a training two years ago, Rebecca Lolosoli commented, “Now that we have seen it in writing – and seen that even our own Kenyan government has signed this - we know that we are not asking for pity or kindness but for our basic rights when we demand an end to our husbands’ beatings.”
In 1999, when the women of Umoja participated in their first human rights training, none of them had ever spoken in public. Today, they are active participants in local government and are recognized as leaders in their district. The women of Umoja are currently organizing to demand an anti-violence unit in the local police force and trainings for women police officers that enable them to address gender-based violence. These anti-violence strategies are part of the Umoja women’s broader efforts to create a better life for themselves and their community—in other words, to defend the full range of their human rights. To that end, the women have developed a system of resource sharing, a communal sickness/disability fund, and a modest but successful cooperative cottage industry selling traditional Samburu beadwork to tourists. In cooperation with the Indigenous Information Network, the women defend Samburu rights to land, water, and health and education services. Through their political mobilizations, the women have found confidence and hope that sustain their work against gender-based violence and fuel their conviction that ending violence against women is indeed possible.

Flower of the River Wangki Tangni (“Flower of the River” in Miskito) is a community development organization in Nicaragua that addresses violence against women in the context of defending Indigenous rights. Wangki Tangni offers women’s leadership development programs and promotes women’s political participation in the community and beyond through sustainable development projects, human rights trainings, income-generating projects, and healthcare programs that integrate Indigenous and “western” perspectives on medicine. Wangki Tangni recognizes that many Indigenous women derive identity and power from their traditional roles as midwives, advisors, spiritual guides, and leaders who are principally responsible for transmitting traditional knowledge, cultural values, and agricultural methods in their communities. Wangki Tangni works to preserve and develop these roles for women, thereby strengthening women’s social status and confidence, which in turn fortifies their capacity to demand rights and confront gender-based violence. The organization’s anti-violence strategies draw directly from Indigenous culture. The Miskito cosmology, like that of many Indigenous Peoples, describes an egalitarian duality between the masculine and feminine realms. In Miskito tradition, women are revered and violence against them is considered deviant. This worldview offers a very different starting point for combating violence than religions or customs used to sanction male violence. As Wangki Tangni’s Director, Rose Cunningham, says, “Our traditional culture holds the seeds for condemning violence against women.”
Colonization, Christianity, and cultural assimilation have eroded egalitarian Indigenous traditions. Yet, these traditions continue to shape the identity and worldview of many Indigenous Peoples, and provide a foundation for Indigenous anti-violence strategies. For example, Wangki Tangni organizes intergenerational community dialogues, in which elders share traditional stories of women’s power and reinforce an understanding of violence against women as inherently dysfunctional. “The dialogues help us to fight violence against women,” says Rose Cunningham, “and preserve our traditional stories and the role of our elders as transmitters of Miskito culture and wisdom.” Wangki Tangni’s programs mobilize culture in opposition to gender-based violence, linking strategies against violence with strategies to maintain Indigenous identity and cultural rights.

Indigenous Issues are Everyone’s Issues Many of the policies that most threaten Indigenous Peoples also threaten the health of the planet itself, jeopardizing our collective future. One example is global warming, caused in large part by the unsustainable use of fossil fuels. In contrast, Indigenous cultural values prioritize community cohesion over individual advancement, and emphasize reciprocity, balance, and integration with the natural world. These values – traditionally enacted, transmitted, and thus created by Indigenous women – offer a basis for policies that can support sustainable economic and environmental practices.
The Indigenous declaration under discussion at the UN this month does not specifically address the issue of gender-based violence. Yet, Rose Cunningham, Rebecca Lolosoli, and thousands of other Indigenous women from around the world see it as key to securing their rights as women within their communities as well as safeguarding their rights as Indigenous Peoples. That’s because they view violence against Indigenous women as emanating from violations of the traditions and territories protected by Indigenous collective rights. Indigenous women argue that ending gender-based violence in their communities depends on protecting their communities’ collective rights—and for that, the Declaration is crucial.
Take up visa issue with China, Arunachal CM to Centre Kuknalim.com
Describing as unfortunate Chinese embassy's decision to deny visa to an IAS officer from Arunachal Pradesh, state Chief Minister Dorjee Khandu on Monday asked the Centre to take up the issue with China at an "appropriate level".

"It is quite unfortunate that China refuses to accept the reality that Arunachal Pradesh is an integral part of India," Khandu said in a statement here.

Last week, Government had called off a visit by over 100 IAS officers to China for a training programme after the Chinese mission here refused visa to an officer belonging to Arunachal Pradesh who was part of the visiting team. The team was to go for a two week training to Beijing to understand the functioning of the Administration in that country.

Just ahead of Chinese President Hu Jintao's recent visit here, its Ambassador to India Sun Yuxi had in November last triggered a diplomatic row contending Arunachal Pradesh as "Chinese territory", a claim strongly rejected by India.
Khandu contended that the visa denial implied China's insistence of Arunachal Pradesh being its territory.

"One would be naive to ignore the inherent and latent message in China's refusal....that they refuse to accept Arunachal Pradesh as an integral part of India," he said. (PTI)

Bandh hits normal life in city By A Staff Reporter Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, May 28 – The 24-hour Kamrup Bandh called by the co-ordination committee of different trade bodies and chambers of commerce, protesting the recent bomb blast at Athgaon, evoked huge response with Guwahati and its suburbs witnessing no commercial activities at all and little movement of people. The State unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Asom Gana Parishad had also called the bandh for the same reason.

Shops and commercial activities inside the city limits remained closed and the public transport system was near non-existent with a skeletal bus service run by the ASTC. Attendance in the various Government offices and private establishments was very poor.

The bandh that started at six in the morning, witnessed a dharna on the MG Road at Fancy Bazar, where a good number of representatives of civil society were present. They all urged the State and the Union Government to restart the talk process with the ULFA, which was reportedly involved in the recent blasts. A member of the Kamrup Chamber of Commerce, taking part in the dharna, was of the view that the State stands to lose a lot if negotiations with the ULFA did not start soon. “How many more innocent lives would have to be lost?” he asked, and added that financially too the State would lose revenue if the violence continued. On another part of the city, near Athgaon where the blast had killed seven people, bandh supporters stopped the movement of traffic on the Someswar Choudhury Road. Men, women and even teenagers stopped vehicles and reasoned with drivers and passengers not to undermine the bandh so that the message went to the ULFA as well as to the State Government. In Fancy Bazar, the business district of the city, added police presence was seen. The otherwise busy roads were empty and at places young boys played cricket on the street. In Paltan Bazar, Ganeshguri, Maligaon and other commercial places, the streets retained a vacant look. Among the Government facilities, the Gauhati Medical College Hospital and the Mohendra Mohan Choudhury hospital functioned as usual. The flow of patients, however, was down to a trickle. As evening fell, some private vehicles ventured on to the city streets but most of the shops and commercial establishments remained closed. According to police, there were no untoward incidents in Kamrup district. Three new companies of BSF were deployed in the city, sources added.

Call to unite against ULFA terror By A City Correspondent Assam tribune
GUWAHATI, May 28 – Assam Public Works (APW) on Monday appealed to the people of the State to shed their fear of the proscribed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and come out openly against the outfit.

APW while condemning the terror unleashed by the ULFA said that it was time for the people of the State to unite against the outfit that was dancing to the tune of the ISI. In a communiqué issued to the press, Bitu Talukdar, secretary of APW said that now it was to the people to exterminate militancy before it destroyed them and called upon all the communities to cut across language, caste and religion and join hands to fight against terrorism.

The APW, which has been carrying on a campaign against the insurgent group by way of holding demonstrations and conducting opinion poll, further lambasted a section of eminent citizens for being soft on the banned outfit and said that the people were observing the move of these citizens at this hour of crisis. “ These eminent citizens who get agitated at the slightest injury to the militants must make their stand clear at this time of mayhem and bloodbath,” said Talukdar.

On the other hand, dubbing the ULFA as evil incarnate and a group of cowards, the APW said that the outfit riding on an unrealisable dream has chosen to spill the blood of its own brothers at the diktat of foreign power. “ The ULFA which has no guts to face the security forces is pushing the common people to pain and agony,” said Talukdar warning the outfit to stop targeting the civilians.

Meanwhile eminent writers and mediapersons in the State have appealed to the people to unitedly protest against the violent activities, which have been escalating over the last couple of months. They have requested the people to take part in the protest march scheduled on May 30 in the capital city and send a strong message to the militant outfits.
Burmese delegation in Manipur despite border being sealed Subhaschandra M Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com )
May 29, 2007 - An eight member Burmese delegation arrived in Imphal despite the international border in the Manipur sector being sealed. They will meet Indian counterparts and participate in a sectoral level meeting on Indo-Burma border trade in Gangtok, the capital of India's northeastern state of Sikkim. The Burmese delegation includes Director General Myat Ko, Director Kyin Lin, Director Tin Htut, Director Kyaw Tint Lieutenant Colonel Thit Tuin Ohm, Ministry of Defence, Director Immigration Department Win Myint and EE People's Work Department U Khin.
On arrival in Moreh they were welcomed by Indian officials at the Border bridge of Moreh's gate number 1. The Indian officers who received the Burmese delegation were Immigration Officer of Moreh police station Hushnejaman, who is the Sub-Divisional Police Officer of the border town, W Nongyai, Officer in Charge of Moreh Police and officials of the 24 Battalion of the Assam Rifles. After verification of documents at the inspection bungalow of Assam Rifles battalion in Moreh, the team arrived in Imphal on Sunday evening. They left for Guwahati from Tulihal airport in Imphal today. From Guwahati the team will go to Gangtok by road.
Moreh remained crippled for the fourth consecutive day on Monday due to suspension of Indo-Burma border trade between the two countries following a bomb explosion in Nanphalong border market in Burma on Friday. Two Indian youths and six Burmese citizens were injured in the blast. There is palpable tension in Moreh with almost all shops closed except for a couple of non-local shops. In Manipur's state capital Imphal, most passenger service vehicles did not find passengers due to the situation in Moreh. "Earlier we use to get a number of passengers, but since the last two days we're not getting any passengers particularly traders," said Ibomcha, a
driver. Border trade has been paralysed as Moreh border gate number 1 and 2 bordering Burma's Nangaphalong in Burma's Tamu Township in Sagaing division remains closed.
Many Indian traders particularly importers are stranded here since Saturday. None of the Indian officials stationed here could say anything about the reopening of the sealed border.
Officers in Moreh police station have no idea when the border will be reopened. "Earlier they (Burmese authorities) have been known to seal the border for almost a month," said an Indian trader stranded in India's gateway to South Asian countries. Last year too Nangphalong market had witnessed a similar blast in January after which the Burmese Army sealed the border for almost a month. Unofficial reports available here however suggest that the gates might be re-opened after four or five days. Hushnejaman, Indian immigration official in Moreh said, "we have no information in this regard".
Centre for separate jails for B’deshis: Jaiswal ‘Bangladesh not cooperating to clip ULFA wing’ Sentinel
JAIPUR, May 28: North-east insurgent group ULFA is being “nourished” in Bangladesh, and Dhaka appears “reluctant or weak to cooperate” with India in taking action against them, Union Minister of State for Home Sriprakash Jaiswal said here today.
“There are intelligence reports that ULFA camps are not only running, but also being nourished in Bangladesh,” he told reporters in the backdrop of the latest round-up terror attacks in Asom.
He said India has asked Bangladesh to curb the activities of ULFA, “but better results are yet to be seen.”
“India is continuously putting pressure on the Bangladesh Government to keep watch and contain the activities of the ULFA, but the counterpart Government seems to be little reluctant or weak to cooperate us,” he said. Jaiswal claimed that due to action of the paramilitary forces against insurgency, the ULFA in Asom was weakened and the incidents of violence got reduced sharply, and people from other States, including Rajasthani, now feel safe and secured there.
Recently, the UPA Government had announced an Asom package for betterment of people there, he said. Illegal migrations from Bangladesh to India existed since the 1947 partition, and after Bangladesh came into existence, he said, adding it is a serious and complicated problem to be seen with a humanitarian angle. The Centre has planned to open up separate jails for such illegal immigrants as the Bangladesh Government generally declines to identify their citizens whenever deported, Jaiswal said. Barring stray incidents by Naxalites, the internal security of the country has improved during the UPA Government as compared to previous NDA regime, Jaiswal claimed today.Jammu & Kashmir witnessed the maximum tourist influx and pilgrimage (Amarnath yatra) due to the Central and the J-K Government’s efforts to make all-round development and opening up of job opportunities to youths, Jaiswal said. Besides J-K, the internal security also appeared quite satisfactory in Andhra Pradesh, Asom, Manipur, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh as the “rate of violence got reduced and the pace of development picked up” in these States, he said. To curb the menace of Naxalites in Chattisgarh, north-eastern State and West Bengal, the Centre has raised its share of funds from 50 per cent to 75 per cent for police modernisation, recruitment and infrastructure development. PTI